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Background Identifying and treating cleft lip and palate deformities requires a multidisciplinary approach due to the multiple alterations and manifestations it generates. It properly involves knowledge of surgeries performed previously in addition to individualized surgical planning. Surgical planning depends on the severity of the deformity, the patient's age, and an adequate family support network. The correction or attenuation of these sequelae provides these patients with the opportunity to improve their physical health, their self-esteem and, above all, it gives them the opportunity to integrate into society with dignity.

The Chilean Abbe Ignacio Molina (1740-1829) developed a brilliant career as naturalist in the University of Bologna, where he arrived when the Jesuit Order was expelled from the Spanish colonies in 1767, until he was accused of heresy because some ideas about evolution expressed in one of his late works, at the same time with Lamarck and 44 years before Darwin. In his youth Molina was affected in a severe way by smallpox, leaving us in two poems a vivid story of his suffering, not only by the disease itself but also for the useless therapeutic measures, some disagreeable, like enemas; other injurious, as bleeding and topic vinegar of the four thieves. A handful of the more significant verses from the two Latin Elegies "De peste variolarum" and "De peste variolis vulgo dicta" is analyzed: its literary value is scarce, its reading is bored, and its real merit only historic.

Among its various ancient and extra-European examples, the celebrated Plate N of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's Dictionnaire de musique includes a melody of Chinese provenance. Scholars have proposed three possible sources for the melody: Jean-Joseph-Marie Amiot, Jean-Baptiste Du Halde and the Abbé Prévost. By synthesizing the known sources and introducing additional archival evidence I establish that Rousseau took the melody from Du Halde, not Prévost – and definitely not Amiot. Along the way, I provide an account of Amiot's extant manuscripts and their circulation in Enlightenment Paris. These details begin to suggest the broader panorama of the French Enlightenment's encounter with China and the networks of trade, diplomacy and proselytization that facilitated it.

La Carta al Abate Raynal fue publica por primera vez en 1782 como respuesta a la aparición, un año antes, de latraducción al inglés del relato del Abate Raynal sobre la Revolución en América. Aunque empieza reconociéndole su estilo al autor de la muy influyente Historia filosófica y política de los establecimientos y del comercio de los europeos en las dos Indias, le reprocha su falta de sentido práctico, y corrigiendo lo que consideraba errores y falsas suposiciones sobre los orígenes de la Guerra de la Independencia y el papel de Francia en el movimiento independentista, Thomas Paine expone en la Cartala dimensión universal de sus principios revolucionarios. Eclipsada por otras obras y pasada por alto, la Carta, escrita en el contexto de las negociaciones diplomáticas para la paz, representa un punto de inflexión en el pensamiento de su autor al empezar a pensar en términos internacionales The Letter to the Abbé Raynal was first published in 1782 in response to the appearance, a year earlier, of the English translation of the Abbé Raynal’s account of the Revolution in America. Although he begins acknowledging the style of the author of the highly influential Histoire philosophique et politique des établissements et du commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes, then he reproaches him for his lack of practicality, and corrects what he considers to be errors and false assumptions about the origins of the War of Independence and the role of France in the independence movement, Thomas Paine sets out in the Letter the universal dimension of his revolutionary principles. Eclipsed by other works and usually overlooked, the Letter, written in the context of diplomatic negotiations for peace, represents a turning point in the author’s thinking as he began to think in international terms.

This article analyses the abbe de Saint-Pierre as a mediator of ideas between France and England. The political proposal of the Projet pour rendre la paix perpetuelle en Europe circulated in Great ...

espanolSe ha dicho que el Abbe de Saint-Pierre escribio su proyecto para remediar los males que afectaban a Europa, enferma a raiz de los conflictos belicos que se sucedian casi ininterrumpidamente; pero, tal vez, deberia decirse tambien que el abad escribio su proyecto para proteger los intereses de la Casa de Francia en el marco de la Guerra de Sucesion espanola. Con la herencia de Carlos II a manos de la dinastia Borbon, alguien tenia que combatir el sistema de equilibro ampliamente reivindicado y difundido en Europa por la Casa de Francia, sobre todo cuando este discurso ya no interesaba a quienes mas lo habian difundido. Y el Abbe de Saint-Pierre asumio la tarea. Combatio el sistema de equilibro porque implicaba la perdida de territorios por parte de la Casa de Francia –o como acabo sucediendo, el reparto de la Monarquia hispanica que se hallaba en manos de Felipe V– y diseno una Union Europea con el fin de asegurar la paz, a la vez que la herencia recibida. La tesis segun la cual el Abbe de Saint-Pierre no pretendio ni afirmar la preponderancia francesa o contrarrestar las amenazas imperialistas de Austria (o de cualquier otro estado) deberia ser repensada. EnglishIt has been said that the Abbe de Saint-Pierre drafted his project as a remedy for the ills then afflicting a Europe debilitated by over a hundred years of almost uninterrupted wars; but perhaps it ought also to be said that Saint-Pierre devised his project to safeguard the interests of the House of France in the context of the War of the Spanish Succession. With the legacy of Charles II in the hands of the Bourbon dynasty, someone had to make a stand against the system of equilibrium widely asserted and disseminated in Europe by the House of France, especially when this discourse was no longer in favour with those who had formerly done most to advance it. This task the Abbe de Saint-Pierre took upon himself. He was opposed to the system of equilibrium because he feared it would result in the loss of territories by the House of France –or, as ended up happening, in the breaking up of the Hispanic Monarchy presided over by Philip V– and he designed a European Union with a view to ensuring peace, as well as protecting the inheritance received. The thesis that Saint-Pierre was not seeking either to affirm French predominance or to counter the threats posed by an imperialist Austria (or any other state) needs to be rethought.

EnglishWritten in 1130, Payen’s poem provides a vivid picture of the reaction of a canon of Chartres to the burgeoning eremitical orders of the twelfth century. After summarizing the poem, the article goes on to suggest that while the author avoids explicitly identifying which monastic orders he is criticizing, a thinly veiled reference to Bernard of Clairvaux at line 163 makes it clear that the Cistercians are principally to blame. However, it was the Tironensians who lived closest to Chartres and, now led by an entrepreneurial abbot, were successfully contending with the Chartres chapter for support from the bishop, the local aristocracy, and ordinary people, and it is now clear, thanks to Kathleen Thompson’s excellent study of their order that they are also targeted and to a greater extent than she suggests. The article concludes with the Latin text and the first translation of the poem. francaisCompose en 1130, le poeme de Payen nous brosse un portrait saisissant de la reaction d'un chanoine de Chartres sur la naissance des ordres eremitiques du XIIe siecle. Cet article debute avec un resume du poeme. Il propose ensuite que, bien que Payen se garde d’identifier explicitement les ordres monastiques dont il fait la critique, une allusion peu subtile a Bernard de Clairvaux (au vers 163) demontre clairement que ce sont les Cisterciens qui font les frais des reproches de l’auteur. Pourtant, les Tironiens etaient ceux qui vivaient le plus proche de Chartres et qui, sous la direction d’un abbe entreprenant, rivalisaient avec bien du succes contre le chapitre de Chartres pour l’appui de l’eveque, des aristocrates de la region et du peuple. Il est desormais evident, grâce a l’excellente monographie de Kathleen Thompson sur les Tironiens, qu’ils sont eux aussi vises dans le poeme, et ce meme davantage que Thompson l’a suggere. L’article se termine avec le texte latin du poeme et sa toute premiere traduction en anglais

This article examines the political role of illness in Émile Zola'sLa Faute de l’abbé Mouret(The Sin of Father Mouret, 1875) in articulating the difference between a religious and a secular body. Published in the early French Third Republic (1870–1940), this novel shows the Zolian body as the nexus upon which religious and republican discourses compete. Using Paul Ricœur’s theory on Christianity’s original sin, this article compares Mouret’s sickness with physical evil and illustrates how Zola redeploys the traditional religious symbols of the heart, the blood, and the Word to the secular realm. It will show that original sin is a Christian myth inscribed on the body, and that Zola’s reformulation of a core religious doctrine dismantles its supporting framework for the fledgling secular Third Republic. Through an exploration of Zola’s attempt to forge a republican self, this article offers a new perspective on the nature of the Zolian body which merits further study under the field of Medical Humanities. Through the construction of the religious body, the essay also contributes to the wider critical discussion on mythology in Zola’s work.

This article analyzes the frontier line(s) of Brazil proposed by the Portuguese ambassadors (D. Vicente de Sousa Coutinho, D. Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho, and Luís de Sousa Coutinho, the Viscount of Balsemão), drawn on maps and documents sent to Abbé Raynal when he was preparing the 1780 edition of his famousHistoire des Deux Indes. This was accompanied by anAtlas de Toutes les Parties Connues du Globe Terrestre, produced by the French geographer Rigobert Bonne. The objective is, in light of the Treaty of Santo Ildefonso, to compare the lines defended by the ambassadors and those which Raynal and Bonne drew on the map of South America in theAtlas, analyzing the geopolitical impacts. Este artículo analiza las líneas fronterizas brasileñas propuestas por los embajadores portugueses (D. Vicente de Sousa Coutinho, D. Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho y Luís de Sousa Coutinho, vizconde de Balsemão), que dibujaron en mapas y documentos enviados al abate Raynal, cuando estaba preparando la edición de 1780 de su famosaHistoire des Deux Indes. Esta fue acompañada por elAtlas de Toutes les Parties Connues du Globe Terrestre, producido por el geógrafo francés Rigobert Bonne. El objetivo es, a la luz del Tratado de Límites de San Ildefonso, comparar las líneas defendidas por los embajadores y lo que Raynal y Bonne dibujaron en el mapa de América del Sur en elAtlas, analizando sus impactos geopolíticos.

In the midst of an historic election, with the Supreme Court considering another existential challenge to the Affordable Care Act (ACA) and with the nation plunged into a public health and economic...

Dance, Disability and Law: InVisible Difference tracks a revision of ideas about the dancing body and related stage aesthetics in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The book is an extension ...

This paper is a critical response to Amy Allen’s The End of Progress: Decolonising the Normative Foundations of Critical Theory. We take up her book’s call for a “problematizing” history which chal...

This paper examines the emergence of a philosophical concept of genius based on imagination, association, and the Lockean theory of ideas, primarily in eighteenth-century Britain. It considers the background, including the work of the Abbé Jean Baptiste Du Bos, the third earl of Shaftesbury, Francis Hutcheson, and David Hume, but it focuses specifically on the British writers William Duff, William Sharpe, and Alexander Gerard. It does not deal with the later Kantian and post-Kantian Romantic theories of genius.

The Benedictine Dom Leger-Marie Deschamps and the philosophical Abbe Claude Yvon may indeed be minor eighteenth-century figures, and they both may be considered to have emerged from the Cat...

The translations of Lucretius in Spain before the twentieth century have been very scarce, to the point that it can be stated without hesitation that there has not been a deep approach to the epicurean poet in our country until the last century. After a brief review of the Spanish versions of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the manuscript translation of Matias Sanchez (1832) and its connection with that of the Abbe Marchena (1791) is analyzed.

The evolution of Ferdinando Galiani’s thought toward social mathematic has been neglected by scholars, and his attempt to establish political arguments on the analytical basis remains unexplored. The non-systematic nature of Galiani’s intuitions, due to his laziness, largely justifies this underestimation of his scientific program. This paper intends to show that the mature abbé Galiani follows an intellectual itinerary autonomous and parallel to that followed by Marquis de Condorcet in the same years. The anti-Physiocratique querelle represents Galiani’s methodological maturation. In contrast with Physiocratic economic doctrine, based on the primacy of deductive methodology, Galiani claims for economic science the realism of circumstance against aprioristic axiomatic hypotheses and rationalist generalizations. Galiani’s project, substantially similar to Marquis de Condorcet’s approach to social science, can be defined as Newtonian social mathematics opposed to Physiocratic Cartesian social mathematics.

International audience; NorthWest Europe yields few traces of early human occupation, in particular for the Acheulean. In this context, the Somme Valley in northern France offers a route to Britain during various Pleistocene low sea levels, and has provided numerous evidence of Lower Palaeolithic human occupation through fieldwork initiated during the 19th century. These localities are associated with the original definition in the 1930s by the French prehistorian Abbé Henri Breuil of the 'Abbevillien' (Abbevillian facies), based on lithic pieces including crudely made bifaces recovered in particular in some famous key localities of Abbeville, Carpentier, Léon and Moulin Quignon quarries. The history of the term and its definition subsequently gave rise to debates concerning the chronocultural framework of Palaeolithic assemblages among the scientific community of prehistorians over time, from Jacques Boucher de Perthes, Gabriel de Mortillet, Geoffroy d'Ault du Mesnil, Victor Commont, Henri Breuil and François Bordes. New investigations at these three localities, all associated with the High Terrace of the Somme system, pushed back the age of the expansion of the Acheulean both in northern France and in Western Europe to c. 670-650 000 years. They imply that early hominins were able to settle in NorthWest Europe during both climatic temperate and cold phases. Our work, including new excavations and associated field observations of the three Abbeville localities involved at the onset of the controversy, allows a re-examination of the Abbevillian and contributes to the discussion of the history of Prehistoric Science and the Earliest 'Acheuleans' in NorthWest Europe.

Brown joined the army because he could draw on a dependable source of income and become financially independent to pursue his interests in natural history. He was accepted into the newly established regiment of the Fifeshire Fencibles in Ireland. His recruiting trips to England allowed him to deliver samples of the plants he collected in Ireland. Brown’s study regimen increased in intensity. He studied the plants he gathered even more acutely. The only instrument he used in his examination of the fine structure of the plants was a simple microscope, developed by the celebrated British naturalist, John Ellis. He took advantage of a sick leave to travel to Edinburgh to do further work on Scottish plants. During this period, Brown was elected as an Associate to the Linnean Society of London, quite an honor for someone relatively young (25). In addition to visiting the Society in its rooms in Panton Square three different times during the year, he worked in the herbarium of the British Museum, and the herbarium of Edward Forster (1765–1849) at Walthamstow to collect more plants and add to the lists of plants he had assembled. Banks’s librarian, Jonas Dryander (1748–1810), secretary to the Linnean Society, was one of Brown’s sponsors for membership, and James Dickson served as the other. Equally important was his visits to the herbarium and library of Banks at Banks’s home in Soho Square in London, then the center of British botany. Dryander, impressed with Brown’s body of work completed so far, facilitated Brown’s gaining ready access to Banks’s collection. In October 1798 during a recruiting mission for the Fencibles in London, Brown met Abbe Jose Francisco Correia da Serra, a Portuguese politician and scientist and an especially skilled botanist. When Brown met Correia da Serra, the latter was impressed by the young man’s determination and dedication, and da Serra realized that Brown should meet Banks. Banks was already faced with a dilemma. His first choice was to have Mungo Park go as naturalist on the journey to New Holland (Australia) to explore the interior of the continent, and collect as much flora and fauna as possible. But Park refused to go. Banks still needed a naturalist to go on the planned journey. Park’s refusal to take part in the expedition opened the door for Brown. This proved very fortunate in the long run because Brown, although perhaps not as flamboyant a figure as Mungo Park, was probably a far more diligent observer of nature. Brown accepted Banks’s offer as naturalist and was appointed to be the geologist and zoologist in addition to serving as botanist on HMS Investigator under Captain Matthew Flinders.

1. Nomination à la division provisoire. Le 23 mars parvint à Rilly la nouvelle de ma nomination au groupe de brancardiers d’une division supplémentaire et provisoire du 3e corps d’armée. Je dus aussi-tôt faire mes préparatifs de départ et mes adieux : adieux à la paroisse et à la « garnison », adieux surtout à cette ambulance 3 avec laquelle j’avais fait tous les débuts de la campagne, et dont tous les membres, majors et soldats, étaient devenus mes amis. Dans leurs rangs la guerre n’avait e...

Le 11 août 1914, l’abbé Achille Liénart, alors âgé de 30 ans, s’embarquait, après avoir obtenu les autorisations nécessaires, comme aumônier de l’ambulance 3 de la 51e division de réserve. C’était le début d’une expérience tragique, dont personne alors ne savait qu’elle allait durer plus de 4 ans et qui le marqua, comme beaucoup, de façon indélébile. Dès le 2 août et jusqu’au 12 mars 1919 il prit l’habitude de consigner par écrit, presque chaque jour, les principaux événements et rencontres, ...

