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There are challenging complexities in analysing both historical trends and contemporary structures in the region now comprising Pakistan. Interrelating both history and the present poses further challenges. With scholarship aligned on either side of the apparent watershed of 1947, analysts have hitherto remained negligent of a pattern of continuity and disjuncture that is explored in this article, which it is hoped will enable a deeper understanding of historical causations and outcomes. Further, we propose here that such multiple and diverse trends, while they might demand distinct empirical analyses, can coalesce within three overarching themes. Analysing these themes and their interstices, enables a more cohesive and integrated understanding of Pakistan's complex realities than has been hitherto forthcoming from the more segmented approaches that dominate discourse on the study of Pakistan's past and present. The author aims to shed light on why and how retardation in Pakistan is so resilient, and hopes that understanding these long-term outcomes will be greatly assisted by an analytical approach predicated on three themes: thwarted nationalism, economic counter-revolutions, and anarcho-vassalage. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In March 2017, Pakistan formally took the decision to begin a process of incorporating the Federally Administered Tribal Territories into the framework of regular Pakistani law. This article offers an overview of the historical system of governance of the Tribal territories, along with a discussion of the development of the recent reforms and their prospects for success. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper argues that constitutions can play an important role in fostering a degree of political co-operation if they are useful to the political strategies of both rulers and ruled. Viewing Pakistan's constitutional documents as 'strategic constitutions' helps to explain the timing and content of constitutional reform, but also the seemingly contradictory provisions relating to the Constitutions' commitment to Islam. A strategic constitution functions to settle political exigencies rather than committing itself to the task of putting fundamental issues of state to rest. Often, the constitutional domain substitutes for other conventional channels of politics which may be inaccessible, or deliberately sidestepped, in order to achieve particular political goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

