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Social movements are shaped by gender systems and they also are a source of social change in gender. Some social movements directly attempt to change gender relations; these movements, particularly women's movements, have been the focus of considerable scholarship. Increasingly, scholars also recognize the gendered nature of other social movements and the impact of systemic inequalities of gender on the opportunities, constraints, and forms of social movements in general. Keywords: collective behavior; sociology of sex, gender, and sexuality; feminism; gender; women

O artigo trata das reivindicações das mulheres por direitos políticos e educacionais em meio ao contexto socio-histórico de exclusão feminina da vida pública de 1913 a 1933. O objetivo é o de compreender como o debate em prol do sufrágio feminino e do feminismo era abordado na imprensa da Parahyba do Norte nas primeiras décadas do século XX. Desenvolveu-se uma pesquisa documental no jornal A União, que localizou quinze edições, veiculadas nos anos de 1913, 1920, 1925, 1930, 1931 e 1933, que destacam essa temática. A análise revelou que o debate das ideias feministas não era uníssono, pois algumas vezes havia contradições entre o desejo de conquistar maior escolaridade, independência financeira e direitos políticos e o medo de ferir os padrões e ideologias vigentes ao ultrapassar a esfera da vida privada dedicada à família. This article examines women's demands for political and educational rights in the socio-historical context of women’s exclusion from public life in the years 1913 to 1933. Our goal is to understand how the debate on women’s suffrage and feminism was conducted in the northern Brazilian press of Parahyba in the early twentieth century. The article draws on a study of the newspaper A União, in which fifteen issues from 1913, 1920, 1925, 1930, 1931, and 1933, were found that addressed the issue. The analysis reveals that the debate on feminist ideas was not unanimous, as there were sometimes contradictions between the claims for more schooling, financial independence and political rights and the fear of violating the prevailing norms and ideologies by going beyond the sphere of private life dedicated to the family.

Women played a crucial role in 1488-9 during the war of the Flemish cities against Maximilian of Austria, the regent of count Philip the Fair. They were key figures in communication networks, carrying letters between different cities and their militias. Moreover, as spies they also provided intelligence on the position of enemy armies. This article shows how various women from Ghent, Ypres, and Bruges travelled almost invisibly, alone or in pairs, between towns, and also inside and outside enemy camps. These towns developed a sophisticated communication network that relied heavily on women as messengers or spies. As a result women played a more important role in such military conflicts than is generally assumed.

This article sheds light on male identities in interwar Belgian Congo by using the colony’s largest palm oil concession as a case study. Based on colonial archives and oral testimonies, it shows how vernacular and colonial understandings of masculinity interplayed and keep on influencing ways to ‘be a man’ in the present. This article is divided into four parts. First, it highlights how vigorous male bodies supposedly constituted entry points in the colonial ‘civilizing mission’. Second, it addresses the convergences between coming-of-age rituals and of palm oil labour as markers of adulthood. Third, it nuances the association of dominant masculinity with brute force by showing how the ‘strongest’ palm oil workers were suspected to use witchcraft. Fourth, it addresses the apparent contradiction between recollection of colonial labour as an experience of hardships and paternalist ‘pampering’.

Despite its high prevalence, vaginismus remains an under-researched condition up until the present day. This is not only true for the medical sciences, but also for history. Apart from a few articles about the medical discovery of the condition by Marion Sims in 1861, the history of vaginismus has never been explored. By illuminating how healthcare practitioners, women’s movements and sufferers have engaged with the issue since the 1950s, this research project will enrich the historiography of science and sexuality, women’s health, and sexual pain. Focusing on the aforementioned actors, I will examine the changing medical understandings and treatments of vaginismus, the educative and knowledge-making role of women’s health activists and the experience of sexual pain. I will do so through a comparative transatlantic lens in order to elucidate in what ways and to what extent healthcare providers, activists and sufferers have exchanged ideas and information about vaginismus overseas. Drawing on a variety of archival, published and oral sources this research project will produce the very first cultural biography of vaginismus in the postwar era.

This article attempts to study the process of gender roles transformation of German women under the influence of World War I. Gender history as a social history of the sexes has significant heuristic potential which is why the author uses it as a methodological basis of the research. The recent years have seen an increased interest in war history, the front, and the rear from the gender point of view among researchers. The gender perspective — precisely because it has long remained outside the mainstream — has challenged and fundamentally changed the contemporary historiography of German history. Gender studies demonstrate that debates about war and peace are always also discussions of the gendered social order, or the ideas of “masculinity” and “femininity” at a certain time. For a long time, in historiography, the opinion prevailed that World War I was a decisive factor in the emancipation of women in Germany in the twentieth century. However, studies of the last two decades have convincingly shown that this thesis needs to be corrected at least. The increase in the share of female labour in German industry during the war years corresponded to the pre-war trend and did not exceed it in quantitative terms. Women’s labour in the industry was the lot of the lower classes. Measures of social support of the state for the families of military personnel, on the one hand, contributed to women’s financial independence, and, on the other hand, increased their dependence on it, formed dependents. The inability of the German authorities during the war years to provide for the basic life needs of the population led to widespread illegal activities (larceny, illegal markets) and protests, which together with the military defeat, became one of the main reasons for the November Revolution., В статье предпринята попытка изучения процесса трансформации гендерных ролей немецких женщин под влиянием Первой мировой войны. В качестве методологической базы использовались наработки основанного на принципах междисциплинарности и обладающего значительным эвристическим потенциалом направления гендерная история. История войн, фронта и тыла с гендерной точки зрения привлекает внимание современных исследователей. Более того, гендерная перспектива — именно потому, что она долгое время стояла вне мейнстрима — бросила вызов и коренным образом изменила историографию современной немецкой истории. Гендерные исследования показывают, что дебаты о войне и мире всегда являются также обсуждением гендерного социального порядка или действующих в соответствующее время моделей «мужественности» и «женственности». Долгое время в немецкой историографии в трудах Ф. Эрве, А. Шазер, У. Фреверт преобладало мнение о том, что Первая мировая война стала решающим фактором эмансипации женщин в Германии ХХ в. Однако исследования последних двух десятилетий, особенно У. Даниель и Б. Кундрус убедительно показали, что этот тезис как минимум необходимо корректировать. Увеличение доли женского труда в промышленности Германии в годы войны соответствовало довоенной тенденции и по количественным показателям не превышало ее. Работа в индустрии была уделом представительниц низших классов. Меры социальной поддержки семей военнослужащих со стороны государства, с одной стороны, способствовали финансовой самостоятельности женщин, с другой — усиливали их зависимость от него, формировали иждивенческие настроения. Неспособность властей Германии в годы войны обеспечить основные жизненные потребности населения приводила к широкому распространению противозаконной деятельности (воровство, черный рынок) и формированию протестных настроений, которые вслед за поражением в войне стали одной из основных причин ноябрьской революции.

