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Having said its piece on China, the Department of State ought now to pass to the delicate problem of inter-American relations. There is great need for a White Paper on the good-neighbor countries, one that will, reject sentimentality, face facts and speak out in an unembarrassed voice. It would be desirable, too, to hasten the release of such a policy pronouncement. Washington D.C. is unfortunately ill prepared to undertake a realistic appraisal of the present state of affairs in South America. The purgative of the China White Paper has not yet taken effect and nervous officials are reminding themselves that the full story of Marshall Plan aid will soon have to be told.

This article focuses on foreign policy of the Unites State on China. According to the author, when Secretary of State of the United States stated in the recently issued White Paper on China that it was American policy to wait for the dust to settle before making any major new decisions about China, he laid himself and the Administration open to a sustained and savage attack. Criticism concentrated on the suggestion that the Department of State, having failed in a weak policy of insufficient action, was trying to retreat to a still weaker policy of total inaction.

As a discussion historic events and a compilation of pertinent documents the U.S. State Department's monumental White Paper on China will be an invaluable source book for years to come. As an apologia for American policy in China it is unconvincing. Apparently, the attack of a cardinal on former U.S. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, has not only succeeded in causing embarrassment to many Catholics, but has ruined the chance for any federal aid to schools by the current session of the U.S. Congress.

The outbreak of widespread fighting in China, approximating civil-war conditions, has weakened but not destroyed the remarkable myth that has grown up around the U.S. Ambassador Patrick J. Hurley. Only a few weeks ago the newspapers were hailing General Hurley, back-slapping oil man turned diplomat, for having at last achieved a settlement between the Chungking government and the Communist regime at Yenan. Some papers even hinted that he had arranged the recent pact between China and Soviet Union. Although it is now apparent that Hurleys diplomacy failed to bring unity, few Americans realize the extent of his responsibility for the present civil strife.

The author says that separate but related scraps of information, and the sotto voce complaints of middle-echelon State Department officials, suggest that the greatest barrier to substantial progress in the Warsaw talks with China is the intransigence of the U.S. military. Yet U.S. President Richard Nixon must implement this policy in the face of military obstructionism, aided by persons within the intelligence community, that comes uncomfortably close to insubordination. Preparing for resumed talks, the U.S. government drew up background papers that proposed an exchange of journalists, scholars, scientists and scientific information, and the "regularization" of postal service and telecommunications.

At Shanghai, the British, supported by Italians are defending a line, which reaches far beyond the boundaries of the International Settlement into purely Chinese territory. They have not bothered to give any excuse, not even to explain that their promises to observe China's national integrity are mere "scraps of paper"; like the Germans in Belgium thirteen years ago, they have simply taken the most convenient course. Meanwhile Sun Chuang-fong, recently lord of five provinces, is fading out of the picture.

By definition all alliances entangle. To have value to its signatories, to survive stresses and strains, an alliance must be based on mutual interests. Paper bonds alone do not tie effectively. An alliance will prove reliable only as long as all the signatories continue to fear the contingency, or party, against which it was originally directed. There must be, moreover, reasonable assurance that, acting together, the signatories are capable of meeting the contingency. Above all, an alliance should serve the interests of all parties, and not merely the interests of one to the detriment of the others.

The article discusses some socio-political issues in the United States. Over three hundred citizens of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, probably as good a representation of the intelligence, virtue, and patriotism of the city as could be produced, the venerable lawyer Horace Binney heading the list, have signed an address to the members of the U.S. Congress for the city, calling their attention to the Jenekes bill for the reform of the Civil Service, and asking for it, or something similar, their zealous support. People have been hoping for the last fortnight to see custom official Robert Hart's notes on the Chinese question, which have recently been made public, make their appearance in some of the papers in this part of the country which inflicted such awful chastisement a few weeks ago on businessman Ross Browne and the degraded American and British merchants who drew him out on the China question.

The article presents the views of the author on the Chinese students. According to the author the preeminent need of the Chinese student of this generation is encouragement. The minds of the Chinese students can be classified into three fairly distinct stages of development. First stage is a complete bewilderment with the modern trend of affairs. Second stage is of a profound depressions and pessimism. In the third stage is a bitter determination to win somehow in the end and wrest at least a sort of order out of the chaos in China.