History usually explains the tale of rulers and ruled ones. Writers and Historians have started focusing on developments of cities lately. Life on this globe has an evolutionary story of human and nature interaction and in the same manner cities appeared in connection to their interaction with human beings. The beginning, growth and future of cities are part of larger narrative of human development. Chishtian, a small city in Bahawalpur Princely State and now Bahawalpur Division, has also an evolving history of growth and development. This paper is an attempt to highlight various trajectories involved in making of Chsihtian a popular living place for the residents. Be it the influence of sufi saints, local and regional powers and elites or public services unfolding the shape of city down to the partition of India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the study is to analyse different aspects of the first General Elections of Pakistan, held in 1970 that marked the beginning of a new political arena too. Moreover, this writing aims at understanding the impacts of the electoral manifestos, slogans and symbols of the major contesting parties like Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), Awami League (AL), Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), PML (Qayyum), Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam, Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan, and National Awami Party (Wali). Besides, it aims to compare the concepts of Islamic Socialism vis a vis Bengali Nationalism in 1970. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the onset of the "war on terror," an apparently irreconcilable "secular-religious" divide has come to the fore in Pakistani society with ostensibly deep historical roots. In this article the "divide" is critically interrogated through an historical-sociological analysis, including detailed interviews with a small sample of both "secularists" and leftists who do not subscribe to the "secular-religious" binary. The article emphasises that substantive social changes have taken place over the past four decades, coeval with the erosion of a relatively insular structure of power dominated by the secular, Westernised successors to the British. The concomitant rise of a "nativised" middle class has both been cause and consequence of the old elite's steady retreat into its private ghettoes. The latter's growing alienation from wider society - including the realm of formal politics - has been accompanied by growing alarmism about the increasingly illiberal and hyper-religious character of the mass of the population. Elite alienation has intensified since 2001, making the "secular-religious" divide a self-fulfilling prophecy. Notwithstanding its protestations, however, the elite remains themajor beneficiary of the prevailing structure of power, and ameaningful transformative politics - both secular and responsive to the material deprivations of ordinary people - remains conspicuously absent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States has conducted armed drone strikes in Pakistan since 2004. While there has been some recent work on Pakistani public opinion about drones, there is very little research on how Pakistan’s media characterize the US drone program. This is an important gap in understanding the determinants of Pakistani popular perceptions of this program. Decades of research has shown that “news framing”, a process by which certain aspects of a complex concept are emphasized in political communications with others played down, influences individual cognition while forming political opinions. In this essay, we address this lacuna by assembling an unprecedented sample of editorials about the drone program from three English newspapers and one Urdu newspaper and analyzing the news frames within them. We next compare the trends in these news frames to public opinion data collected by Pew between the spring of 2009 and 2014. Initially, most Pakistanis were unaware of the drone program, media coverage of the program expanded as drone strikes increased in frequency. While Pakistanis became more cognizant of the US drone strikes, even by 2014 large minorities remained unaware. Pakistani public opinion strongly reflected the top media frames, particularly those that are negative. This is an important finding suggesting that newspaper editorials are a good barometer of Pakistani opinions despite the fact that only information elites rely upon newspapers for political information. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper analyses the rise of Muslim communal consciousness from the perspective of class conflict between different religious communities of this region. Punjab, being a Muslim majority province of British India, had agricultural and pastoral economy, notwithstanding the fact that colonial projects such as building of railways and canal colonies later radically altered pre-capitalist economic structure. British political and legal institutions along with these projects played a role in shaping and formation of group identity although it could not transform the consciousness which was distinctive of agrarian-pastoral society. The kind of nationalism which originated and developed on soil of the Punjab was professedly of religious nature. In the social milieu, rival religious communities vied for political and economic dominance. This paper seeks to explore the relation between class interest of landed elites and Muslim nationalist consciousness. The idea of religious nationalism, both among Hindus and Muslims, was developed and exploited by powerful elites representing economic interests of different classes to strengthen their political position in the Punjab. The paper also analyses how economic structure built by colonial state sharpened the antagonism between social classes of Muslim and non-Muslim communities which eventually led to idea of Muslim separatism in the Punjab. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to explore the image of Lahore in the British empirical literature such as travelogues, memoirs and observations along with the paintings, sketches and engraving before the British conquest of Punjab in 1849. Exploring the nature of British intellectual and political interest in Punjab, the paper brings to light the demographic, cultural and urban state Lahore at the time of decline of Mughal power at the end of eighteenth century and rise of Sikh power at the beginning of nineteenth century. Exploring the demographic structure, condition of the city, cultural activity and such other variables, the paper indicates a rise of Lahore again to a status of 'imperial metropolis' by the second quarter of nineteenth century and to a status of 'coveted Lahore' by the beginning of 1840's. However, the decline of Lahore as Sikh Imperial centre remains out of the scope of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan is a unique country which has experienced changing patterns of local governments in its political history. One significant change appeared as a common factor found in the three military regimes which were led by General Ayub Khan, General Zia-ul-Haq and General Pervaiz Musharraf. All these three military leaders explored possibilities of enhancing their popularity from the grassroot level, making local governments as their base. This research paper analyzes the characteristics of local governments given by the above there military dictators for their vested goal-achievements. However, they failed in their endeavor as their own philosophical democratic political society, leading to political development in Pakistan making them popular democratic leaders, could not be established. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since the establishment of Pakistan in 1947, it faced multiple challenges, the framing of the future constitution of Pakistan was the biggest of them. The India act of 1935 with certain modifications became the interim constitution and the country was continuously ruled till 1956 constitution of Pakistan. This research paper highlights the problems from inadequate administrative system, extreme refugee problems, lack of financial resources, insufficient means of communication and transportation, ethno-linguistic problems, lack of trained leadership and the missing of national consensus were major issues which the newly established independent sovereign state of Pakistan faced as its early problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to explore and analyze the genesis and dynamics of extremism in Pakistan, phenomena which can have serious political implications for South Asia. While analyzing the evolution and growth of extremism in Pakistan, the underlying hypothesis of this paper is that Pakistani society as a whole, more specifically, its intellectuals, displayed strong resistance to extremism preached or practiced by any group or individual. Intellectuals from west Punjab, no less than those from other provinces and areas of Pakistan, were always in the forefront in all such political phases or instances. A general study of the times and literary works of Shah Hussain, Bullah Shah, Habib Jalib, Munir Niazi et al, will clearly reflect that throughout history, the Punjabi poets have never endorsed acts which might endanger human life and always stood up against violence and extremism. For them, human existence was not about hatred or violence. Instead, they always emphasised on unconditional love for humanity as a whole irrespective of caste, creed and religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How might we understand the maintenance of political order in Pakistan's Federally Administered Tribal Areas from Pakistani Independence until the mid-2000s, when all the factors used to explain the current insurgency have been present for decades? This article argues that particularistic institutional arrangements between the state and tribal structures-what I call 'hybrid governance'-established and maintained political order in the region. It develops a conceptual framework for the creation and maintenance of hybrid governance-where the state explicitly shares coercion with societal elites-as a specific kind of indirect rule. Through archival, documentary, and interview-based research, the article then demonstrates the utility of hybrid governance concept in explaining the establishment and operation of political order, and how the marginalization of the agents of hybrid governance is a major causal factor in the onset of the insurgency. The article concludes with some comparative reflections on the sources of political order outside the state's monopoly of force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper narrates the history of authoritarianism in the post-independence Pakistan and its effect on the process and prospects of democratisation and the possibilities of institutionalisation of local government reforms. The political history of Pakistan after the independence and other associated contextual factors highly differentiate her contemporary political organisation from other comparable countries in South Asia. For instance, India and Pakistan emerged as independent states from the colonial rule on the same day and both states inherited the almost similar administrative setups from the British rule nonetheless, the subsequent development of democratic credentials and the establishment of local governments as a regular third tier of government in India unequivocally distinguishes her case from that of Pakistan's. Pakistan's six decades of chaotic history has seen frequent changes in government including three major military regimes. The politically centralising factors have led Pakistan to become a security state where the apex twin institution i.e. the civil-military bureaucracy takes the lead in running the government and state's affairs at all levels. In such a context, the process of democratisation has remained precarious at large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article notes the historic significance of the May 11, 2013 election in Pakistan wherein a civilian government completed its full term and power was transferred to anther civilian government, a first in the nation's history. It elaborates on the verdict of the national and international observers, which included an eight-person Commonwealth team led by Sir Dougg Kidd. It also indicates that despite being marred with violence, the election was a creditable expression of the people's will.

