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The goal of this paper is to shed light on the political motivations that led to the passage of the landmark 1946 Administrative Procedure Act (APA), and subsequent state APAs. Political scientists have long argued that administrative procedures are legislative tools to constrain executive discretion, enfranchise politically-favored groups, and "lock in" the policies of current majorities. We believe these theories are useful for understanding administrative procedures in a general sense, but are inappropriate for understanding the underlying political forces that brought about APAs- arguably the most important administrative procedures in modern history. Current theories of administrative procedures focus on procedures that are specific to particular agencies and programs. APAs, by contrast, typically apply to most agencies in government. In this paper, we develop a theory of APA passage that focuses on the separation of powers system and the conditions under which the executive and legislature would want to introduce procedural constraints across all agencies. In general, executives gain from the increased oversight APAs provide when they are weak managers of the bureaucracy, despite the loss of discretion entailed in agency procedures. Legislatures want APAs to prevent "drift" when government is divided. Under unified government, they impose APAs in order to assist an allied executive in managing the bureaucracy. We test our theory by taking advantage of the fact that the U.S. states have passed relatively similar APA legislation through adoption of Model State Acts. We conduct an empirical test on state-level passage and find support for our theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The uneven geographic distribution of nonprofit organizations has been an issue of debate in the implementation of social policy since the 1980s. This paper proposes a political market framework to test an integrated explanation for the geographic distribution of nonprofits. Government failure theory attributes this variation to the distribution of social problems, so that nonprofit organizations are more prevalent in jurisdictions displaying larger and more diverse service needs that governments are not prepared or willing to tackle. In contrast, entrepreneurship theory argues that nonprofit organizations are created in jurisdictions with higher levels of prosperity and resources and a stronger tradition of generosity. This second explanation suggests that nonprofit organizations are established by entrepreneurs seeking to maximize non-monetary returns. Our framework argues that both demand-side and supply-side market forces help to explain the variation in the geographical distribution of nonprofit organizations. The hypotheses are tested using data assembled from nonprofit organizations established at the local level in continental Portugal. The variation in nonprofit sector activities is measured by the number of users and by the number of nonprofit organizations operating by block groups responsible for the implementation of social policy in each local jurisdiction. These groups constitute our dependent variables and include nursing homes, day care centers, home care organizations, leisure centers, and homeless care organizations. The paper employs a series of economic, social and demographic features of the local jurisdictions as explanatory factors to test the propositions derived from the political market framework for the formation and size of nonprofit organizations. Our findings indicate that citizen donations, demand heterogeneity, income, and population size are relevant predictors of the dimension of the local nonprofit sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper related to immigration policies and increase of multiculturalism to be presented at the Southern Political Science Association is presented. It informs about the challenges faced by liberal democracies for maintaining and strengthening bonds of community in diverse societies. It also suggests that the governments should find policies and institutions that balance the legitimate claims for ethno-cultural recognition in minority groups.

A conference paper related to the proportion of women in courts of the general jurisdiction and intermediate and the highest appellate courts in the U.S. to be presented at the Southern Political Science Association conference is presented. It discusses about the increase in number of female chief justice in the U.S. Supreme Courts. Information about methods of selection of judges in the U.S. states is also presented.

A conference paper related to the concept of justice in the American foundation submitted at the 2010 Convention of the Southern Political Science Association is presented. It informs about a study conducted to determine the justification of developments in the American government. It mentions about justice in several contexts including the Bible, the political theorists and the common law.

A conference paper about the partisanship and ideological changes to be presented at the 2011 Southern Political Science Association Conference is presented. The Democratic Party in North Carolina has relatively high success across state and local elections and the Republican Party dominates at the national-level elections. This ideology has more pronounced effect on voting behavior than in any other region in the country and it puts pressure on voters to go against their party identification.