This article discusses the book "Problems of the Pacific, 1933. Proceedings of the Fifth Conference of the Institute of Pacific Relations, Banff, 1933." There are two papers in this volume by Chinese delegates, which deserve special mention. One, by Gideon Chen, is entitled "Chinese Government [Nanking] Economic Planning and Reconstruction," the other is "The Agrarian Problem in China," by Chen Han-seng. Gideon Chen's report seems to have been one of the chief propaganda bids for foreign capitalist loans and investments in China.

This article presents information regarding the book "The Chinese: Their Education, Philosophy, and Letters," by W.A.P. Martin. This volume is appropriately dedicated to Professor William D. Whitney, and in a prefatory note its author informs him that most of the essays have been already published in China under the title of "Hanlin Papers," and are now offered to the public only as a bundle of "Beitriige," a small contribution towards the better understanding of China and the Chinese. Out of the seventeen papers four are likely to attract the most attention in the U.S., though all will be valuable to students in China itself. These are "Competitive Examinations in China," "The Ethical Philosophy of the Chinese," "The Renaissance in China," and "The Worship of Ancestors in China."

The article discusses about a state of war that exists in Shanghai and the lower Yangtze valley. The Japanese invasion of Shanghai has gone beyond mere protection of the lives and property of Japanese nationals; it has gone beyond that form of reprisal which international law allows stronger powers to take against weaker nations whenever the spirit moves them. The U.S. went to war with Germany on the strength of a Congressional resolution which was not a formal declaration of war, but simply a declaration that a state of war with Germany existed. The Russo-Japanese war in 1904 was also begun with a surprise attack by the Japanese without a formal declaration.

The article presents information about various publications. A contribution to the comparative legislation of the U.S. will be found in "The Rights of Property of Married Women Under the Laws of Kentucky," a paper read by the scholar H. Marshall Buford before the Lexington Bar Association, and now published by request in pamphlet form. While a certain amount of attention is being attracted towards China, the following extract from a modern native work, entitled "Shing Wu Chi," or "A History of the Wars of the Present Dynasty," to which the attention has been called by a correspondent, is of interest, and speaks volumes for the light in which recent action on the part of the great civilized powers is viewed by the literary classes of the empire.

This article presents information on the book "On Chinese Currency, Coin and Paper Money," by W. Vissering. The book rests upon the Chinese authority, the history of Ma-twan-lin, but Vissering has subjected the original to more thorough examination, and with far greater advantages. His book is a study in Chinese and in the history of money. Vissering proposed to give a summary of the most important facts under the latter head which his book contains. Several concurrent traditions narrate that money was first coined by the common people in times of calamity. This seems to mean that all lived ordinarily by agriculture and exchanged by barter, but when the crops failed they took to mining copper, which they cast into coins for convenience in exchanging it for goods.

This article focuses on the prerequisite of peaceful relations among Korea and Communist China for the political settlement in Korea. The United Nations cannot be at peace with China about Korea if the United Stares is not at peace with China about Formosa. On paper there are two possible ways of achieving this peace. The U.N. may make China feel that it faces military destruction if it refuses to accept the U.N. terms for Korea. It may hope that Communist China will be afraid to go on with a long war of attrition in Korea, afraid that U.N. planes will bomb bases in Manchuria; and these feats, it may hope, will help Communist China to find wisdom.

The article presents some papers on political issues. One of the papers highlights the problem of Albania placed before the world's tribunal. Albania has become an object of intense covetousness on the part of its neighbors. The various Balkan states, Serbia, Greece, Montenegro, and, to a lesser extent, Bulgaria, have been eyeing the Albanian territories ever since they resolved upon a policy of expansion. Another paper discusses the future of Kiaochow, the territory which Germany leased from China in 1897 for ninety-nine years and which was captured by the Anglo-Japanese forces at the outbreak of the World War I.