Historically speaking Pakistan and Israel are not directly engaged in any hostility or clash with each other. Pakistan did not recognise Israel since its inception because of her consistent support to Palestine issue and its apprehension that India Israel connections are against her security, ultimately shattering sub-continental balance of power. During General Musharraf regime, the debate to recognise Israel was on high side. It had been debated at academic, official as well as public levels. It was believed at that time that if Pakistan accord recognition to sate of Israel, the sensitivities associated with the issue might change. The cost and advantage quotient of recognition were kept in mind and discussed openly. During Musharraf regime and onwards, the moot point in Pakistan has been the cost benefit analysis of recognition. The existing world scenario has changed the ground realities and placed Pakistan in a difficult situation that how it can move closer to Israel without abandoning historical stand on Palestinian cause. It is also believed that if the transformation and change in Pakistan's policy is not hasty, only then it might be more productive and successful. The eventuality of recognising Israel might spur the sentiments of public and it may take some time to have popular placement in our society By analysing different and conflicting view points, this paper will investigate primarily the debate held during Musharraf era in the light of historical background and shall see what course Pakistan should take on in this regard after assessing pros and cons of recognition. After going through different approaches on the subject, this will also contribute whether Pakistan should shift her stance about Israel or otherwise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the political scenario during the 1946 elections in Punjab, Pakistan. It explores the manipulations made by the anti-All-India Muslim League forces on the ministry-making in Punjab as well as the ruling, majority, and minority communities during the British period. It also discusses the abuse of government machinery against the League; thus, create an illegal disruption in the electioneering activities.