This article combines history of the family with women’s and gender history and the history of women’s education; it is based on an extensive range of archives and aims at highlighting the attitude of society and families towards women who wanted to attend University studies in the beginning of the 20th century. The matter of women’s university education is directly related to the emergence of the feminist movement in Greece. The strong preference of female university students for the exact sciences at that time was justified by contemporary scholars as a choice reflecting women’s nature. This article highlights the role played by family and social class background. To this effect, the life course of three ‘heroines’ is followed from their initial desire to undertake further studies to their participation in the social and cultural life of the capital of Greece, as a contribution to current literature on gender studies. Despite the limited number of cases discussed, we strongly believe that these women’s upbringing enhances our understanding of women’s scientific pursuits and their place in Athenian elite families.

In 1917, the Romanov dynasty in Russia came to an end as Tsar Nicholas II abdicated during the February Revolution and the First World War. The Romanovs ruled Russia for over three-hundred years as absolute monarchs and until 1917, Nicholas II and his wife Tsarina Alexandra Feodorovna fervently clung to their autocratic rule and projected an image of power and stability. Yet, their choices not only shaped Russia itself but also dictated Russia’s diplomatic and cultural relationship with their future allies in the First World War: Great Britain, France, and the United States of America. From 1896 to 1917, Tsar Nicholas II floundered amid a series of crisis and this dissertation considers five key moments in his reign that illustrate the complex relationship between Russia and the allies of the First World War. These events are: the Coronation of Nicholas II in 1896; Bloody Sunday and the Treaty of Portsmouth in 1905; the Romanov Tercentenary in 1913; the role of Tsarina Alexandra in the First World War from 1914-1917; and the abdication of Nicholas II and asylum request by the Romanovs in 1917. All of these events showcase the diplomatic and media representations of the Romanovs among allied nations and how Nicholas performed and presented his view of himself to the rest of the world. Each Tsar of Russia fashioned himself into a mythic and ceremonial figure to the Russian people and this dissertation argues that the governments of Great Britain, France, and the United States accepted Nicholas’ self-representations for many years and ignored his autocratic rule in favor of their own military and financial interests. In 1917, after years of excusing his behavior, they finally rejected him. Ultimately, the Romanovs held great power at home and abroad and were major players in international events in the early twentieth century but they were unable to reconcile their autocratic regime with modern democracies. In the end, Nicholas’ and Alexandra’s failure to adapt and perform their roles effectively cost them their throne and left Russia in a state of war and disarray.

Submitted in total fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, La Trobe University, Victoria, Australia.

This thesis traces the history of Australian women’s protest against nuclear weapons in the early Cold War. The 1950s and early 1960s saw a small but determined group of women take to the streets or pick up a pen to campaign for nuclear disarmament. This thesis focuses on identity-construction and the ways in which women’s activism was, and is, inexorably enmeshed with their internal and external lives. Through such an analysis, this thesis demonstrates how women forged a space for themselves in the highly gendered Cold War political climate and firmly situates women at the forefront of Cold War analysis.

By looking at the itineraries of specific individual Indian and Swiss actors going back and forth between India and Switzerland during the first half of twentieth century, the book explores the history of cultural relations between both countries. The itineraries studied here are those of Frieda Hauswirth, who searched for ways to contribute to the Indian freedom struggle; of Eva Lombard and Elisabeth Petitpierre, who went to India in order to practice medicine and save souls; of Jakob Urner, a missionary who developed an elective affinity for the Lingayat religious literature; of Selvarajan Yesudian, who teamed up with the esotericist Elisabeth Haich, and taught in Switzerland an idiosyncratic conception of yoga; and of Lizelle Reymond who published a widely read book recounting her encounter with the samkhya master Sri Anirvan., ISBN:978-3-7965-4774-4, ISBN:978-3-7965-4773-7

A partir de diálogos y recopilación de material documental en 7 países de 3 subregiones durante una década, Andrea Ivanna Gigena aborda en este ensayo la politización feminista en Latinoamérica y el Caribe / Abya Yala en su relación con las mujeres del »Plural Movimiento Indígena«. Reflexiona sobre las condiciones históricas y las construcciones genealógicas sobre las cuáles actualmente estamos discutiendo o disputando la cuestión del sujeto del feminismo.

The authors study the institutionalization of midwife specialization among women in Russia in the period from the 18th through the early 20th centuries. The main sources are legislative acts, clerical documents, as well as reports on the activities of medical institutions and maternity departments. The authors use the approaches of gender history, and the concept of professionalization as developed by E. Freidson. Midwifery was the first area of womens work that was officially recognized by the state. There were three main stages on the way to professionalizing the midwifery profession among women. The first stage (covering the 18th century) is associated with attempts to study and systematize the activities of midwives. The practical experience of midwifes was actively sought by doctors whose theoretical knowledge was limited. The second stage of professionalization (corresponding to the first half of the 19th century) was associated with the normative regulation of midwife work and the formation of a professional hierarchy in midwifery. The third stage (comprising the second half of the 19th century and the early 20th century) saw a restriction of the midwives spheres of activity, as well as the active inclusion of male doctors in practical obstetrics and their rise to a dominant position. With the development of obstetric specialization, operative obstetrics, and the opening of maternity wards, midwives were relegated to a subordinate position in relation to doctors. In contrast to the United States and Western European countries, Russia did not have professional associations of midwives. Intra-professional communication was weak, and there was no corporate solidarity. In Soviet medicine, finally, the midwives subordinate place in relation to doctors was only cemented.

This paper analyzes basic theoretical notions of the oppression of women, class inequality, women’s history, and gender history discussed in the study named Dugi ženski marš. Položaj radnica i ženski aktivizam u Hrvatskoj između dvaju svjetskih ratova authored by a croatian historian Ana Rajković (2021). What is more, the paper examines the role of these assessments in creating the historiographical narrative as a whole. The study by Ana Rajković is an innovative synthesis of various insights about women’s history in both the labour and feminist movement in Yugoslavia in the interwar period. Furthermore, the study provides possibilities for (re)interpretation of these insights in the context of women’s contemporary social and intellectual history. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to re-examine the theoretical and methodological differences between contemporary historiography, of which Ana Rajković is a representative, and seminal historical syntheses in Yugoslavia after the Second World War, whose main focus was also on female members of the communist movement and their activity in the interwar period.

The social impact of Allied Forces on the Australian home front is central to research on World War II gender relations but is often overlooked in South Australia. The arrival of 20,000 American se...