House members looking to preserve their seat are at a notable advantage in comparison to potential challengers (Erikson 1971; Bickers and Stein 1996). While many factors influence incumbent advantage, few studies have been devoted to an incumbents' ability to solidify the ultimate form of incumbent security: running unopposed (for exceptions see Wrighton and Squire 1997; Squire 1989). This paper explores the tool of earmarks, a means for all incumbents to fortify their electoral advantage and deter challengers. Utilizing newly-released data on Congressional earmarks from fiscal year 2009, this paper focuses on the 2010 election to draw three substantive conclusions. First, earmarks have no measurable effect on running uncontested for Representatives from safe districts (that is districts where the incumbent received sixty percent or more of the vote in the last election). Second, as would be expected, being elected to a marginal district results in a reduced probability of running uncontested in the next election. Finally, when interacted, for those from marginal districts, earmarks have a significant and positive impact on increasing the chances a member will run unopposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the past several decades, scholars have extensively studied the relationship between Congress and the Courts. Most of these studies have focused on separation of powers (SOP) models that attempt to display institutional responses to threats from one of the branches. These studies have been criticized for producing inconsistent results. However, recent scholarship involving only jurisdiction stripping or other court curbing legislation has been more promising. Although all of these studies examine the interbranch relationship between Congress and the Courts differently, they generally are consistent in how they model the distance between these institutions. In general, most studies believe that either the Court or Congress will rule or legislate negatively toward the other branch when the institutions are ideologically further apart. However, absent from these studies is any discussion on the possible role that partisanship and polarization may play in the process. This paper will therefore examine the possibility that as Congress becomes more polarized, more attempts will be made to curb the courts power. Additionally, studies have not examined the possibility and conditions under which Congress rewards the Court. This paper will therefore also examine whether court rewarding legislation is passed during times of less polarization. It is believed that through incorporating polarization and analyzing both court curbing and court rewarding legislation over time, a more complete analysis and explanation can possibly be provided regarding the interbranch relationship between Congress and the courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper related to city leaders and economic development prepared for presentation at the 2011 Southern Political Science Association meeting is presented. It discusses that the city leaders in the U.S. can engage in a variety of efforts for promoting the economic growth and vitality of their communities. It also mentions that the economic interests of developers and the political interests of the local leaders to help convergence and promote development efforts.

A conference paper about politics of elections related to the ethnopolitical actors in the Middle East and North America is presented. It discusses about the efforts of researchers to study the dynamics of elections in these autocratic systems. It also discusses about studies for exploring the strategic incentives and behaviors of the political actors that contest elections under autocracy.

This research examines the factors that shape support for abortion legislation in Congress. While most of the extant research on women in politics focuses on the impact of sex as a variable, this paper examines the growing importance of party identification on political behavior. Building upon previous research that suggests that Democratic men may be more likely than Republican women to support women's issues, this research seeks to examine the effect of party on the political behavior of members of Congress. By using interest group ratings of congressional roll call votes, this paper addresses whether marked differences exists between the support of: 1) women and men, and 2) Democrats and Republicans, regarding an issue of particular importance to women. Findings suggest that the effect of party is increasing over time in regards to support of abortion legislation, such that Democratic men are as supportive of these bills as are their female colleagues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that without making a substantial progress in solving the Kurdish question, Turkey will not be able to become a full-fledged democracy. Consequently, this paper tries to answer the question, what the major disagreement points among the political elites are over the Kurdish-issue and how these disagreements impact the democratic consolidation in Turkey. The main obstacle to the resolution of the Kurdish problem is the Turkish elites' short-sightedness, historical fears, partisanship-concerns as well as the DNA's of the mainstream political parties in Turkey. These factors foster disagreements among the political elites over one of the most crucial issues, the Kurdish question, which poses an existential threat to the integrity of the Turkish state. The paper utilizes the most recent public opinion polls to discuss the stands of the relevant political parties as well as the larger society toward various issues related to the Kurdish question and its potential political implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents an examination of the role of nationalism and ethnicity in the 2009 Bulgarian parliamentary elections and elections to the European Parliament. An analytical approach and research agenda concerning national identity in cross-border communities in the "eastern enlargement" countries of the European Union is suggested based on this examination. The paper presents the complexities of nationalism and national identity in Bulgaria, examines the historical and current political context of nationalism, and provides a model for analysis of the impact of E.U. membership. The paper ultimately lays the groundwork for asking questions through a comparison with Romanian nationalist and ethnically based political parties: how have efforts by elites to maintain and generate nationalistic identities amongst sub-national minorities been affected by accession to the European Union? Will there be variance based on the subnational minority sharing an ethnic identity with a non-E.U. state versus another E.U. state (for example, Turks in Bulgaria versus Hungarians in Romania)? With a constructivist model of identity, how will the efforts of elites be affected by the addition of the symbols, political forums, and regional politics of a new European identity as members of the E.U.? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transparency has emerged as a high-priority concern for both the executive and the legislative branches, yet the concept of transparency remains difficult to define and implement. Some scholars and statesmen, including James Madison, regard transparency as a cornerstone of democratic governance. National security and privacy protection, however, are also essential values of the American government. The concepts of transparency and information protection, therefore, are often in tension with one another. This paper explores definitions of transparency, examines its tensions with secrecy, and uses these building blocks to analyze the Obama Administration's Open Government Initiative. From the nation's inception, Congress has used its constitutional powers as well as legislated additional authorities to require executive branch agencies to release or otherwise make available information and records on government operations. Among those additional authorities created by Congress are the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), the Federal Advisory Committee Act, the Government In Sunshine Act, and the Regulatory Flexibility Act. The Obama Administration has undertaken its own transparency initiative, known as the Open Government Initiative, to make executive branch agencies more transparent, publicly accessible, and collaborative than they have historically been. Watchdog organizations have offered mixed reviews of the initiative's ability to promote and institute government transparency. This paper defines transparency as not only the disclosure of government information but the use of this information by the public. Transparency, under this definition, requires an active public that can access, understand, and use the information that it receives from the federal government. This paper assesses other scholarly and practical definitions of transparency. This report also provides an analysis of the concept of transparency, with a focus on the Obama Administration's Open Government Initiative. This paper examines transparency and secrecy from the standpoint of public interaction. This paper finds that the Open Government Initiative attempts to create new spaces for the public to communicate and affect the federal government. Moreover, the Open Government Initiative requires bureaucrats to respond to these comments and suggestions, ensuring that these communications are at least heard by the agencies, if not incorporated into policies and practices. But the Initiative also creates an opportunity to reinforce existing relationships between interest groups and bureaucracies. Those who take advantage of new avenues of access to the federal government may simply be the same publics who were formerly making contact-but now at an expedited pace. Finally, this paper finds that Initiative's requirement that agencies release new datasets may not offer more information about how government works. Instead, they may give the public a better idea of the raw data government analyzes-perhaps information that is interesting, but not transparency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the paper highlighting the role of intra-group fighting in the dynamics of self-determination conflicts. It reflects on the commitment problems among the group which arises due to shifts in relative power. The paper will be presented at the annual meeting of the Southern Political Science Association to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana from January 5-8, 2011.