On May 11 2013 Pakistani general elections have inaugurated what is considered to be the first civilian succession in the country's 66 years independent history. The victory of Nawaz Shariff remains embedded in high expectations due to his entrepreneurial background and conciliatory rhetoric towards India. Third time prime minister, Shariff's mandate must tackle huge economic problems as Pakistan trembles on the brink of statehood failure. On the other hand the arrest and indictment of former strongman, Pervez Musharaff adds another first timer to the routinization of Pakistani political life. Never before a military ruler has faced prosecution. However optimism must follow a moderate pace as surprises may still unfold: either from the military brass, reluctant to give away a former boss, either from Pakistani Talibans and other extremist groups. For the American part, Washington's shuttle diplomacy tries to maintain a non zero-sum balance between New Delhi and Islamabad as each of them may trigger mayhem in the proximity of a shaky Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To talk of the failure of democracy in Pakistan is to imply that success is possible. But what would success look like? It must involve more than just the holding of elections. So is it possible for true democracy ever to be successful in Pakistan? Three factors make success unlikely, if not impossible; the grip on power exercised by the traditional feudal elite; the way in which the masses see their votes in economic rather than in political terms; the strength of the military's role in society and politics arising from Pakistan's geo-strategic position, which also influences the choices of outside actors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Why, upon the 1947 Partition of British India, was India able to establish a stable democracy while structurally similar Pakistan created an unstable autocracy? The differential strengths of India and Pakistan's independence movements directly account for their divergent democratization trajectories. These movements were initially constructed to pursue historically conditioned class interests. An examination of these movements leads to a broader theory of democratic origins, which qualifies the prevailing notion that a country's democratization prospects can be attributed to its levels of economic development or inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The enduring role of Pakistan's army in both foreign and domestic affairs has long drawn the attention of political scientists. Since its emergence from the partition of the British Indian Empire in 1947, Pakistan has suffered four military coups (in 1958, 1969, 1977 and 1999), long periods of political instability and a persistent inability to consolidate democratic institutions. At first glance, Pakistan's inability to sustain a transition to democracy is especially puzzling given that India, which also emerged from the collapse of British rule in South Asia, has experienced only a brief bout of authoritarian rule (1975–77) and has managed to consolidate democracy – even though the quality of its democratic institutions and their performance leaves much to be desired. Many scholars have proffered explanations for Pakistan's failure to make a successful transition to democracy. This essay will argue that all the extant accounts are partial and incomplete. It will contend that the roots of Pakistan's propensity towards authoritarianism must be sought in the ideology, organisation and mobilisation strategy of the movement for the creation of Pakistan. Whereas other recent writing on authoritarianism in Pakistan dwells upon the aggregation of power by the military, this essay focuses upon the failure of civilian democratic institutions to fully abandon authoritarianism even when the military is not in power. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article studies the constitutional status of Pakistan's region of Gilgit Baltistan from 1947 to 1998. It looks at the differences between the British government and the State of Yasin, which resulted to the partition of the Indian sub-continent in 1947. Other topics covered include Pakistan's illegal take over of the region in 1950, and the role of the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan in the settlement of the dispute between India and Pakistan over the Kashmir region.

Pakistan got independence from British Empire in 1947. The idea of liberating from both Hindu-English usurpation was to see the dream of self-governance and self-reliance getting fulfilled. The Muslims after the downfall of Mughal-India were disbanded on behalf of British and Hindus. Muslims of United India were also in a state of entire shock to believe that they are no more the owners of their own fate and destiny. The failure in joint political moves of Hindu-Muslim unity resulted in a separate independence movement for winning liberation. The state of affairs led to struggle for a piece of land to practice the principles of Islam to realize the self-governed development for the citizens of separate state for Muslims of India. Development Vision of Pakistan as perceived by Mr. Jinnah was to bring Pakistan among the global brethren of world to stand firm and to shun the western vision of development. The idea of development of Pakistan was through the Islamic principles based in Islamic notion of `welfare'. The colonial heritage after independence was carried by the bureaucratic and military set up that held the nation to see the actualization of true participatory development in Pakistan. The paper is intended to highlight the initial failures of Development planning and implementation due to over reliance over non-local and alienated development models and policies. The Authors of the paper are striving to advocate the nethssity of revitalizing once traditionally practiced, indigenously conceived, self planned and administered development model for Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Pakistani state's efforts in to counter Islamic militants in Pakistan from throughout the country's post-colonial period through 2012, with a particular focus on its efforts against the Islamic fundamentalist organization the Taliban. An overview of the Pakistani government's relationship with the country's military, including in regard to managing social unrest and fighting Islamic jihadists on Pakistan's frontier, is provided.

The article discusses the survey of French scholarly work related to the history of the newly born Pakistan. It highlights the archeological treasures of the country that was rooted in a very old civilization and culture of different empires. It outlines the challenges faced by the country including democracy, governance and national unity.