The article highlights the ways of resolving family conflicts nobles and peasants in the first third of the XIX century in the Russian Empire, against the background of the ongoing systematization of legislation. Based on examination of the letters and memoirs of the nobles and peasants we highlighted the methods, which are actually used to solve family conflicts. I conclude that nobles and peasants rarely used help of the state in resolving family conflicts. The sphere of family relations was sacred for these estates; therefore, they did not rope the authorities into family conflicts. I have identified the following ways to resolve family conflicts: duel; marriage, often in the form of a secret wedding; going to the monastery and punishing the unfaithful wife; different approaches to raising children by peasants and nobles. The author of the article pays attention to passivity of the peasants in resolving their family conflicts. The results of the study allow exploring the alternative ways of resolving family conflicts based on representatives of other classes of Russian society in the first third of the 19th century (clergy, merchants, philistines, foreigners) as well, using wider range of sources (journalism, normative acts, fiction, paperwork). This analysis contributes to the discussion about the limits of the government intervention into family affairs. The author of the article redlines that people did not trust the law and resorted to the personally legitimate sources of dealing with family conflicts. This conclusion presents a new perspective in the discussion of legal nihilism and real application of the law in life

This thesis investigates the prevalence, pertinence, and potency of a recurrent gender discourse in mid-nineteenth- and early twentieth-century England: masculine nostalgia. Nostalgic views of the national past abounded in Victorian and Edwardian England. This narrative, espoused by commentators and politicians, claimed that contemporary English men were heirs to a great ancestral legacy, bequeathed to them by their predecessors who embodied a paradigm of masculinity. This story facilitated, and ostensibly legitimated, a sense of entitlement for the English, particularly for white upper-middle-class men. However, it also invited nagging doubts over whether the present generation could live up to their progenitors’ idealised masculine character. This thesis examines when and why this nostalgic disposition became intersected by masculine angst, and what impact this trope had on the language of politics. It asks what conditions instigated these insecurities; why these concerns persisted throughout the mid-Victorian and Edwardian period; and how these fears were communicated to the English public. In short, the thesis seeks to uncover a historical continuity amid a period of immense social, political, and cultural change. It argues that the perception of the German threat between 1870 and 1909 resulted, in part, from a projection of latent English masculine insecurities. The reactions to this imagined threat were shaped by a lingering sense of inadequacy vis-à-vis previous generations. Chapters one and two examine how this discourse emerged beyond a German stimulus in the responses to the Indian Uprisings of 1857, and the origins of the Volunteer Movement in 1859. Chapters three to seven consider how the portrayal of, and responses to, German foreign policy reveal that this nostalgic view of the past shaped attitudes towards rivals’ policies. The thesis concludes that masculine nostalgia was a powerful discourse that was weaponized by upper-middle-class men to socialise contemporaries into social, political, and gender hierarchies.

During the eighteenth and nineteenth century, education, from the hands of religious congregations, single clergymen, as well as private citizens, became codified, unified, and public. Although these developments would occur transnationally across Europe, they can greatly differ due to the numerous regional circumstances. This long process is even more complex when considering the conditions of female education which was often conducted either at home or in religious institutions with little oversight from the government. Carlotta Ercolina De Saxy Visconti (1733-1805) was a Milanese noblewoman appointed by Joseph II as superintendent of female education in Lombardy, a role she would keep after the arrival of the French troops in 1796. De Saxy, through her published books and political position, tried to translate the educational principles created in the imperian metropole into reforms that were feasible both theoretically and pragmatically in northern Italy. De Saxy devised a free, comprehensive project dedicated to women of all social standing encompassing all aspects of education, she also included plans for funding, in addition to finding teachers, textbooks, and functional school buildings. Her work awarded her praise from intellectuals and politicians alike, and, although she never had her own salon, she succeeded in creating a network of enlightened thinkers across Italy and Europe, including Pietro Verri, Giuseppe Gorani, Pietro Metastasio, and Melchiorre Delfico. She encouraged them to publish their own work by connecting them with each other to further support their aspirations. Moreover, her Jansenist sensibilities prompted a correspondence between herself, philosopher Pietro Verri, and Jansenist bishop of Pistoia Scipione De’ Ricci, a reformer of religious practises who closely collaborated with Peter Leopold in the Tuscan Grand Dutchy. This works aims, with the tools of micro and translational history, to uncover the long-term historical process of female schooling by analysing a local actor moving between Milanese culture and Habsburg government. The shift in the scope and objective of female education at the turn of the nineteenth century in Lombardy is illustrated by examining the connection between people and institutions from the perspective of the individuals involved in changing them.

Cette thèse étudie les débats littéraires et linguistiques qui ont suivi, en Chine, l’introduction des pronoms de troisième personne marqués en genre à la fin des années 1910. Elle analyse la manière dont l’adjonction de ce marquage modelé sur les langues européennes a posé question à une époque où les relations sociales de genre se sont imposées comme un sujet d’actualité brûlant et où la littérature est devenue un outil de premier plan pour l’unification de la langue nationale. Ce travail m...

В статье представлена рецензия на монографию Хелен Раппапорт «Дневники княжон Романовых. Загубленные жизни». Реконструкция биографий дочерей Николая II Ольги, Татьяны, Марии и Анастасии осуществлена через призму «истории детства» и «гендерной истории». Отмечается как методологическая новизна подхода автора книги, так и противоречивость некоторых суждений и выводов. The article presents a review of the monograph by Helen Rappaport ‘The Diaries of the Romanov Princesses. Ruined lives’ [‘The Romanov Sisters: The Lost Lives of the Daughters of Nicholas and Alexandra’]. The reconstruction of the biographies of the four daughters of Nicholas II was carried out through the prism of ‘childhood history’ and ‘gender history’. Both the methodological novelty of Rappaport's approach and the inconsistency of some of the author's judgments and conclusions are noted.

The article retraces how the notion of cultural singularity in sexuality was constructed and weaponized in the most popular French illustrated periodical of the First World War. It argues that La Vie Parisienne’s sublimation of romantic love, sex, and Frenchness worked as a cultural tactic that, while helping the readership cope with a devastating historical disruption, undermined at the same time claims for social change. The close analysis of works by illustrator Chéri Hérouard uncovers how nationalism and anxieties of sexual dispossession contributed to integrate a fraught notion of women’s sexual consent to a broader claim of cultural superiority. This article provides a critical approach to popular and visual representations of heterosexual and non-conjugal norms of desire, seduction, and sexuality in wartime France. It also offers a historical example of how the racialization and nationalisation of gender relations, discussed as ‘Gallic singularity’ in recent scholarship, trivialises masculine aggression and produces the ambivalence long associated with the notion of women’s sexual consent in France.

Neither archives nor museums are neutral. They reflect particular sets of priorities: those of the institution; the collectors and curators within them; and those of their intended audiences. In th...