The Supreme Court's 2010 decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, and the 111th Congress' attempt to respond through the DISCLOSE Act, represents the latest chapter in the debate over money in politics, particularly funds often derided as "special interest" money. This paper asks whether congressional consideration of three measures-the 1976 FECA amendments, a 2000 law requiring additional 527 disclosure, and the DISCLOSE Act- emphasized anti-corruption themes, as scholarly theory suggests. The paper also considers how well the development of campaign finance policy comports with theories of policy development more generally. It also provides one of the first scholarly examinations of congressional debate over Citizens United. The findings suggest that although anti-corruption themes (public interest theory) are common, they are not overwhelming. Rational choice theory and resource dependency theory, among others, are also present. None of the three theories fully reflect how campaign finance policy has developed. The data also show statistically significant differences in partisan use of various frames, despite the suggestion in current literature that anti-corruption themes should dominate across parties and over time. A more complete understanding of the congressional narrative enhances the understanding of how party factions, in particular, have framed their policy positions over time and how modern campaign finance regulation developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on a paper highlighting improvements in theconceptualization of general theory of dyadic representation. It reflects on the two lines of theory on the bases of studies conducted to determine representational linkages between elected officials and constituents. The paper will be presented at the annual conference of the Southern Political Science Association to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana from January 5-8, 2011.

The article focuses on the paper highlighting two-state solution offered by President Barack Obama to end Israeli-Palestinian conflict with the help of lobbying. It reflects on the lack of resources among the Arab groups for constitution of independent domestic structures. The paper has been submitted for the 2011 Southern Political Science Association Conference to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana from January 6-8, 2011.

It is well known that individuals who vote for the winning party in an election are more satisfied with democracy than those who backed a losing party. However, many winners deviate from their first choice in the voting booth. I argue that the ideological and psychological mechanisms that boost satisfaction should attenuate among such winners. Using data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, this paper shows that these "non-optimal winners" do, in fact, experience a much smaller boost in satisfaction than "optimal winners," those who voted their expressed first preference. Results also demonstrate that psychological benefits better explain the boost in satisfaction associated with winning than ideological considerations. Lastly, this paper shows that the proportion of winners voting for the optimal party is more prevalent under majoritarian electoral rules, which provides a new explanation for the relatively pronounced effect of winning on satisfaction in such systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the paper highlighting two-state solution offered by President Barack Obama to end Israeli-Palestinian conflict and give new life to Arab and Muslim Americans who are associated with the conflict. It reflects on the lack of resources among the Arab groups for constitution of independent domestic structures. The paper has been submitted for the 2011 Southern Political Science Association Conference to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana from January 6-8, 2011.

