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The article presents several abstracts of various studies related to black communities. The analysis is based on personal interviews dealing with the social problems perceived by black residents of Indianapolis, Indiana. In this survey, unexpected difficulties in retaining black interviewers necessitated using white interviewers to meet project deadlines. Anticipating that the data would reflect the operation of interviewer effect, subsequent analysis paid careful attention to the phenomenon. Ethical issues surrounding research with humans are of concern not only to researchers and professional associations but also to government agencies and the Congress. Another report describes the changing attitudes of executives toward the corporate advancement of women and nonwhites as well as their election to boards of directors, and examines the ways in which executives believe that women and minorities are now discriminated against in opportunities to grow into positions in top and middle management.

This paper explores the connection between unionization and income differences among black and white families in a sample of large metropolitan areas in the United Stares hi 1960. Two theories of the roots of economic discrimination, the revised neo-Classical market model and a neo-Marxiam class perspective, imply opposite predictions about the relationship between unionization and racial income inequality Findings from a multiple correlation and regression analysis support a neo-Marxian class hypothesis that industrial unionization is inversely related to black-white income Inequality hi urban labor markets in the contemporary United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of this paper was supported by a grant from the U.S. Office of Economic Opportunity to the Project on the Economics of Discrimination at the University of Maryland, with which the author was formerly associated The paper was completed at M.I.T. in the summer of 1973. I am grateful for comments by Robert S. Browne, Vernon Dixon, and several anonymous referees of this Journal. For an earlier, more abbreviated survey of the subject and a complementary bibliography, see Spratlen [169, 1971]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper an attempt is made to estimate the degree of inequality of educational opportunity at the secondary school level. Data from the 1⁄1,000 sample of the 1960 Census are used to estimate the probabilities of falling behind in school or dropping out for children from different family backgrounds. For children whose parents have little education or income, the probabilities are more than 20 times greater than for children from well-to-do families where both parents have graduated from high school. The determinants of the dropout and retardation rates are also investigated, with the discussion focusing on the possible effects of new transfer programs, such as the negative income tax. While the short-run effects are likely to be quite small, the long-run effects may be important, especially for the Negro retardation rate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the relationship between city characteristics and racial violence in the U.S. Previous research examining the impact of city characteristics on racial violence has generally failed to support most commonly asserted hypotheses, and/or has not systematically treated complex theories requiring multivariate controls. These ambiguous findings strengthen earlier explanations which deemphasize intercity differences in the condition of blacks and attribute primary importance to societal determinants, notably institutionalized deprivation of blacks and white racism. Although the emphasis is perhaps warranted, it is easy to overemphasize deprivation and racism as societal causes when such factors can be conceptualized as varying by cities. An unresolved issue, which can only be verbally addressed in this paper, concerns qualitative variations in racial violence. Those incidents occurring early in this century were characterized by white attacks on blacks and set against the background of black competition in the white labor markets of the North.

The article presents a paper that addresses the ways in which black citizens from 15 large American cities broadly assess the performance of their local economies and municipal administrations. These findings about black perceptions are part of a much larger study using a rather unique set of data and reflect the critical impact of five aspects of institutional urban life--police practices, welfare policies, employment, retail merchandising, and public education. The initial purpose of the research was to detect critical political differences between "riot" and "non-riot" cities, a task which was aborted in the spring of 1968 when three of the five "non-riot" cities experienced some of the most severe civil disorders of the entire 1960's period. The findings indicate that it is possible to uncover connections between political regimes, the behavior of municipal delivery systems, and citizen responses of confidence or despair in local political regimes. The crucial point is that the actions of city officials and delivery system personnel have substantial consequences for local residents.

This paper examines the wealth position of blacks relative to whites, on the basis of data in the Survey of Economic Opportunity. The analysis indicates that at the same levels of both income and wealth blacks consistently invest more in consumer durables, especially housing, that these investment differences are not solely due to the income and wealth position of blacks, but may be due to a smaller set of investment opportunities institutionally fostered by discriminatory forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The difference in food prices to blacks and to whites is one source of urban unrest. The author surveys the answers to the question, "Do blacks pay more?" An effort is made to show what is known and where further research is needed. This article is an example of the potential role of marketing research in public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from the 1970 National Fertility Study, the trend in the initiation of contraception prior to the first pregnancy is examined. This trend is of interest because of its relationship to the tempo of family-building. Using data from a recent marriage cohort, it is shown that use before the first pregnancy is related to age at marriage, age at termination of first pregnancy and the probability of having a premarital conception. For women first married during the decade of the 1960's, there was a substantial increase in the proportion using contraception before the first pregnancy. This trend is found among both white Catholics and white non-Catholics, but not among blacks. An examination of the specific method used by women using contraception before the first pregnancy reveals a shift from reliance on the traditional methods of diaphragm, condom and douche by the earlier birth cohorts to the use of the pill by the more recent cohorts. An appendix examines the reliability of various measures of the interval of first use of contraception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on housing market discrimination and Black housing consumption. There are several competing hypotheses that seek to explain the concentration of Blacks in certain portions of the city and Blacks' occupancy of older, lower quality housing. At one extreme, analysts have assumed the existence of a perfect housing market. Under this assumption, differences in Black and White housing consumption are attributed to socioeconomic differences. Efforts to prove or disprove these alternative hypotheses have followed two broad approaches. The first has attempted to analyze directly discrimination mechanisms, empirical estimates of the differences in prices that Black and White households pay for comparable housing have been made. The second approach draws inferences about discrimination based on indirect evidence, racial differences in housing consumption independent of income and other life cycle characteristics, estimated by the analysis of variance, are attributed to discrimination.

The Black and Hispanic workers in the larger cities of the U.S. came there as a result of urbanization, a migratory movement that began after the first World War and accelerated in the Great Depression. This movement left behind in rural areas, particularly, in the South and West, a class of White poor who are now beginning to migrate to the cities and the North and West. These are the new immigrants of the next migration. Foreign workers migrating to the U.S. in the 1840s brought with them their own ideas regarding labor organization. Their experience included, among other things, the organization of industry along trade union lines-craft supremacy. Craft supremacy included the idea of job scarcity, the latter required some form of job control. Hence the mass of foreign workers and many indigenous workers, instead of extending sympathy to the down-trodden Blacks and Chinese, acted instead to eliminate them from the white social pyramid. Excluding Black and Chinese workers from competition by the device of alleged social inferiority offered the immigrant, potentially, more economic security.

The article presents an application of motivator-hygiene theory among the black, working poor. Briefly stated, the motivator-hygiene theory demonstrates that man has two separate and independent need systems that do not interact. The hygiene continuum deals with man's need to avoid pain from his environment and is met by increasing extrinsic job factors such as salary, status, company policy and administration, good interpersonal relationships, etc. It is the hygiene factors that keep man from states of dissatisfaction. Thus, explicit to motivator-hygiene theory is the hypothesis that satisfaction and dissatisfaction are separate and independent conditions of job attitudes. The opposite of satisfaction is not dissatisfaction, rather, it is simply no satisfaction. The population sampled for this study consisted of a group of the black working poor in Norfolk, Virginia. This particular sample was chosen for several reasons. Since the study specifically attempts to ascertain attitudes about the work situation, it was only proper that interviews be held with some of those who were working. Poor and black workers were selected so as to ascertain whether or not this replication would further verify the motivator-hygiene theory, which had not yet been tested on such poor or black populations.

The article focuses on the problem of equating the environment of African White groups for intelligence testing in comparative studies. In the psychological investigation of the African Americans, no problem has attracted so much attention as the question of the inherent intellectual superiority of Whites over Blacks. The problem has been approached in many different ways, but with the coming of the intelligence test, it was felt by many that perhaps an instrument had finally been devised which would make it possible to study with complete objectivity the relative ability of these races. The studies may be divided into two groups: tests of children and tests of adults, particularly in the Army draft. It has been sometimes suggested that in order to obviate the difficulties introduced into Black-White comparisons by social considerations, a better procedure would be to equate the two racial groups, and then see which is the superior. Some of the more recent studies have included an attempt to equate the groups for one or more background factors.