The article presents information about the U.S. government's policy of proposed loan to China. The present policy of approval of a proposed loan of possibly $50,000,000 to China by an American banking group is under question. The Democratic Administration, early in 1913, declined to support the U.S. participation in the projected "Six-Power Loan" to the Chinese Republic. U.S. President Woodrow Wilson's statement on that occasion, setting forth his belief that terms of the loan "touch very nearly the administrative independence of China," was one of the first state papers from which one could judge the President's attitude towards foreign nations.

The article focuses international relation. Confidential dispatches were received at the U.S. State Department, which are said to confirm the general tone of the forecasts of the German reply to the American note cabled by correspondents from Berlin, Germany. Whether the relaxation of activity by German submarines during the past two weeks represents the normal period of respite, respite from Nepenthe, which succeeds strenuous days. It indicates an intention on the part of Germany to moderate her submarine warfare. Dispatches from China on Monday revealed the fact that in the middle of May, during the crisis between China and Japan, an identical warning had been conveyed to both countries that the United States would not recognize any agreement, which impaired American rights in China or endangered the policy of the open door.

The article presents recent developments in world politics. There has been no further development during the past week in the situation in Romania or other Balkan states. It seems significant, however, that a loan of $25,000,000 has been arranged for Romania in England, and if dispatches from Rome and Athens published in recent papers are to be accepted. Whatever Italy's ultimate decision on the question of peace or war may be, it becomes increasingly evident that decision will be taken by Italy alone, uninfluenced by threats or persuasions of other Germany and Austria. Somewhat sensational dispatches from Chinese government were published on January 27 concerning demands that Japan had made upon China following the Japanese occupation of Kiao-chau.

This article focuses on international relations. According to the author, it is estimated that Generalissimo Chiang Kaishek, a Chinese nationalist and his immediate following controlled the nomination of at least 80 percent of the congress delegates, many of whom were about as competent to speak for the districts they were supposed to represent as would be an Eskimo for Timbuktu. This was achieved by a simple declaration empowering the party headquarters at Nanking to appoint delegates for districts which were not yet fully organized according to the party rules.

The article discusses the sleepy town of Hankow and Nanking in East Coast China. Nanking has come to Hankow. Old residents, used to nodding to every foreigner met along the street, glance bewildered at the flood of new faces. Evacués from Nanking, on the other hand, recognize in the crowd moving snakelike along the river front, the continuation of the evacuation parade along Chung-shan Road, chief artery of the capital-with the difference that here the crowd is on foot. In Nanking, the procession was made up of thousands of passenger cars, light trucks, and heavy Diesel buses.

The article focuses on the simmering attitude of British towards the officials of the U.S. for commenting on Chinese intervention in Korea. British attitude toward the U.S. has been so testy and jaundiced as during the past week. The implication of the words by Britishers that provocations by the U.S. bear great responsibility for the turn of events has been echoed with varying degrees of sharpness in most of the British press this past week. Weekend comments have tended to center on General Douglas MacArthur and his communiqué accusing the Communists of committing "one of the most offensive acts of international lawlessness of historic record."

Presents several letters to the editor on the article published in the earlier issues of the journal "The Nation." Reports on the heroic battle of Negba; Reports on the trade relations between China and the United States; Desire for renewal of subscription of the journal "The Nation."

The Chinese have always been a curious people and they are possessed of some very queer old customs. The managers of the Greatest Show on Earth seem to have chosen the present Soviet Union government to act as their Invisible Property Man. Officially they refuse to believe that there is such a thing as a Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. As far as Washington is concerned, official Soviet Union simply does not exist. There is some trouble, so it appears, about the exact status of a certain country called Manchuria. Japan wants that country and China wants it or has it and the two nations threaten to go to war with each other on account of this distant and mysterious territory.

The article presents some lines and materials send by readers of the political periodical The Nation. It says that Old China hands, Hurley-era vintage, will be interested in an excerpt from the mimeographed newssheet published aboard a transport carrying occupation troops to Korea last fall. The item says major general officers en route were briefed for their forthcoming job with the statement asserting that one of the principal missions of military government in Korea will be to form a bulwark against communism.

It will not yet be forgotten that for eight weeks and two days was the voice of the American press raised to mingle with the American official voice in crying hosannas for diplomatic victory. Each day was proclaimed yet a new and more unparalleled success to be added to the other new and unparalleled successes of the Genoa Conference on disarmament in Genoa, Italy. Each day was China liberated anew and the peace of the Far East yet again made secure. Thus again the British delegation forestalls American action before America has even spoken its intention; it again declares itself and again publicly arrays itself, if not with Japan then at least as neutral, that being adequate notification to Japan that it need not recede by a step.

Shanghai, the great commercial metropolis of the Far East, suppresses all free speech on the subject which matters most to the mass of its citizenry—their ability to make a decent living for themselves and their families. Working conditions are notoriously bad, as the Shanghai Child Labor Commission Report of two years ago revealed. An exhaustive investigation made this year under the direction of the industrial department of the National YMCA Committee of China shows that there has been little, if any improvement. The wages of the overwhelming majority of the 450,000 persons engaged in this city in industry and transportation are below $12 a month.

Presents perceptions of the author about people and places in China, formed during her visit to the country. Hospitality extended to foreign guests; Description of situations were the Chinese people would assume that the author did not understand the native language, whereas in reality she did understand; Views of the Chinese on the way Westerners dress; Views of the author about Chinese youth.

The image of a ruthless, irrational and aggressive Chinese Communist regime had been peddled in the United States from the beginning, mostly by private and U.S. Congressional sources rather than by the Administration. But by 1965, the Administration itself deemed it necessary to fan the flames of anti-Chinese Communist hysteria. The identification of China as the main enemy of the U.S. now serves the same function in the Vietnamese War as their allegations of North Vietnamese aggression had done earlier. In each case the alleged existence of a newer, larger, more real enemy provides an excuse for their inability to crush the initial, smaller enemy.

There can be no disputing that in some aspects of its operation the cultural revolution is now out of control. Accepting only the evidence of correspondents in China and of the Maoist press and radio, it is evident that the Red Guards are split into factions, that they are no longer a coherent instrument of policy, and that it has been necessary to call upon the army to restore order in several major cities and to prevent the brawling of opposed factions from developing into civil warfare. The Red Guards have been told to return to their home towns and villages. The attempt to open the schools, which does not seem to have achieved very much as yet points to the need to get the young off the streets and once more under control.

The article focuses on major changes in the physical and mental landscape of China. Industrial decentralization has created new nodes of industry deep in the rural areas. Chinese industry has gone a good way toward strengthening some of its weak links; thus, the country is now self-sufficient in petroleum products and the chemical industry increased its output of chemical fertilizers by almost one-third. The part-work, part-study schools, developed as part of the new education policy, also contribute to the country's industrial output at the same time that they educate a new generation of technicians.

If Washington seems finally to have bowed to the demand of a public debate on Vietnam, there is still no sign that responsible officials want to talk seriously about China. More than sixteen years have passed since the Communist armies entered Peking in triumph and the war-weary Chinese placed their fortunes in the hands of the veterans from the hills and caves of Yenan. During this interval the Chinese population has grown at an estimated rate of 12 to 15 million each year or by a total not much less than the present population of the United States.

The article presents information on various issue regarding the Chinese foreign policy and dominance in South-East Asia. China and the U.S. view each other as enemy, while each view contains some segments of truth, both propaganda pictures are wide of the mark to an extent that would be ludicrous. There is, in short, no evidence that China would welcome an immediate confrontation with the U.S., and much evidence that China will do everything possible to avoid such a conflict. In addition to that, the article presents various other information.

Behind India and, Pakistan's acceptance of the "cease-fire" are a number of critically important developments. But the paradox of the cease-fire, in a sense, is the fact that China is perhaps the power primarily responsible for it. The conclusion increasingly reached is that this war cannot be just, essentially because it is immoral to fight a war in the midst of a civilian population that has never clearly expressed itself one way or the other on the so-called issues. It is basically a great-power struggle, and since it cannot be fought except with the most horrible consequences to people who are in effect bystanders, it is inherently and irremediably immoral.