One argument that has attracted considerable attention in the academic world and in the popular press involves the idea of geographic sorting. This line of thinking is one which argues that Americans have increasingly begun to gradually self-select into more like-minded communities at microscopic levels of society. More specifically, America has long been a highly mobile and transient society and this fact, according to scholars and popular writers alike, has recently led people to cluster in communities of other like-minded individuals for Americans appear to be seeking out those who are most like themselves in residential decision-making. As a result, proponents of political-geographic sorting argue that American communities (and states) are growing more like-minded politically and socially and this has led to increasing polarization and social division. This paper challenges the idea that Americans are spatially sorting on political grounds. While crude and superficial measures suggest that Americans are dividing themselves politically, I demonstrate that a more careful, nuanced, and detailed analysis of American's mobility trends, their attitudes toward their neighbors and communities, their built environments, and their political behavior and actual voting trends simply do not square with the idea that Americans are that politically connected and thus are increasingly moving to and living in areas that happen to match up with their political ideology. Taking advantage of a number of new electoral and geographic data sets, this paper will empirically demonstrate that Americans are not engaged in what Bill Bishop argues has been a post-Reagan era "Big Sort." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the paper that will be discussed at Annual Meeting of the Southern Political Science Association to be held from January 6-8, 2011 to determine worth of reexamining senate creation in the U.S. It reflects on the ideas-based explanation presented in the paper for the creation of senate. The article looks at two approaches mentioned in paper including one related with antagonistic classes in the society and other on bases of institutional representative of several states.

The article focuses on the paper that will be discussed at 2011 Annual Meeting of the Southern Political Science Association from January 6-8, 2011 on the viability of Palestinian state. It looks at the topics mentioned in the paper including configuration of Israel's security barrier, traditional geopolitical methodologies applied to analyze the problems, and security of the Palestinian state. It also reflects on the territorial contiguity and border compactness of Israeli security barrier.

In response to the recent coup in Niger, which ousted the country's president-turned-strongman Mamadou Tandja, the capital erupted in pro-coup demonstrations with many commentators and foreign governments showing tacit support for the junta. What is the likelihood that this coup and the other coup regimes in Africa will lead to the institutionalization of durable and stable democracies? Based on historical analysis of the past African coups that led to brief democratic transitions, this paper argues that it is unlikely. Moreover, to fully debunk the myth of the so-called "good" coup d'état in Africa, this paper will also demonstrate that coups, which consolidate governing authority during state failure, lead to institutionalized autocracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper about the U.S. president Barack Obama popularity function in first two years of his presidency and its comparison with ten previous president of the U.S. is presented. It examines the Obama's approval through the next 18 months uptill July, 2012 using optimistic assumptions about the course of economic recovery in the presidential term of Obama. It suggests that Obama may win a second term as the U.S. president.

In adding to the growing body of literature on intersectionality and Black women's political preferences, this paper advances evidence of a generational shift between Black women legislators who were born after 1960 and their older counterparts. Specifically, the paper finds that younger Black women have different policy preferences, vote differently, and/or articulate representation differently than Black women born prior to 1960 on anti-domestic violence legislation. However, there is not such a noticeable divide among Black men. Interestingly, the Black women legislators all negotiate the decision making processes and racing-gendering of the legislature similarly. Consequently, the paper finds that the Black women legislators' intra-group differences are only around policy preferences on social bills. The observed generation difference between Black women born before and after 1960 can be attributed to the growing ideological divide between the civil rights generation and feminist generations with the post-civil rights and post-feminist generation. I posit that third wave Black women state legislators are committed to racial and gendered issues. Their understanding of political phenomena is informed by their generation's privileged background of benefiting from the civil rights and feminist movements. Therefore, this vantage point leads younger Black women legislators to view public policy differently than their civil rights and feminist generation counterparts. The third wave Black women legislators are more likely to pursue an encompassing political agenda that understands the intersections of race and gender but is not built or sustained around identity alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper about analyzing the socio-economic, political and institutional variables for explaining the same-sex marriage opposition in states of the U.S. is presented. It discusses public opinion surveys which show an increased acceptance of gays in the U.S. society over the past 30 years. It examines referendum as a democratic tool for analyzing same-sex marriage.