Le Cédus, le lobby de la filière sucre en France, utilise à ses fins communicationnelles les représentations féminines liées au produit sucre. Des années 1960 aux années 1980, trois périodes se dégagent pour appréhender l’image sociétale du sucre. La première voit le sucre considéré comme l’aliment énergétique par excellence, la deuxième, la surconsommation de sucre comme étant à risque pour la santé, et la dernière, le sucre comme étant une grande source de calories, facteur de prise de poids. Parallèlement, les femmes se trouvent attaquées sur leur corps : dès les années 1960, la minceur féminine devient plus profondément synonyme de beauté. C’est à fois la séduction des femmes et la santé des hommes qui se trouvent en jeu dans la consommation de sucre. Ce dernier apparaît comme un marqueur de genre. For communication purposes, the Cédus, the French sugar industry lobby, resorts to female representations sugar as its product has closely been associated with. From the 1960s to the 1980s, three periods clearly stand out to apprehend the societal image of sugar. During the first period, sugar was regarded as the best energizing food product. The second deemed sugar over-consumption to be a health hazard. And the latest considered that as an important source of calories sugar was a risk-factor for weight-gain. In line with these views, the female body has been under attack, for as early as the 1960s women’s thinness became strongly synonymous with female beauty. Both women’s seduction and men’s good health have come to be at stake in sugar consumption. Sugar therefore appears to be a gender-marker. El Cedus, lobby de la industria azucarera en Francia, utiliza representaciones femeninas vinculadas al azúcar con fines de comunicación. Desde los años sesenta hasta los ochenta, se pueden identificar tres periodos para entender la imagen social del azúcar. Durante el primer periodo, el azúcar se consideraba el alimento energético por excelencia, durante el segundo, el consumo excesivo de azúcar se consideraba un riesgo para la salud, y durante el tercero, el azúcar era visto como una fuente importante de calorías y un factor de aumento de peso. Al mismo tiempo, las mujeres son atacadas en sus cuerpos, porque desde los años 1960, la delgadez femenina se convierte más fuertemente en un sinónimo de belleza. Tanto la seducción de las mujeres como la salud de los hombres estaban en juego en el consumo de azúcar. El azúcar aparece como un marcador de género.

The Barros family, has, for centuries, administered the morgado of Real, the chapel of Senhora da Graça and a hospital in the city of Braga that harboured poor women. This hospital, named the Hospital de Santiago and the Hospital das Velhas (hospital for elderly women), was founded in the Late Middle Ages and continued to function until the 19th century. The current study analyses how aid to the poor, in an urban context, served as a catalyser of the prestige of the family that administered it. Using manuscript, printed and iconographic sources, processed by a multidisciplinary methodology, this investigation discusses the main patrimonial, social and symbolic coordinates that allowed the survival of the morgado and of the hospital in the long term., This work was supported by the Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT) under Grant 2020.04746.BD., Esta publicação tem o apoio do Financiamento Plurianual do Laboratório de Paisagens, Património e Território (Lab2PT), Ref.ª UID/04509/2020, financiado por fundos nacionais (PIDDAC) através da FCT/MCTES.

Among the “small things forgotten” (11) which have largely vanished from memory and from mainstream history, the ubiquitous tie-in pocket, hidden from view by the petticoats worn by British women from the Restoration to the late Victorian era, has now been salvaged from oblivion thanks to this brilliant and fascinating book co-authored by Barbara Burman and Ariane Fennetaux. Eloquently enough, the book concludes with a close study of one of the many pockets investigated by the authors, an 185...

L’articolo si propone di analizzare la rivista «Reti. Pratiche e saperi di donne», rivista femminista nata a Roma nel 1987 e pubblicata sino al 1992, con scadenza bimestrale. «Reti» è una rivista di riflessione sull’attualità politica e culturale, creata da alcune militanti femministe del Partito comunista italiano (PCI). Sotto la direzione di Maria Luisa Boccia, la redazione è composta da numerose donne, tra cui: Ida Dominijanni, Paola Gaiotti de Biase, Rossana Rossanda, Chiara Saraceno, Giglia Tedesco, Livia Turco, Silvia Vegetti Finzi. La rivista ha rappresentato l’incontro tra la cultura politica del femminismo della differenza sessuale e la cultura politica del PCI. Oltretutto, la nascita di «Reti» si situa in un contesto nazionale e internazionale caratterizzato da molti cambiamenti, il più importante dei quali è la caduta del muro di Berlino. Principalmente, «Reti» si occupa di femminismo italiano, ma con un’attenzione sempre vigile al femminismo europeo e internazionale. Cet essai a pour objectif d’analyser la revue Reti. Pratiche e saperi di donne. Il s’agit d’une revue bimestrielle féministe, née à Rome en 1987 et publiée jusqu’en 1992, fondée par des militantes féministes membres du Parti communiste italien (PCI). Sous la direction de Maria Luisa Boccia, la revue propose une réflexion sur l’actualité politique et culturelle. La rédaction est composée de nombreuses femmes, entre autres Ida Dominijanni, Paola Gaiotti de Biase, Rossana Rossanda, Chiara Saraceno, Giglia Tedesco, Livia Turco, Silvia Vegetti Finzi. Principalement, la revue s’occupe du féminisme italien, mais avec une attention très aigüe au féminisme européen et international. Reti a représenté la rencontre entre la pensée de la différence sexuelle et la culture politique du PCI. La naissance de la revue se situe dans un contexte national et international marqué par beaucoup de changements, au premier rang desquels la chute du mur de Berlin. This essay seeks to analyse Reti. Pratiche e saperi di donne, a feminist journal launched in Rome in 1987 and published on a bi-monthly basis until 1992. Reti published articles on current political and cultural topics and was founded by feminist members of the Italian Communist Party. The editorial staff was made up of a large number of women including Ida Dominijanni, Paola Gaiotti de Biase, Rossana Rossanda, Chiara Saraceno, Giglia Tedesco, Livia Turco and Silvia Vegetti Finzi, under the leadership of Maria Luisa Boccia. The journal covered the confrontation between thinking on sexual difference and the communist culture. It was launched amid a national and international context characterised by many important changes; the most important of all being the fall of the Berlin Wall. Reti dealt mainly with Italian feminism, but kept a keen eye on European and international feminism.