Blacks are more likely than whites to have unwanted births. A common explanation for that difference is that blacks use less effective contraceptive methods, use contraception less effectively, and use contraception less often than whites. Analysis of data from 17 cities in our family planning evaluation project suggested that, among women living in low-income neighborhoods, the black-white difference in unwanted births was not due to (1) blacks reaching desired completed parity at younger ages than whites, (2) differences in age or parity in our black and white samples, (3) black-white differences in current use of physician-administered contraception, or (4) blacks being more likely than whites to adopt physician-administered contraception after having an unwanted birth. Black-white differences which might have contributed to relatively more unwanted births among blacks were (1) blacks desired fewer children, (2) blacks were less likely than whites to use nonphysician-administered methods and more likely than whites to use no contraception, and (3) blacks had higher failure rates than whites subsequent to the adoption of physician-administered methods and when not using those methods. Comparisons are made with the 1965 and 1970 National Fertility Studies, and program implications of the findings discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An attempt is made to investigate the educational differentials between various types of interdivisional migrants and nonmigrants in selected Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas (SMSA's) of the United States. The analysis is carried out for four color-sex groups standardized for age. We have been able to identify three distinct patterns of migration differentials by education, that is, the J-shaped, the U-shaped, and the reverse J-shaped distributions. The tendency for migrants to be better educated than nonmigrants, by and large, has received support from the data we have analyzed. Wherever this tendency has not been confirmed, the main factors which, we believe, have influenced the differentials are the proportion of foreign-born whites, the geographic location of the places of origin and destination, and the differences in levels of educational attainment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There was an impressive increase between 1965 and 1970 in the prevalence of contraceptive sterilization, an increase that accelerated in the later years of the period and was shared in by virtually all subgroups considered, Among couples in 1970 for whom sterilization had been an option (recognizing that it is a terminal method), about one of every five had chosen this method of contraception. About half of all sterilizations were vasectomies, though vasectomies have outnumbered tubal ligations in recent years. Differentials in prevalence and in increases during 1965-1970 are reported for a number of life-cycle and social variables. In addition, a profile of the contraceptive sterile is presented for recent sterilizations. Significant proportions are relatively young and, of low parity at the time of sterilization. In the context of the continued diffusion of the pill and IUD and increases in legal abortion, the net demographic effect of increasing sterilization is regarded as low, though sterilization is an important component of an effective fertility control regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A goal of the federal family planning program is to enable women to have only those children they want, with priority given to the poor. Is that compatible with the goal of those who want zero population growth? This analysis shows that prevention of all unwanted births to women in low-income families would have yielded completed fertility much above that required for zero population growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1960 and 1970 blacks, as well as whites, improved their socioeconomic status. Among both races, educational attainment increased, the occupational distribution was upgraded, and real purchasing power rose markedly. In almost every comparison, the gains were somewhat greater among blacks than among whites and thus most indicators of racial differentiation declined. Nevertheless, the changes of this decade failed to eliminate racial differences with regard to socioeconomic status. In all comparisons, except for the income of certain groups of women, blacks were at a disadvantage when compared to whites both at the start and at the end of this decade, and very large racial differences remain. Further socio- economic progress by blacks during the 1970s will probably not eliminate racial differences. The article concludes by relating the socioeconomic trends to such other aspects of race relations as integration, governmental policy, and the attitudes of whites and blacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A case of bronchial carcinoma occurring in a young Negro is described. The incidence of the condition in the Negro race is reviewed. Although it is apparently rare in the native African, it is much more common in the American of Negro stock. Two factors are suggested as being responsible for this—increasing longevity and increasing contact with external carcinogens, of which the most likely is cigarette smoke. Available evidence indicates that the disease is, as yet, rare in the British Negro but may be expected to rise following the pattern in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents a comparison of consumption and spending patterns of American Negroes and their white counterparts. Since the end of World War II, there has been a growing interest in how Negro consumers spend their incomes. One of the reasons for this is the relative and absolute improvement in their economic position which has taken place since 1940. American Negroes are now reported to command an annual spending power in excess of seventeen billion dollars. Secondly, there is a marked migration of Negroes into urban centers of the United States in all sections of the country. Since Negroes for the most part reside in the heart of the larger cities and whites have been leaving for the suburbs in large numbers, there has been a large absolute and relative increase in the Negro population of most major cities. The belief of many sellers that Negroes spend their incomes differently from comparable income whites is a third reason for the interest. The alleged difference in the spending behavior of Negroes and whites is attributed to economic and social discrimination.

Unless social agencies discard their negative assumptions about the black male ghetto resident, unsatisfactory relationships with these clients will continue. Agencies can provide positive experiences that support the black man's rightful role as head of his family and responsible member of the community. To illustrate this potential, guidelines that proved effective in work with a black fathers' grout in Chicago are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes perceptions of justice revealed by Blacks and Whites in a city of the U.S. In the research, an examination of the correlation of the distribution of expectations and perceptions is made. It is stated that measures of expectations and perceptions pertain only to policemen and judges who are key officials in the administration of justice. The research was conducted in Milwaukee, Wisconsin during 1969. Respondents were asked to evaluate the police, judges and courts. The distribution of perceptions of injustice is most closely related to experiences with specific court and police officials. As per results, perceptions of policemen varied between and within sampled neighborhoods in Milwaukee, perceptions of policemen were closely associated with that of judges and considerable gaps were found to exist between expectations about policemen and perceptions of their actual behavior among respondents in every sampled neighborhood. The gap was especially large and frequent in the Black neighborhood. This gap has been interpreted as a perception of injustice. It is stated that one needs to measure not only the distribution of injustice but also the intensity with which injustice is perceived.

The article focuses on the development of the Afro-American protest movement, how its objectives and tactics have changed over the past 150 years, and to offer a sociological explanation for these changes and for the movement per se. Evoked by the paradox of a free society's dependence upon a system of slave labor, the earliest black nationalist programs in the United States date back more than a century. As early as 1788, The Negro Union of Newport, Rhode Island, advocated the repatriation of Afro-Africans in their African homeland, but the majority of free Afro-Africans felt that migration to Africa would constitute a betrayal of their brothers in bondage. Closer to the Civil War, however, as hope for the Afro-Americans in the U.S. diminished with the Fugitive Slave Law, the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and the Dred Scott Decision, sentiment for recolonization grew stronger, and some Afro-American intellectuals who had previously opposed the idea now favored it. With the approach of World War II and national preoccupation with the defense posture of the United States, liberals in both the North and South, as well as the federal government, once again ignored the plight of Afro-American citizens.