In the last quarter of 6th century BC the Achaemenians of Iran captured Indus region(correctly present Pakistan) and maintained their occupation almost for two centuries till they were overpowered by Alexander Macedonian. Unfortunately no connected account of the political history of this region survived except stray references in the works of classical writers. However, culturally, Achaemenians greatly contributed to this land which was benefitted even after Achaemenians political sway ended. Some of the cultural traits still survive to present days. In this paper author would critically evaluate Achaemenian cultural impact on this land in the following pages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The richness of Shamsie's fiction is in the ways in which varied themes and stories within a novel are multilayered, interact and are part of each other, so that the narrative about a person or a couple is viewed within a larger, more socially dense context. Her novels both show the difficulty of leaving the society in which one feels at ease and the need to solve present problems through understanding the past. Besides politics threatening or causing loss of family or friends, there is a love story disturbed by differences of class, culture or ethnicity. The novels treat the relationship of national events to the personal. The military is important because it controlled Pakistani politics since the partition of India: Burnt Shadows shows the effects of the Japanese and American military upon individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates in detail the policies adopted and the religious ideas held by the power elite of Pakistan during the years from 1947 to 1969. It has been argued that the religious worldview of the power elite was shaped by the discourse of Islamic modernism which allowed envisioning of a state in which (at least theoretically) democracy, rights of minorities, sovereignty of the parliament and flexibility of Islamic laws could be propagated as the guiding principles of the state. Also, by focusing on the life and ideas of Ghulam Ahmad Parvez and by disclosing the details of his close connivance with General Ayyub Khan during the 1960s, the paper will highlight the steps taken to institutionalize Islamic modernism in Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay provides an overview of Pakistan's political history, its transition to democracy and future relations with the U.S. It discusses the struggle of Pakistan and the U.S. to build a partnership to achieve their respective geostrategic and security goals and emphasizes the need to stabilize civilian rule, eliminate terrorism and to contain nuclear proliferation. It also argues over the significance of U.S. military relations, strategic partnership and support to Pakistan's political power struggle to consolidate a multi-party democracy.

In Pakistan, state elites have been affiliating with the different ethnic groups for their own political interests. This diminishes the sense of equal justice and state legitimacy. The creation of a nation-state is a historical process that may take a long time to complete. This is not to suggest that Pakistan or other Third World countries have to pass through the same sequences of state-making as the Europeans did. We need to highlight the complex issues and the constraints that Pakistan has faced since its inception in 1947. While the internal obstacles to national integration are well-known, one must also consider the geopolitical pressures that emanate from the regional and international environments. The central theme of this paper is that nations and identities are evolutionary processes that cannot be artificially and externally imposed, but only aided by policies that are sensitive to needs of the constituent groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article re-examines the first Kashmir war between India and Pakistan on the basis of previously unavailable secret documents from the headquarters of the Pakistan Army to explain the thinking behind the initial tribal incursion into Kashmir and the subsequent prosecution of the conflict between the Pakistan and Indian armies. It then analyzes the effects of this war on the officers involved and its contribution to the emergence of a praetorian tradition in Pakistani politics, as evidenced in the attempted coup d'état of 1951. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In states that are diverse, issues of national identity formation and who belongs and how they belong can, and often do, change over time. This article analyses how education was used as a tool to artificially create antagonistic national identities based on religious and ethnic definitions of who was Indian or Pakistani. It focuses in particular on how in India the BJP led government (1998-2004) and in Pakistan the government under General Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1988) rewrote the curricula and changed textbook content in order to create the 'other' in order to suit their ideology and the politics of the day. Drawing on the original textbooks, extensive fieldwork interviews in both countries and a study of recent literature the paper argues that fundamentalization in general and the fundamentalization of textbooks in particular are state controlled mechanisms through which to control society. They can also have serious international consequences, as two antagonistic national identities oppose each other's definition of history and self. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Provides a historical background of Pakistan's politics and government. Partition of Bengal by the British colonizers; Foundation of Pakistan; Information on the Red Shirts, a nonviolent, democratic and secular liberation movement which dominated the Pashtun areas on Pakistan.

Reflects on the melancholic memories of the political crisis in Pakistan last 1950. Deep concerns about the future of democracy in Pakistan; Historical generalization of military-bureaucratic involvement in politics; Mohammad Zia-ul-Huq rise to power; Post-Zia administration and the return to democracy; Breakdown of presidential rule of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.

The article discusses the role of the military in the Pakistani political sphere. Beginning with the growing influence of the military during the early years following Pakistani independence, the article also deals with military intervention in domestic politics; issues such as blackmail, displacement, and supplantment are presented. The role of former President and Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and the military is also dealt with, especially his poor treatment of the Civil Service of Pakistan (CSP) and Bhutto's creation of the Federal Security Force (FSF). The article concludes with an overview of the military's return to power in Pakistan and the consequences for civilian-military relations.

Focuses on the performance of the military regime in Pakistan in the 1950s and 1960s. Examination of hypotheses about the military's role in national integration; Comparison between the military elite and the political elite; Analyses of the power elite structure during the period; Policies and institutions undertaken by the military regime; Problem of east-west integration in Pakistan.

The article presents a case study on the democracies in transition focusing on the political systems in Pakistan. Topics include the political history of Pakistan, initiative taken to restore transparency in the government, and Constitutional amendments in Pakistan. Also discussed is role of Asian Parliamentary Assembly (APA) and Senate of Pakistan's collaboration with Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA).