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For late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century elite men and women, balls were the pinnacle of social occasions and a highlight of each social season. In the early years of Washington, D.C., balls became a stage for elite society to wrestle with the question of defining an American identity that served the republican values of the new nation. Focusing on one incident at a ball in 1804, this essay explores how Washington's early elite society used the dances, deportment, and etiquette of a ball to display a civility that added legitimacy to the new seat of federal government. Paradoxically, Washington elites also used the same dances and ball etiquette to differentiate their republican society from its aristocratic European counterparts and, in so doing, established a new identity of American gentility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been written about George Washington as a presidential leader, but little attention has been given to one important aspect of the first president's administration: his role in funding and constructing the nation's new capital city in the District of Columbia. This article highlights Washington's involvement in the creation of the Federal City by focusing on the choices he faced and decisions he made regarding Washington, DC during the last six months he was in office and showing that in terms of this facet of his presidency, he was truly a hands-on leader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. To determine the association of medical marijuana laws (MMLs) with traffic fatality rates. Methods. Using data from the 1985-2014 Fatality Analysis Reporting System, we examined the association between MMLs and traffic fatalities in multilevel regression models while controlling for contemporaneous secular trends. We examined this association separately for each state enacting MMLs. We also evaluated the association between marijuana dispensaries and traffic fatalities. Results. On average, MML states had lower traffic fatality rates than non-MML states. Medical marijuana laws were associated with immediate reductions in traffic fatalities in those aged 15 to 24 and 25 to 44 years, and with additional yearly gradual reductions in those aged 25 to 44 years. However, state-specific results showed that only 7 states experienced post-MML reductions. Dispensaries were also associated with traffic fatality reductions in those aged 25 to 44 years. Conclusions. Both MMLs and dispensaries were associated with reductions in traffic fatalities, especially among those aged 25 to 44 years. State-specific analysis showed heterogeneity of the MML-traffic fatalities association, suggesting moderation by other local factors. These findings could influence policy decisions on the enactment or repealing of MMLs and how they are implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gonzalo Rodríguez Lafora (1886-1971) is considered to be one of the most notable medical figures of the Generation of 1914. Between 1910 and 1912 worked at "Saint Elizabeth Hospital" in Washington. In 1910 a polio epidemic took place in that city. Lafora wrote an article about the epidemic which was published in Spain in 1913, although, previously, he had made some submissions on the subject in English and German languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses U.S. state policies concerning embryonic stem cell (ESC) research during the early 21st century, particularly analyzing the clash between the policies of President George W. Bush during his first term and the group the California Institute for Regenerative Medicine. The article discusses research funded by federal grants and state-funded research, the California legislation the Stem Cell Research and Cures Act, popularly known as Prop 71, and the lobbying activities of the group CuresNow.

In 1978 the local government in the District of Columbia approved a measure to tax up to 70% of the profits made on residential speculation. The tax was the first of its kind in the USA. But, it was quickly overturned and deemed by supporters and opponents a failure. Based on 10 months of archival research and interviews in Washington, DC, this paper examines how property rights became a narrative barrier that tax supporters could not overcome. By narrative barrier, I mean the set of rules that shaped how speculation was discussed. Tax supporters did not publicly convey a counter-hegemonic vision of how tenure security and economic wealth could be achieved for black residents through means other than private ownership and real estate investment. This paper contributes to understandings of housing markets, housing crises, and intersections between housing justice and property rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]