Tandis que nous nous éloignions du front de bataille, contre lequel s’était enfin brisée la vague formidable partie le 27 mai du Chemin des Dames, nous touchions sans le savoir, aux heures les plus décisives de la guerre. Nous ne pensions qu’au repos, en nous rendant le 12 juillet, de Vauciennes à Nanteuil-le-Haudoin, le 13, de Nanteuil à Plailly, et le 14, de Plailly à Noisy-sur-Oise, et dans les villages environnants où nous espérions séjourner : Asnières, Viarmes et St Martin-du-Tertre. À ...

L’Armée française a franchi le Rhin ! Elle en avait déjà l’habitude, elle l’a gardé, voilà tout ! Mais chaque époque a sa manière. Si vous voulez savoir comment en 1918 les soldats de la République ont suivi les traces des mousquetaires du Roi et des grognards de l’Empereur, voici comment on a fait au 201e régiment d’infanterie. D’abord on a marché. Car depuis Mirecourt dans les Vosges, à travers la Lorraine libérée, la Sarre et le Palatinat de vieille connaissance, il s’agissait d’atteindre ...

Notre déception fut grande lorsque, embarqués le 2 octobre à Crèvecœur, dans l’Oise, nous fûmes déposés le matin du 3 dans la gare de Saint-Hilaire-au-Temple. La pauvreté du paysage de Champagne Pouilleuse, et plus encore l’annonce de notre prochaine entrée en ligne dissipait d’un seul coup les rêves que nous avions caressés. Mais notre tort avait été précisément d’en faire... La guerre continuait. Pendant quatre jours nous restons cantonnés dans la région : à Dampierre, à Saint-Etienne-au-Te...

Quand, le 2 août 1914, la mobilisation générale fut décrétée, j’étais en vacances, au terme d’une quatrième année d’enseignement au grand séminaire de Saint-Saulve. Libéré de toute obligation militaire par une réforme obtenue en 1907, j’avais envisagé, dès 1913, l’idée de m’offrir éventuellement comme aumônier militaire, et j’avais donné mon nom à monseigneur Delamaire, archevêque de Cambrai qui, prévoyant qu’en cas de guerre on accepterait volontiers des aumôniers de complément, avait sollic...

Je séjourne à Maizy pendant quinze jours du 26 mars au 13 avril qui est le vendredi de Pâques. Ce serait parfait pour les communions pascales si nous n’étions pas si dispersés. À Maizy, je n’ai avec moi que l’état-major du régiment, la compagnie hors rang et les mitrailleurs. Le 4e bataillon est de l’autre côté de l’Aisne à Beaurieux. Les obus ont salué son arrivée et le sous-lieutenant Mathieu a eu les deux jambes emportées. Heureusement, en allant le voir j’amène avec moi le père Atticus, a...

Le train qui nous emmenait de Provins le 26 juin, prit à notre grande satisfaction, la direction du Nord. Allions-nous enfin, nous qui appartenions au 1er corps d’armée, nous battre directement pour arracher notre région envahie à l’oppression de l’ennemi ? Déjà, nous rêvions de reprendre Lille, et sûrement un tel objectif eut décuplé nos énergies. Au petit jour, nous passions en gare de Longueau, et nous prenions la ligne du littoral : Etaples, Boulogne, Wimereux, Calais, évoquaient au passa...

1. Tranchées allemandes vues de notre première ligne à gauche de la cote 108. Le 201e RI était un simple régiment de réserve à deux bataillons. Il était formé de réservistes du 1er RI, le régiment de Cambrai. Celui-ci avait à son effectif les 1er, 2e et 3e bataillons, le 201e se composait des 5e et 6e bataillons. Son rôle avait été jusqu’alors assez modeste. Cependant il s’était vaillamment comporté en Belgique à Onhaye (23 août 1914), à la ferme du Choléra près de Berry-au-Bac (Mars 1915). ...