This article describes the foreign relations of France with China. France's diplomatic and economic courting of Communist China is based on a long-range analysis of the international scene in which sober realism and grandiose delusion are about equally mixed. The realism is largely economic: France needs new ex- port markets for its growing industries, and Communist China by virtue of its determination, if nothing else, looks very much like the right recipe for France's export hunger. Trade with China -- this promising market of 700 million people short on foreign exchange but long on ambition-is, therefore, for the French a matter of domestic importance and urgency.

China's first atomic test has again focused attention upon its development as a military power. All the evidence suggests that it may acquire an effective nuclear capability within the next ten years. Meanwhile, the Chinese People's Liberation Army numbers well over two and a half million, and is backed by a popular militia of many more millions. Yet it is important that the West should not allow itself to be mesmerized by China's sheer weight of numbers, nor by its progress on the nuclear front. What is significant is not so much China's strategic potential, actual or projected, but the strategic philosophy that will determine how such a potential is used.

The article presents the economic and political updates of the U.S., as of November 25, 1909. Careful perusal of the opinion in Saturday's decision against the Standard Oil Co. will convince most readers of the journal "The Nation," that it is not only sound law as the statutes stand, but is conservative interpretation of the law. The decision of the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals is, like the Supreme Court Vs Northern Securities decision of 1904, leveled primarily against the holding-company device, when employed for monopolistic purposes. In another political update, the U.S. State Department's approval of the China-Japanese conventions concerning Manchuria, China, signed on September 4, comes somewhat belated, but welcome nevertheless.

The article focuses on issues related to international relations. It is hard to believe that so discreet an official as the foreign minister of so diplomatic a nation as the Japanese should have really made use of the uncalled for and almost brutal threats against the Chinese Government, with which a Korean dispatch credits him. In the absence, however, of testimony to the contrary, Japanese foreign minister Viscount Hayashi is on record as declaring that the fate of Korea may be regarded by China as a lesson; it should be a warning to that country to put her house in order, ere some strong nation, whichever one might be moved so to do, imitates events in Korea. From the moment when peace was signed with the Boers at Vereeniging, South Africa in 1902, the union of Africa south of the Limpopo and Orange Rivers, South Africa under one autonomous government might have been taken for granted. The British trend towards colonial federation, which had manifested itself in North America and Australia under the sole influence of internal causes, could not but run with greater force in South Africa, where was to be found the additional powerful stimulus of neighboring foreign territories and, consequently, foreign rivalry.

The modern history of Manchuria began when Japan seized Korea from China in the Sino-Japanese war of 1894-95 and was balked of the Liaotung peninsula in South Manchuria only by the intervention of Russia, France and Germany. Russia thereupon acquired the con- cessions Japan had coveted and at the turn of the century built the `Chinese Eastern Railway and opened the port of Dalny (Dairen). The Russo-Japanese war of 1904-5 followed and Japan took over the Russian lease of the Liaotung peninsula, including Dairen and all Russian concessions and privileges in South Manchuria as far as Changchun, including the corresponding portion of the South Manchurain Railway, the coal mines and Fushun and various subsidiary enterprises.

The article presents various political developments. General Pelham D. Glassford's reply to Attorney-General William Mitchell's attack upon the character of the bonus army was clear and devastating. In signing a treaty of alliance with Manchukuo on September 15 Japan has taken one more step toward the ultimate annexation of this puppet state, and has again challenged the civilized world. A new publisher has conceived the idea that there is a public, which wants to buy "distinguished books while they are best-sellers, in a full leather format in keeping with their distinction," and so he has arranged with other publishers to bring out such special editions to sell at $5.

Throughout the world plans are now being made for celebrating during January the tenth anniversary of the launching of the League of Nations. There will be banquets and speeches from Nanking to Cape Town Russia will not be able to ignore the occasion and the United States will dine it with just as much enthusiasm as if Washington were the capital of a member state. Almost in spite of ourselves we are intrigued by the persistent vitality of an institution which President Harding years ago pronounced "dead."