At least 32 nations currently utilize reservation of legislative seats for minority voices, whether by race, ethnicity, language, religion, or territory. Romania has among the most extensive and complicated arrangement of reserved seats, with 18 different ethnic minorities currently provided special parliamentary representation. The object of this paper is to add a dynamic dimension to the literature on the topic, asking two critical questions: how is it determined that there exists a valid ethnic minority deserving of recognition with a reserved seat? what are the benefits from receiving such a reserved seat? The paper understands a reserved legislative seat as a valuable possession over which rival claimants assert contested title. It explores the distributive politics inherent to reserved minority seats in Romania, examining the interaction of state incentives to avoid controversial decisions and group incentives to restrict competitive entry. It also explores the regime consequences resulting from the segmented allocation of minority benefits. The Romanian case provides useful data for the analysis of problems applicable far more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper about secession in civil war is presented. It suggests the people of the U.S. assume that the secession was related with the Union's victory in the Civil War. It examines the three states of the U.S. including Alaska, Texas and Vermont for assumption that secession is not out of the realm of possibility.

A conference paper about quantitative analysis on voter decisions related to prevailing local economic conditions in the U.S. is presented. It discusses economic data for testing the ability of sociotropic models of voting behavior including local dependence on the agricultural sector for the outcome of the referendum at the county level. It examines immigration including passage of Arizona immigration law which has become an important political issue in the U.S.

A conference paper about relationship between property rights and democracy is presented. It discusses how democracy is supported by the socioeconomic and cultural changes that occur with development including how the enforcement of property rights affect the democratization of a country. It informs that property rights institutions decrease transaction costs which are associated with economic productivity.