L’article a pour objectif de rendre visibles les transformations d’une revue féministe historique italienne : Aspirina, aujourd’hui Erbacce. L’article est construit sur deux axes d’analyse : le premier vise à raconter le parcours qui a conduit à la naissance d’Aspirina en 1987, au sein de l’historique « Libreria delle Donne di Milano ». Le deuxième prend comme exemple trois rubriques de la revue pour expliquer la nouvelle approche éco-féministe d’Erbacce. Après 26 ans de publication en version papier, la revue arrive en ligne en 2013 jusqu’en 2018, l’année qui marque le début de la transformation d’Aspirina en Erbacce. Dans cette même période de polémique avec Aspirina, le groupe Bayer était en train de conclure la fusion avec Monsanto. En résistance et en réponse à la fusion d’une société pharmaceutique avec un producteur multinational de pesticides et de semences OGM, Aspirina prendra le nom d’Erbacce. Forme di vita resistenti ai diserbanti (« Mauvaises herbes. Formes de vie résistantes aux herbicides »). Les intérêts de la revue basculent vers les thèmes de l’éco-féminisme. La résistance d’Erbacce, avant même de devenir une nécessité liée à l’affirmation, devient nécessaire à sa survie. Erbacce est ouverte aux relations entre humains, plantes et animaux – le Vivant – selon une perspective des relations qui implique nécessairement l’autre en tant qu’autre espèce. L’articolo mira a rendere visibili le trasformazioni di una storica rivista femminista italiana: Aspirina, ora Erbacce. L’articolo è costruito su due assi di analisi: il primo si propone di raccontare il percorso che ha portato alla nascita di Aspirina nel 1987, nata all’interno della storica «Libreria delle Donne di Milano». Il secondo asse prende come esempio tre sezioni della rivista per spiegare il nuovo approccio ecofemminista di Erbacce. Dopo 26 anni di pubblicazione cartacea, la rivista passata in linea nel 2013 fino al 2018, anno che segna l’inizio della trasformazione di Aspirina in Erbacce. In questo stesso periodo di polemiche nei confronti di Aspirina, il gruppo Bayer era in procinto di concludere la fusione con Monsanto. In resistenza e in risposta alla fusione di un’azienda farmaceutica con una multinazionale produttrice di pesticidi e semi Ogm, Aspirina prenderà il nome di Erbacce. Forme di vita resistenti ai diserbanti. Gli interessi della rivista si spostano sui temi dell’eco-femminismo. La resistenza di Erbacce, prima ancora di diventare una necessità legata all’affermazione, è legata alla sua sopravvivenza. Erbacce è aperta alle relazioni tra gli esseri umani, le piante e gli animali – il Vivente – in una prospettiva di relazione che coinvolge necessariamente l’altro inteso come altra specie. This article aims to highlight the development of a historical Italian feminist journal: Aspirina, now Erbacce. The article is based on two focuses of analysis: the first aims to describe the path that led to the launch of Aspirina in the historic “Libreria delle Donne di Milano” in 1987. The second uses three sections of the journal as an example to explain Erbacce’s new ecofeminist approach. After 26 years of publication in print format, the journal moved online in 2013, and in 2018, Aspirina began its transformation into Erbacce. In this same period of controversy with Aspirina, the Bayer group was in the process of concluding its merger with Monsanto. In an act of resistance and in response to the merger of a pharmaceutical company with a multinational producer of pesticides and GMO seeds, Aspirina took the name Erbacce. Form di vita resistenti ai diserbanti (Weeds. Herbicide-resistant life forms). The journal’s interests shifted to ecofeminist topics. Even before it became a necessity for assertion, Erbacce’s resistance became essential for its survival. Erbacce is open to relationships between humans, plants and animals—living beings—from a relationship perspective that necessarily involves the other as another species.

Nel corso degli anni Settanta in Italia nascono numerose riviste legate a vario titolo al movimento delle donne. Una delle più originali è «Differenze», pubblicata a Roma tra il 1976 e il 1982 e redatta a turno da donne di diversi collettivi femministi. Si tratta dunque di un periodico che dà voce e diffusione alle pratiche politiche dei gruppi che animano il movimento delle donne della Capitale; separatismo, autonomia e autocoscienza sono i tre denominatori comuni delle diverse realtà collettive che curano ciascuna un fascicolo della rivista. L’idea era quella, infatti, di dare spazio alle differenze di pratiche femministe che nel 1976 erano diventate una realtà del movimento, differenze che al tempo stesso avrebbero potuto essere una sua potenziale ricchezza e un fattore di disgregazione. La rivista nasce con la volontà di fungere da struttura elastica per lo scambio di informazioni e documenti, e si configura come uno strumento in grado di adattarsi alle esigenze di ciascun collettivo e di mantenere la circolarità tipica dello scambio femminista del piccolo gruppo. Ne vengono dati alle stampe dodici numeri con una cadenza irregolare che riflette in parte le dinamiche del movimento e le sue diverse fasi. Oggi «Differenze» rappresenta una fonte storica fondamentale per conoscere le realtà che hanno attraversato il femminismo romano, una miniera di documenti e di testimonianze, voci che dialogano e contribuiscono a raccontare la storia dei femminismi italiani. Au cours des années 1970, naissent en Italie de nombreuses revues liées au mouvement des femmes. L’une des plus originales est Differenze, publiée à Rome entre 1976 et 1982 et rédigée tour à tour par des femmes de différents collectifs féministes. Il s’agit donc d’un périodique qui donne voix et diffusion aux pratiques politiques des groupes qui animent le mouvement des femmes dans la capitale. Séparatisme, autonomie et auto-conscience sont les trois points communs entre les différents collectifs éditant la revue. L’idée était en effet de faire de la place aux différences de pratiques féministes qui, en 1976, étaient devenues une réalité du mouvement, différences qui pouvaient se configurer en richesse potentielle tout autant qu’en facteur de désagrégation. La revue naît avec la volonté de servir de structure élastique pour l’échange d’informations et de documents, et se configure comme un instrument en mesure de s’adapter aux exigences de chaque collectif et de maintenir une circularité typique de l’échange au sein du petit groupe féministe. Douze numéros sont imprimés à une cadence irrégulière qui reflète en partie les dynamiques du mouvement et ses différentes phases. Aujourd’hui, Differenze représente une source historique fondamentale pour connaître les réalités qui ont traversé le féminisme romain, une mine de documents et de témoignages, de voix dont le dialogue contribue à raconter l’histoire du féminisme italien. During the 1970s, a number of magazines linked to the women’s movement were published in Italy, one of the most original of these being Differenze. Published in Rome between 1976 and 1982, it was written in turn by women from different feminist collectives. It was, therefore, a magazine that disseminated the political practices of the different women’s movement groups in the capital. Separatism, autonomy and self-awareness were the three areas of common ground between the different collectives that published the magazine. The idea was, in fact, to give coverage to the differences in feminist practices that in 1976 had become a reality for the movement, differences that at the same time could have been a potential asset and a cause of disintegration. The magazine was created with the ambition of serving as a flexible forum for the exchange of information and documents, and was set up as an instrument that could adapt to the needs of each collective and maintain the typical circularity of discourse in the small feminist group. Twelve issues were printed at irregular intervals, partly reflecting the dynamics of the movement and its different phases. Differenze is now a key historical source for ascertaining the realities that have permeated Roman feminism; it is a wealth of documents and testimonies, and voices whose conversations help to tell the story of Italian feminism.