Une seule étape suffit cette fois pour nous mener à notre cantonnement de repos, dans un coin charmant de la vallée de l’Oise. Le Plessis-Brion, Choisy-au-Bac et Montmacq reçoivent chacun un de nos bataillons. Je suis logé pour ma part, et admirablement accueilli, au château du comte de Bréda. Vais-je mener la vie de château ? Il n’en est pas question. Je commence par assurer les messes et saluts dans les trois paroisses, à Montmacq grâce à l’obligeance d’un prêtre-soldat qui y réside habitue...

L’armistice conclu à Rethondes, entre le maréchal Foch et les plénipotentiaires allemands, stipulait avec précision dans quels délais les troupes ennemies devaient avoir évacué les territoires destinés à être occupés par les forces alliées. Quinze jours étaient accordés pour l’évacuation totale des régions envahies : Belgique, France, Luxembourg et Alsace-Lorraine. Seize autres étaient laissés pour le retrait des troupes allemandes, de toute la rive gauche du Rhin, de trois têtes de pont d’un...

Après deux jours passés à Bouvancourt, nous devions aller à Lhéry et Lagery, à vingt kilomètres plus au sud, et faire quelques manœuvres dans la région de Ville-en-Tardenois. Mais dans la nuit du 21 au 22 un contre-ordre arriva, nous devions partir droit vers Épernay et fournir une longue étape. Le 22, dès 7 heures du matin, nous nous mettions en route dans un paysage couvert de neige et par un froid assez vif. À Jonchery le général de Fontclare qui commande la division, puis le général Franc...

Parti de Belfort dans la soirée du 13 octobre, j’arrivais à Granville le 15 de grand matin, après avoir passé une journée à Paris et deux nuits en chemin de fer. J’y trouvais heureusement mes nièces à peu près remises de la grippe, et toute la famille prête à regagner Paris le plus tôt possible. Déjà nous faisions le projet d’y repartir tous ensemble à la fin de ma permission, quand un événement particulièrement émouvant pour nous, se produisit dans les opérations militaires. Les 14, 15 et 16...

Nous quittons Vandières dans la nuit du 24 au 25 juillet pour aller prendre le train à Épernay. Nous prenons la direction de Paris, puis par Noisy-le-Sec et Pantin nous passons sur le réseau du Nord et nous débarquons dans l’après-midi à Crèvecœur, dans l’Oise. Nos cantonnements sont à Auchy-la-Montagne, Rotangy et La Chaussée. Nous y jouissons d’un vrai repos jusqu’au 6 août. Le 7 nous faisons dans les champs une grande manœuvre d’attaque où est engagée la division toute entière. C’est la ré...

This chapter presents the local context of Smith’s stay in Toulouse. The capital of the Languedoc was inhabited by many British people, mainly elements of the Jacobite diaspora. Smith and his pupil found there a remarkable guide, Abbe Colbert of Castlehill, a Scot, born in Inverness in a Presbyterian family, thanks to whom the Grand Colbert had been able to claim an aristocratic ascendance, who entered a career in the Gallican Church and was vicar general of Lomenie de Brienne, Archbishop of Toulouse, and future minister of Louis XVI. Contrarily to Smith, Abbe Colbert was very fond of correspondence and social networks, hence the numerous anecdotes he supplied on Smith in Toulouse. Townshend’s letter to the Duke presents the traveller’s duties in detail.

In this chapter I suggest connections between the early life, education, and work experience of Ernst Abbe as well as his seminal contributions to optical metrology and his role as a social reformer. While several sources discuss what Abbe contributed during his career, I suggest links to help answer the question of what prompted him to do so? First, I posit that Abbe’s difficult and financially unstable early life led to his penchant to work as a social reformer at Zeiss Werke and at the University of Jena.

At the end of 1764, Smith and the Duke attended the annual session of the Estates of Languedoc in Montpellier. The composition of the Estates was complicated as it combined a representation by orders and a representation of the territories. During the following months spent in Toulouse, the travellers from Scotland were much more integrated in the local elites. Smith was especially close to the Riquets who were the heirs of Pierre Riquet, the builder of the Canal of Languedoc. The Riquets were in charge of the management of the Canal which was celebrated by Smith in the Wealth of Nations. At the end of their stay, Smith took down the testimony of Abbe Colbert in the Douglas Case.