While we often hear that the American founders set up three coequal branches of government, this outcome was not what the theorists who inspired the founders envisioned, nor was it what the founders wrought. In fact, most American founders did not even favor coequality as a norm. This is most obviously acknowledged in The Federalist Papers when Madison suggests that in republican governments the legislative power "necessarily predominates." This paper will demonstrate two things: that the theorists who inspired the founders, like Locke, Harrington, and Montesquieu did not harbor true coequality between branches as a desirable or an achievable norm and second, that the founders themselves did not think that they had set up three coequal branches of government, and most of them did not think this a desirable outcome. Somehow the notion of coequality has been confused with the separation of roles and the ability of each branch to check the other branches, norms which the founders did build into the Constitution without any accompanying understanding that they were creating institutions which were equal in power. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While scholars have paid large attention to strategic voting in plurality systems, they have often neglected strategic voting in majority runoff voting, although this rule is widely used around the world for presidential elections and for legislative ones. Due to the two rounds, there are some reasons to believe that the forms of strategic voting in a majority runoff system are more numerous than in a plurality system. But in France, as from now on legislative elections are held just after presidential elections, voters may take into account regime reasons to vote for their preferred party. This paper deals with the implications of the French legislative majority runoff system on strategic voting in terms of conceptualization and operationalization. A nationwide pre-election survey led by constituency for the 2007 French parliamentary elections reveals low levels of strategic voting stricto sensu but strong "strategic mobility" for regime reasons in favor of strong parties. In addition, the paper shows that strong parties also benefit from candidate-driven voting. These two phenomena contribute more to the rebipolarization of the party system rather than strategic voting does. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When interpreting individual rights protections in their state constitutions, state supreme courts mostly follow the U.S. Supreme Court's interpretation of analogous protections in the Bill of Rights, although they are free to recognize broader rights under their state constitutions. Scholars have attempted to explain this policy convergence in a variety of ways, including ideological similarities between the state and federal justices, the rules and structures under which the state court operates, the environment in which the decision is made, and the state court's recognition of the U.S. Supreme Court as a policy exemplar. However, little scholarship has centered on the extent to which differences between state and federal constitutional language add to or interact with these explanations and, specifically, how these differences may constrain state constitutional convergence with federal constitutional doctrines. This paper will address this question through a multi-state study of state supreme court decision-making under state establishment clauses. Unlike the federal establishment clause, numerous state clauses expressly prohibit the use of public funds to aid religious schools or institutions. Commonly referred to as "Blaine Amendments," parties have raised these restrictions when challenging state programs that otherwise would be constitutional under the U.S. Supreme Court's federal establishment clause jurisprudence. This paper will investigate and explain the extent to which these Blaine Amendments constrain state adoption of federal constitutional doctrines, providing a deeper understanding of legal constraints on policy convergence in our federal system as well as a greater insight into the impact of these much-criticized provisions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will evaluate the incorporation of sustainability as a central orienting theme into an American Government course. Issues of sustainability are at the forefront of the American political agenda and are intricately linked to our ability as a nation to prosper economically, socially, and physically. In this course, students are challenged to consider: What is sustainability? How is it about more than just the environment? What is my role as a citizen in addressing sustainability issues? How do various institutions from the Congress to the media to interest groups address the issue of sustainability? This paper will offer lessons the instructor has learned in incorporating this theme as well as suggestions and guidelines for other instructors. In addition, this paper will include both a quantitative and qualitative assessment of student learning outcomes as a result of participation in the course. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper suggests that political institutions mediate public choices, and when citizens are exposed to opposing sides of an argument they make political choices that are consistent with their underlying principles. The substance of democratic politics is that political choices are organized for citizens by political institutions. To win political power, parties and candidates must compete, and a central aspect of this competition is to define the terms of political choice. In this respect, a frame provides a comprehensible basis suggesting how citizens should think about an issue. Parties and candidates solicit popular support through the positions they adopt and how they frame issues. However, previous framing literature has overlooked the fact that frames are themselves contestable. It assumes that citizens are exposed to only one frame, in which only one way to think about an issue is presented, so that citizens can easily be swayed to one side or the other of an issue, depending on how the issue was framed. I argue that to capture campaign effects, we need to consider how citizens react when they are exposed to opposing ways of thinking about an issue. And I hypothesize that citizens' thinking, being exposed to competing issue frames, is clarified, and they can choose the alternative closest to their general political principles. This paper explores this theory using the 2004 National Annenberg Election Surveys. Methodologically, this paper uses panel fixed effects regression with vector decomposition to overcome problems of panel data, such as unobservable heterogeneity, and not estimating time-invariant variables and inefficiency caused by fixed effects. The preliminary findings suggest that under competing issue frames, citizens tend to increase the constraint between their underlying political principles and perception of meaningful differences between candidates. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explain Euroskeptic attitudes by examining the relationship between information and Euroskepticism and the role of Euroskepticism in the post-enlargement integration debate. Drawing upon data from the Eurobarometer survey series and the European Election Studies, this paper tests the relationship between information and attitudes towards membership and the direction of integration, as well as the relationship between information and voting in European elections. By utilizing public opinion surveys on the direction of integration post enlargement in addition to attitudes toward membership, this paper is able to address the effect of information on both hard and soft Euroskepticism. This analysis concludes the roles of knowledge and awareness have divergent influences on hard and soft Euroskepticism. While increased knowledge increases support for membership in the EU, increased awareness decreases support for the direction of integration. This conclusion is further supported by evidence from the 2004 European election that suggests as awareness increases, the likelihood of voting for a pro-EU party decreases. This conclusion suggests that knowledge may initially inform individuals of the benefits of being a member in the EU but greater awareness increases the likelihood they will be a harsher critic of the way in which it is developing, necessitating further examination of the role of the Euroskeptic movement in public opinion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview of major findings from our book-length manuscript focusing on the demographic, political and legal determinants of voter turnout in the US, 1972-2008. Using data from the American National Election Studies, 1972-2008, and the Current Population Survey, 1972-2008, we estimate the effects of demographic determinants of the vote--similar to Wolfinger and Rosenstone's analysis--but also consider the political and legal contexts and how they affect who votes and therefore the representativeness of the electorate.The paper would fit into a panel on voter turnout; demographics; electoral laws; issues and political behavior; or representation and American elections. Because we are finishing up the book project during the Fall 2009 semester, we can easily orient the paper to whatever type of panel it fits on. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an analysis and assessment of the changes in the national security and defense policies of the republic of Serbia since the end of the Milosevic era to the present time. It will analyze the changes in the global security system, EU and NATO have impacted the policy process and outcomes for defense and national security policy in Serbia. The paper will rely heavily on an analysis of the policy documents of the civil and military authorities in Serbia, as well as interviews with Serbian officials from the legislature, executive, ministry of defense, military and non-governmental organizations. The basic thesis is that the Serbian government and military have successfully aligned their national defense structure and policies very closely with North Atlantic security institutions and that the level of functional and doctrinal integration is now so high that Serbia's admission to NATO will just be a matter of time. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is based upon the application of the concepts of societal linkages and economic/political leverage developed by Levitsky and Way (2006) in their study of hybrid regimes to determine the prospects of creating what Doyle and Sambanis (2006) consider a positive, or democratic peace following the termination of a violent civil conflict. This paper explores both the long and short term effects of ties to the core Western democracies (EU and US) as well as ties to other influential powers (Soviet Union/Russian Federation) upon the development of post-conflict politics. The main focus centers upon the degree to which these ties change the interests and incentives of domestic actors both in the Western democracies and the post-conflict state. In order to measure this, I improve upon Levitsky and Way's operationalization of linkage and leverage by constructing an index based upon trade patterns, civil society ties, alliance partnerships, and regional interests. Using this index I am able to measure the effect of linkage and leverage on the construction of positive peace following civil conflicts over the entire 1945-2008 time period. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an exploratory research that builds on extant institutional theories and energy research to investigate the dynamics of local energy politics, and the institutional and socioeconomic factors that influence the institutional choice of sustainable energy-related rules. To answer the research question, this study develops hypotheses, which are backed up by local governance research, energy studies and environment research, to capture the important variables that might affect collective action that happened at the county government level. Applying a cross-sectional analysis with a probit model, the results of the empirical tests give preliminary answer to the research question. This paper's major contribution is that it makes exploratory studies on the factors influencing the adoption of rules concerning sustainable energy in Florida counties. Form of government, population size and racial diversity are found to be important variables for the adoption of energy governance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the question why East- and West-Germans perceive each other more as alien than familiar despite two decades of reunification? The identity abyss and its societal dynamics that unfolds itself in this puzzle emerges to be more a problem of "identity immigration". In many ways the East Germans are akin to "identity immigrants", the West Germans to "identity host society". A bridging element of national identity is missing that could facilitate a sense of belonging beyond political culture. What is assumed and approached in this paper is that an "identity integration" policy and actors of this integration are not existent. This is rooted in the various difficulties and normative restrictions in discussing and (re)defining German national identity in the unified Germany. Thusly, the research question must be framed from a collective identity perspective.The theory advanced in this paper presumes that experienced and mutually assigned identity disparities are not immediate result of developments of the last two decades but are the extension of the powerful and almost century old German question of what constitutes "Germaness". It is argued that state and societal institutions and the context of strategic interaction that they provide over time lead rationally-motivated leaders or elites to vest a strong interest into constructing, transforming and politicizing national identity in order to achieve certain political or economical ends. The case of Germany is thusly suspected to be a crucial case study in identity instrumentalism which is vital to understanding Germany's contemporary identity cleavages. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores whether recent political and economic developments have transformed religious organizations' association with the welfare state. Welfare state development in the West was influenced by the Church. Nevertheless, almost all developed countries have undergone a process of secularization in which the religious attachments of major segments of society, and also certain state institutions, have weakened. In fact, it has been argued that welfare state' expansion has contributed to secularization. This expansion, however, has stalled in recent years and most welfare states have entered an 'age of austerity'. Three of the main developments of this period are a) increased pressure for welfare state retrenchment, b) a growing demand for welfare program restructuring, and c) a significant ideological rightward shift. This paper argues that, in principle, these three developments have created new opportunities for an increased role for religion in welfare funding, delivery, design, and in politics. In practice, however, religious institutions, outside of the U.S., are too weak to make a difference in terms of welfare funding and politics, but there are signs of increased church involvement in welfare delivery and design. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines China's accession to WTO (World Trade Organization) through power transition theory. According to the power transition theory, some states that belong to the category of great powers are dissatisfied with the current international order as their national power is increased through industrialization. These states challenge the dominant nation, which leads the international order. Keeping world peace or the stability of the current order depends on whether the tension between a challenger and a supreme power is controlled or not. This theory explains the conflicts between a challenger, China, and a dominant nation, the United States, in the issue of China's accession to WTO. Since the Republic of China had developed rapidly through 'reform and open policy', the tension in the U.S.