Cet article illustre le parcours historique, les thématiques principales, les buts de trois importantes revues féministes italiennes DonnaWomanFemme (DWF) (1975 à ce jour), Via Dogana (1991-2014) et Leggendaria (1997 à ce jour). Chacune de ces revues représente un document essentiel pour comprendre l’évolution et les changements du féminisme italien, l’émergence et la circulation d’idées, pratiques et pensées féministes depuis les années 1970 à aujourd’hui, et leur impact culturel, social et politique dans un horizon national et international. L’analyse de ces publications s’articule selon cinq axes thématiques : la politique féministe ; les archives, librairies, bibliothèques (du féminisme) ; le travail, la précarité, le care ; corps, sexualité, genre ; écriture, littérature, critique littéraire, langages. Questo articolo illustra il percorso storico, le principali tematiche, gli obiettivi di tre importanti riviste femministe italiane: DonnaWomanFemme (DWF) (1975 ad oggi); Via Dogana (1991-2014) e Leggendaria (1997 ad oggi). Ognuna di queste riviste rappresenta un documento essenziale per capire l’evoluzione e i cambiamenti del femminismo italiano, l’emergenza e la circolazione di idee, pratiche e pensieri femministi dagli anni 70 ad oggi, e il loro impatto culturale, sociale e politico in un orizzonte nazionale e internazionale. L’analisi di queste publicazioni si articola secondo cinque assi tematici: la politica femminista; archivi, librerie, biblioteche (del femminismo); il lavoro, la precarietà, il lavoro di cura; corpo, sessualità, genere; scrittura, letteratura, critica letteraria, linguaggi. This paper traces the history, main themes and goals of three important Italian feminist magazines DonnaWomanFemme (DWF) (1975 to present), Via Dogana (1991-2014) and Leggendaria (1997 to present). Each of these magazines is an essential document which explains the evolution of and changes in Italian feminism, the emergence and circulation of ideas, practices and feminist theories from the 1970s to the present day, and their cultural, social, and political impact, in a national and international perspective. The analysis of these publications is structured around five thematic axes: feminist politics; feminist archives, bookshops and libraries; work, insecurity, care; body, sexuality, gender; writing, literature, literary criticism, languages.

Nel percorso di definizione della filosofia della praxis come storicismo assoluto, Gramsci interseca alcuni temi fondamentali della filosofia politica, in primo luogo il rapporto tra società civile e società politica nella dialettica delle libertà del mondo moderno. Egli concepisce il processo di emancipazione umana come prosecuzione/rovesciamento dei valori universali immanenti alle rivoluzioni borghesi. In questa transizione dall’universalità incompleta all’emancipazione integrale, secondo l’intellettuale sardo, si situerebbe storicamente il passaggio del testimone dal liberalismo al socialismo. All’interno di questa visione si colloca la polemica antiprotezionista del giovane intellettuale sardo e il suo particolare modo di concepire la questione meridionale, intesa come snodo paradigmatico delle contraddizioni organiche connaturate alla formazione nazionale italiana. Gramsci non prende coscienza della funzione parassitaria e regressiva del protezionismo a contatto con gli ambienti accademici einaudiani a Torino, ma in Sardegna, dove questa misura arrivò al termine di un lungo processo storico di modernizzazione passiva che per molti versi anticipa la questione meridionale post-unitaria. Dans le travail d’élaboration de la philosophie de la praxis en tant qu’historicisme absolu, Gramsci croise certains thèmes fondamentaux de la philosophie politique, notamment le rapport entre la société civile et la société politique dans la dialectique des libertés. Il conçoit le processus d’émancipation humaine comme une continuation/bouleversement des valeurs universelles immanentes aux révolutions bourgeoises. D’après l’intellectuel sarde, la transition du libéralisme au socialisme serait historiquement située dans ce passage de l’universalité incomplète à l’émancipation intégrale. Même les polémiques anti-protectionnistes du jeune intellectuel sarde s’inscrivent dans cette perspective et dans sa façon particulière de concevoir la question méridionale, perçue comme une jonction paradigmatique des contradictions organiques inhérentes à la formation nationale italienne. Gramsci n’a pas pris conscience de la fonction parasitaire et régressive du protectionnisme dans les cercles académiques einaudiens de Turin, mais en Sardaigne, où ce phénomène s’est manifesté au bout d’un long processus historique de modernisation passive qui, à bien des égards, a anticipé la question méridionale post-unitaire. In defining his particular conception of the philosophy of praxis as absolute historicism, Gramsci intertwines certain fundamental themes of political philosophy, primarily the relationship between civil and political society in the dialectic of freedoms. He conceives the process of human emancipation as a continuation/reversal of the universal values immanent to bourgeois revolutions. According to Gramsci, the transition from liberalism to socialism was historically situated in this passage from incomplete universality to complete emancipation,. The young Sardinian intellectual’s anti-protectionist polemics and his particular way of viewing the Southern Question—understood as a paradigmatic linkage of the organic contradictions inherent in the formation of Italy as a nation—fit into this vision. He did not become aware of the parasitic and regressive function of protectionism in Einaudian academic circles in Turin, but in Sardinia, where this phenomenon occurred at the end of a long historical process of passive modernisation which, in many ways, anticipated the post-unification Southern Question.

Questo articolo appartiene a uno studio più ampio che mira a ricostruire una tradizione politica femminile per comprendere alcune delle ragioni persistenti dietro il divario di genere tra accesso formale e sostanziale alle decisioni. L’obiettivo finale è quello di evidenziare il ruolo e il contributo delle donne, soprattutto di quelle che sono finite nell’oblio, nella costituzione di un’Italia democratica e repubblicana fin dalle loro prime partecipazioni all’Assemblea Nazionale Consultiva. L’Archivio della Camera dei Deputati, l’Archivio dell’Istituto Sturzo e gli articoli delle riviste dell’epoca sono state le fonti primarie della ricerca.Il 25 settembre 1945 si inaugura la Consulta che rappresentò, per un paese disabituato alle assemblee libere e alle pubbliche discussioni, il primo passo verso la ricostituzione delle istituzioni democratiche. Convocata dal governo di Parri, la Consulta era presieduta da Carlo Sforza, e tra i suoi 430 membri, tredici erano donne. Angela Cingolani Guidi (1896-1991) e Laura Bianchini (1903-1983) ne fecero parte in rappresentanza della Democrazia cristiana. Per loro come per le altre consultrici fu il «battesimo politico» all’interno delle istituzioni. L’articolo si propone di esplorare, attraverso gli Atti della Consulta nazionale e la pubblicistica del tempo, l’apporto dato dalle due consultrici al dibattito sulla ricostruzione del paese e all’affermazione del nuovo ruolo delle donne, sia all’interno delle Istituzioni, sia all’interno del Partito. Cet article fait partie d’une étude plus large visant à reconstruire une tradition politique féminine afin de comprendre certaines des raisons persistantes de l’écart entre l’accès formel et substantiel des femmes aux décisions. L’objectif final est de souligner le rôle et la contribution des femmes, en particulier de celles qui sont tombées dans l’oubli, dans l’établissement d’une Italie démocratique et républicaine depuis leur première participation à l’Assemblée consultative nationale. Les archives de la Chambre des députés, les archives de l’institut Sturzo et les articles de journaux de l'époque ont été les principales sources de recherche.Le 25 septembre 1945, la Consulta est inaugurée, ce qui représente, pour un pays peu habitué aux assemblées libres et aux débats publics, le premier pas vers le rétablissement des institutions démocratiques. Convoquée par le gouvernement de Parri, la Consulta est présidée par Carlo Sforza, et parmi ses 430 membres, on compte treize femmes. Angela Cingolani Guidi (1896-1991) et Laura Bianchini (1903-1983) y participent en tant que représentantes des démocrates-chrétiens. Pour elles, comme pour les autres consultantes, il s'agit d’un « baptême politique » au sein des institutions. L’article se propose d’explorer, à travers les Actes du Conseil national et les publications de l’époque, la contribution des deux consultantes au débat sur la reconstruction du pays et l’affirmation du nouveau rôle des femmes, tant au sein des institutions que du Parti. This article is part of a broader study which seeks to reconstruct a female political tradition in order to ascertain some of the enduring reasons for the discrepancy between women’s formal and real access to decision-making. The ultimate goal is to highlight the role and contribution of women—especially those who have faded into oblivion—in the establishment of a democratic and republican Italy since they first participated in the National Consultative Assembly. The archives of the Chamber of Deputies and the Sturzo Institute, along with journal articles from the time, were the primary research sources.The Consulta was inaugurated on 25 September 1945 and, in a country where free assembly and public debate had not been the norm for some time, this represented the first step toward the reconstruction of democratic institutions. Convened by Parri’s government, the Consulta was chaired by Carlo Sforza, and included 13 women among its 430 members. Angela Cingolani Guidi (1896-1991) and Laura Bianchini (1903-1983) took part in it, representing the Christian Democrats. For them, as for the other members of the Consulta, it was a “political baptism” in institutions. Through an examination of the acts of the National Consulta and the press from the period, the paper explores the contribution of the above-mentioned members of the Consulta to debate on the issue of the reconstruction of the country and the affirmation of the new role of women both within institutions and the Party.