This article focuses on China and its critics. There are strange and inexplicable lacunae in the reports on China; about many things an obstinate silence is preserved. Nothing is said about the freedom of the press in Yenan. Bald statements about the "blockade" and "stopping of pay" and internal "clashes" are made with-out relation to time and space. When the author tried to fill in the lacunae and write a coherent story that made sense, he came out with facts highly unpleasant to the Communist side.

For months a conspiracy of silence has blanketed the strained relations between China and its Western allies. From time to time there have been hints of Chinese displeasure with the United States and Great Britain, but in the interests of United Nations unity not much has been allowed to leak out regarding the nature of U.S. and British anxiety regarding China. Owing to this official silence, little constructive thinking has been done on how to ease the strain so that China may be made a more effective force in the struggle against Japan and in the peace to follow.

The article presents information on the second world war and its impacts. The Chinese have been fighting stubbornly in the war , they have been handicapped by inadequate numbers and lack of air support. By a courage born of desperation they succeeded at the end of last week in recapturing the important city of Taimggyi on the central Burma front, but this gain was imperiled by the withdrawal of other Chinese units. The landing of U.S. troops in New Caledonia is a second notice to that government that the United States is ready to act in support of its war interests if not of its principles.

The article focuses on the mass riots, sabotage and assassinations during the Nazi conquest. People were disillusioned about the structure of their societies, disgusted with the government which had led them to defeat. They were ready to accept a "New Order" which offered peace, bread, and economic equality. Furthermore, observers from China report a marked improvement in internal conditions there. Civilian morale has been greatly strengthened by concrete evidences of American aid and on Japanese trade. Finally, it also presents evidence of the seriousness of Nazi activity in South American countries.

In the negotiations now going on in Geneva between the U.S. and China, a bargaining point is "Porgy and Bess." This is only one of the unexpected roles the twenty-year-old folk opera has played recently. For the last four years it has been functioning as a kind of guided missile in the cold war. People are paying $150 for tickets to "My Fair Lady." President Dwight D. Eisenhower himself, wrote Blevins Davis, president of the non-profit corporation that produces "Porgy and Bess" said that the work is a serious and enduring one.

If a democratic and united Korea is possible at all, it can be created and maintained only if China is convinced that it will not be used as a jumping-off place for U.S. forces bent on "liberation." And China will be hard to convince as long as Syngman Rhee, President of the Republic of Korea, is endorsed as the rightful head of all Korea and backed by the United States. Nor will a China ruled out of community of nations be a safe neighbor for any smaller Asian country. This is only one illustration of the interlocking nature of the issues loosed by the armistice.

The editor, in this article highlights, some recent international issues. The discussion in the English newspapers and elsewhere about concessions in the East tends to obscure the principle of international law with which it is connected. What the English concessionaires want is that England should see to it that they have their rights not merely as against China, but as against any third Power, like the Soviet Union, which intrigues in China to their disadvantage. The great risk run in sending troops to Cuba in the hot season was, of course, perfectly well known in advance. It was nature more than man, disease more than rifle-balls, that the U.S. military authorities feared, and It was their knowledge of this danger which led them to give up all idea of moving against Havana before the autumn.

The negotiations leading up to the signing of the China Consortium Agreement on October 15, 1920, were in many respects more significant than the terms of the agreement itself. The article presents the correspondence between the American group of bankers, the Department of State and the British Government. At the conference held in Washington, there was mentioned, that Americans and Japanese cooperate in a loan to China. Although under the present circumstances it would be expected that Japan and the U.S. should carry England and France, such carrying should not diminish the vitality of their memberships in the four-Power group.

The article focuses on news related to various socio-political issues from around the world as of January 1921. The Ku Klux Klan which is now planning active invasion of the North is not merely anti-Negro. According to Colonel W.J. Simmons, only native-born American citizens who believe in the tenets of the Christian religion and owe no allegiance to any foreign country, political institution, sect, or persons are eligible. The Chinese famine grows worse so rapidly that the few efforts being made to fight it seem pitifully inadequate. Even the famous famine of 1878 was less devastating, as a crop had been harvested before the drought began. The present famine follows two years of scanty rainfall and crop failures.