-China trade had increased. Thus, China was dissatisfied with the fact that it was excluded from the WTO system. The United States decided to deal with China's dissatisfaction; hence, 15 years of negotiation for China's accession to the WTO was launched. During the negotiation, the tension between two nations arose over the surface, but finally, China was able to participate in the WTO in 2001. This paper is significant for two reasons. Firstly, China's accession to the WTO was a symbolic event in the U.S-China trade, which is the most important issue in the power relationship between the two nations. Secondly, it proves the tool of the 'power transition theory' that enhances the understanding of the political implication of China's accession to the WTO. Although power transition theory has its own theoretical limitations, it explains that embedding China in the international trade order controlled by the United States is the question of not only economic gain and loss but also power politics. This is the main argument of this paper. The paper consists of three parts: 1) the summary of power transition theory; 2) its application and analysis for the case of China's accession to WTO; 3) argument; and 4) conclusion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the economic coercion methods employed against the Islamic Resistance Movement, Hamas, in the aftermath of its January 2006 election to the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC). Beginning with a brief analysis of the events surrounding the imposition of sanctions and a discussion of economic coercion theory and methods, the paper will analyze the scenario by comparing the theoretical framework with the actions of the actors involved in an attempt to deduce the reasons for the imposition of sanctions in light of Hamas' relative acquiescence at the threat stage. The hypotheses presented are as follows: (1) The degree of acquiescence taken by Hamas was not sufficient to convince the sending states of the need to cease the threat of sanctions; (2) Once Hamas had acquiesced to the original terms, the senders determined that pursuit of a strategy to dismantle, disarm, or otherwise destroy Hamas should also form a part of their policy goals; (3) The imposition of sanctions was intended not in pursuit of any further specific political goals but, rather, as purely a form of punishment. While there is evidence to support all three hypotheses, due to more recent information it seems that the third hypothesis, sadly, may have been the reason for the imposition of sanctions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper advances and improves existing post-election audit sampling methodology. Methods for determining post-election audit sampling have been the subject of extensive recent research. This paper * provides an overview of post-election audit sampling research and compares various approaches to calculating post-election audit sample sizes, focusing on risk-limiting audits,* discusses fundamental concepts common to all risk-limiting post-election audits, presenting new margin error bounds, sampling weights and sampling probabilities that improve upon existing approaches and work for any size audit unit and for single or multi-winner election contests,* provides two new simple formulas for estimating post-election audit sample sizes in cases when detailed data, expertise, or tools are not available,* summarizes four improvedmethods for calculating risk-limiting election audit sample sizes, showing how to apply precise margin error bounds to improve the accuracy and efficacy of existing methods, and* discusses sampling mistakes that reduce post-election audit effectiveness.Adequate post-election audit sampling is crucial because analyzing discrepancies found in too-small samples can determine little except that the sample size is inadequate.This paper is one of three in a series Checking Election Outcome Accuracy. The other two articles discuss post-election auditing procedures and an algorithm for deciding whether to increase the sample or to certify the election outcome in response to any discrepancies found during a post-election audit. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theory of subsidiarity has been proposed as a guide for determining the "proper balance" of government responsibilities in the U.S. federal system (Nivola 2005). Subsidiarity, which is rooted in Catholic social thought, advances the idea that social policy should ultimately be grounded in respect for the dignity of the individual. Each unit of society—the individual, the family, the community, the state or province, and the national government—has an inherent dignity and plays an important role in society that should not be destroyed or absorbed by a superior entity. Subsidiarity is, therefore, a guide for how and when governments should and should not intervene regarding individual behavior or in the activities and responsibilities of subordinate governments.Federal block grants are one way the national government enables and supports subnational policymaking while upholding the "right order" of the U.S. federal system. In theory, when it uses block grants, the federal government doesn't take over responsibilities better suited to state and local governments, but it does provide the financial support needed to achieve a national social policy objectives. Federal policies, however, that take away support or burden state and local governments are contrary to the principle of subsidiarity.This paper examines the principles of subsidiarity by comparing two public policies that have used block grants to devolve policymaking to the states: Affordable housing and welfare policy. Through this comparison, this paper proposes criteria for determining whether a public policy satisfies the goals of subsidiarity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The selection of Sarah Palin by John McCain in the 2008 presidential election was perceived as one of the defining moments in the campaign. Anecdotal evidence from the McCain campaign and media commentary after the election suggests that Palin may have cost McCain support among key voting groups. This paper uses data from the 2008 American National Election Study to examine the extent of any "Palin Effect." The paper also places the findings of 2008 in context by historical comparison of the effect of vice-presidential nominees on vote choice when controlling for other variables using data from the NES Cumulative File. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to examine the changes in the ideological direction of attorneys' general formal opinions. Previous literature has not examined the ideological direction of Attorneys' General advisory opinions in a quantitative manner. This paper will attempt to do so while also measuring the effect of the preferences of the governor and legislators along with the attorney general on the political direction of formal opinions for 2007-2008. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protests in the immediate aftermath of the 2009 Iranian presidential election provided a variety of examples of the usage of communications technologies for political participation; many of these examples are unique in that internet applications facilitated the coordination of protest efforts at the domestic and international level. Some of these efforts, however, (e.g. denial-of-service attacks) may be more accurately characterized as politically motivated electronic crime or vandalism rather than legitimate political action. This paper assesses the legitimacy of various forms of electronic political protest via theories of disobedience and rebellion within the western liberal tradition.The first section of this paper presents a brief typology of the various political usages of communications technologies utilized by both domestic (Iranian) and international protestors. The second section of this paper examines the legitimacy and limits of disobedience and resistance within liberal political thought; in particular, this section draws upon Albert Camus' writings regarding the relationship between rebellion and crime. The final section of this paper offers a critique of the legitimacy of extreme forms of electronic activism as lacking sufficient connection to actual political struggle. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]