Créé en 2019 par Francesca Ceccarelli, Frisson. Oltre il piacere se présente comme un « magazine féministe » dédié à la sexualité, au plaisir, aux droits et à l’intersectionnalité. Il accorde une place toute particulière à la dimension visuelle de la revue par un graphisme pop affirmé et par le choix de photographies percutantes. À l’heure des réseaux sociaux, Frisson fait le choix d’une publication papier, mais utilise aussi largement internet pour diffuser ses publications et débattre de ses idées. L’article montre comment la revue s’inscrit dans une double tradition, celle de la presse féministe et de la presse féminine, tout en en bouleversant les codes, en mettant au centre de ses réflexions la question du corps et de la sexualité. Objet multimédial, Frisson apparaît comme un trimestriel moderne dans son esthétique, engagé politiquement, et déploie sur papier glacé un féminisme de « quatrième vague », international, inclusif et intersectionnel. Creato nel 2019 da Francesca Ceccarelli, «Frisson. Oltre il piacere» si presenta come una “rivista femminista” dedicata alla sessualità, al piacere, ai diritti e all’intersezionalità. Attribuisce molta importanza alla dimensione visiva della rivista attraverso un design grafico risolutamente pop e la scelta di fotografie suggestive. Nell’epoca dei social network, «Frisson» sceglie di pubblicare su carta ma fa anche un ampio uso di Internet per diffondere le sue pubblicazioni e discutere le sue idee. L’articolo mostra come la rivista si collochi in una doppia tradizione, quella della stampa femminista e della stampa femminile, e allo stesso tempo ne ribalti i codici mettendo al centro delle sue riflessioni la questione del corpo e della sessualità. Oggetto multimediale, «Frisson» appare come una pubblicazione trimestrale moderna nella sua estetica, politicamente impegnata, e svela su carta patinata un femminismo di “quarta ondata”, internazionale, inclusivo e intersezionale. Launched in 2019 by Francesca Ceccarelli, Frisson. Oltre il piacere describes itself as a “feminist magazine” dedicated to sexuality, pleasure, rights and intersectionality. The magazine places special emphasis on its visual dimension through resolutely pop art graphic design and the choice of striking photographs. In the age of social networks, Frisson chooses to publish on paper, but also makes extensive use of the internet to disseminate its publications and discuss its ideas. This article shows how the magazine forms part of a double tradition, that of the feminist press and the women’s press, and at the same time subverts their codes by placing the question of the body and sexuality at the centre of its reflections. With its multimedia approach, Frisson is a modern quarterly in its aesthetics, is politically engaged, and showcases on its glossy paper a “fourth-wave” feminism, which is international, inclusive and intersectional.

Per completare il dossier del numero 26 sulle riviste femministe italiane degli anni 1970-2020, le coordinatrici propongono un’intervista a Cecilia Cappelli, fondatrice della rivista Frute, una giovane rivista femminista nata nel 2018 e localizzata nel Friuli. En lien avec le dossier du numéro 26 portant sur les revues féministes italiennes des années 1970-2020, les coordinatrices proposent un entretien avec Cecilia Cappelli, fondatrice de la revue Frute, une jeune revue féministe née en 2018 et localisée dans le Frioul. As a follow-up to our dossier on the subject of Italian feminist magazines between the 1970s and 2020, the coordinators now bring us an interview with Cecilia Cappelli, founder of the magazine Frute, a new feminist journal launched in 2018 and based in the region of Friuli.

Cet article retrace l’histoire du processus de légitimation d’une revue féministe installée à Rome, à la fondation Basso, et consacrée à l’histoire des femmes, acte qui représentait alors un défi dans le champ académique italien, par le choix délibéré du qualificatif féministe et l’affirmation de la non-mixité du comité de rédaction. Les historiennes fondatrices de la revue ont fait leur apprentissage politique dans les mouvements sociaux et le néo-féminisme des « années 1968 ». Pendant une décennie, Memoria a conservé ses principes et son organisation (éditorial et responsable du dossier attribué au collectif, non signés). La revue est ouverte aux échanges transnationaux, en particulier avec les chercheuses françaises et états-uniennes et développe précocement, dès 1981, le concept « d’identité de genre ». Le comité de rédaction veut être une interface entre les groupes ou centres féministes et le monde académique de la recherche et s’investit dans la formation en histoire des femmes, des enseignantes, des étudiantes, des ouvrières et des employées. Au moment où se développe la microstoria dans la discipline historique, les fondatrices de Memoria, attentives aux subjectivités, se pensent comme sujet et objet de la recherche et entendent varier les échelles d’analyse. La revue arrête sa parution dans une période du déclin des luttes politiques et sociales et de mise en veille progressive des mouvements féministes. L’articolo fa la storia del processo di legittimazione di una rivista femminista, con sede a Roma presso la Fondazione Basso, dedicata alla storia delle donne. La scelta deliberata dell’etichetta femminista e la natura non mista del comitato editoriale rappresentavano allora una sfida nel campo accademico italiano. Le storiche all’origine della rivista hanno fatto il loro apprendistato politico nei movimenti sociali e nel neofemminismo del «sessantotto». Per un decennio, «Memoria» ha mantenuto i suoi principi e la sua organizzazione (gli editoriali e la responsabilità dei dossier erano attribuiti al collettivo e non firmati). La rivista era aperta a scambi transnazionali, in particolare con studiose francesi e statunitensi, e sviluppa precocemente, sin dal 1981, il concetto di «identità di genere». Il comitato editoriale vuole fare da tramite fra i gruppi o centri femministi e il mondo accademico della ricerca e interviene nella formazione in storia delle donne, delle insegnanti, delle studentesse, delle operaie e impiegate. Nel momento in cui la microstoria si sviluppa nella disciplina storica, le fondatrici di «Memoria», attente alle soggettività, si pensano come soggetto e oggetto della ricerca e intendono operare variazioni di scala. La rivista cessa la pubblicazione in un momento di declino delle lotte politiche e sociali e di riflusso graduale dei movimenti femministi. This article traces the legitimisation process of a feminist journal dedicated to women’s history and based at the Basso Foundation in Rome. This represented a challenge in Italian academic circles at the time, on account of the deliberate choice of the feminist label and the affirmation of the non-mixed editorial board. The historians who founded it served their political apprenticeship in the social movements and neo-feminism of the 1968s. Memoria maintained its principles and organisation (editorial and authorship of articles attributed to the collective, unsigned) for a decade. The journal was open to transnational exchanges, particularly with French and American researchers, and, as early as 1981, developed the concept of “gender identity”. The editorial board wanted to act as an interface between feminist groups or centres and the academic research community and invested in training in the history of women, teachers, students, workers and employees. While microstoria was developing in the field of history, the founders of Memoria, mindful of subjectivity, thought of themselves as subject and object of research and sought to vary the scales of analysis. The journal ceased publication at a time when political and social struggles were on the decline and feminist movements gradually regressing.

Cette étude propose d’observer les échanges éditoriaux franco-italiens en matière de féminisme et de genre à l’aune de l’activité de traduction vers le français des livres édités dans les maisons d’éditions et les collections spécialisées en Italie. L’attention portée sur les activités de traduction permet, d’une part, de dresser un panorama de l’édition spécialisée sur le féminisme, les femmes et le genre en Italie et, d’autre part, d’évaluer la part de l’édition spécialisée dans les échanges culturels par le transfert de ces textes. Alors que la publication d’un livre dans une structure spécialisée confère au texte une grille de lecture ou renforce son message militant, le transfert d’un texte d’une langue à l’autre ne se réalise pas toujours entre structures homologues. Toutefois, par leur politique de traduction, les structures spécialisées ont contribué à favoriser la circulation transnationale de la pensée féministe, dans une alternative à l’anglais, par l’exportation de textes variés. Le développement d’une offre nouvelle – inédite, traduite ou redécouverte, locale ou venue d’ailleurs – témoigne de l’émulation éditoriale suscitée par l’ouverture d’un marché depuis le pôle militant et sur lequel se sont ensuite insérés les éditeurs les mieux installés. La nostra indagine propone di osservare gli scambi editoriali franco-italiani nell’ambito del femminismo e del genere, partendo dall’attività di traduzione verso il francese di libri pubblicati da case editrici e collane specializzate in Italia. Concentrare lo sguardo sulle attività di traduzione permette da una parte di tracciare una mappa dell’editoria specializzata nel campo del femminismo, delle donne e del genere in Italia e dall’altra parte di valutare il peso dell’editoria specializzata negli scambi culturali attraverso il percorso dei testi. Mentre la pubblicazione di un libro in una struttura specializzata conferisce al testo un quadro interpretativo particolare o rinforza il messaggio militante, il passaggio da una lingua all’altra non si realizza sistematicamente tra strutture similari. Tuttavia, tramite la loro politica di traduzione, le case editrici specializzate hanno contribuito a favorire la circolazione trasnazionale del pensiero femminista, con un’alternativa all’inglese, tramite l’esportazione di vari testi. Lo sviluppo di una nuova offerta – inedita, tradotta o riscoperta, locale ou proveniente da altre zone – è la manifestazione dell’emulazione editoriale provocata dall’apertura di un mercato nato nel polo militante, e nel quale si sono poi inseriti le case editrici più salde. This paper analyses French and Italian exchanges on the subjects of feminism and gender in the light of French translations of books originally published by specialised publishing houses and collections in Italy. The focus on translation firstly provides a panoramic perspective on feminism, women and gender in Italy and also assesses how specialised publishing affects cultural exchanges through the transfer of these texts. Whilst the publication of a book in a specialised house provides a framework for interpreting it or reinforces its militant message, the transfer from one language to another does not always involve homologous structures. Nonetheless, through their translation, policies, specialised publishers helped to promote the transnational circulation of feminist thought, in languages other than English, through the export of various texts. The development of a new offer—previously unpublished, translated, or rediscovered, of local origin or from elsewhere—reflects the editorial rivalry generated by the opening up of a new market from the activist core, a market which was later populated by better positioned publishers.

La revue trimestrielle Lapis. Parcours de la réflexion féminine naît le 1er janvier 1987 à Milan et poursuit ses activités jusqu’en 1996, pour un total de 32 fascicules. Sa directrice a été Lea Melandri, philosophe, essayiste et activiste du Mouvement des femmes en Italie. Loin d’être un projet éditorial mené par un groupe défini et fixe de rédactrices, Lapis se veut, depuis sa fondation, un espace ouvert destiné à recueillir réflexions, témoignages et histoires du monde des femmes, à partir des expériences individuelles, au-delà de toute tentation symbolique et métaphysique. Dans notre contribution, nous nous pencherons sur la manière dont Lapis a poursuivi les pratiques les plus innovantes et potentiellement révolutionnaires du féminisme des années 1970, tout particulièrement l’analyse de sujets refoulés – tels le lien entre amour et violence, les dynamiques de la vie affective et sexuelle et les problèmes issus de la vision dualiste propre au patriarcat – qui infléchissent silencieusement le réseau des relations humaines tant dans le privé que dans le domaine public. La rivista trimestrale «Lapis. Percorsi della riflessione femminile», nasce il 1o gennaio 1987 a Milano e continua la sua attività fino al 1996, per un totale di 32 fascicoli. La sua direttrice è stata Lea Melandri, filosofa, saggista e attività del movimento femminista in Italia. «Lapis» non fu un progetto editoriale portato avanti da un gruppo definito e fisso di redattrici. Al contrario, la rivista si proponeva come uno spazio aperto, destinato ad accogliere riflessioni, testimonianze e storie del mondo delle donne, a partire dalle esperienze individuali, prescindendo da ogni tentazione simbolica e metafisica. Nel nostro contributo, cercheremo di mettere in luce il modo in cui «Lapis» ha continuato le pratiche più innovatrici e potenzialmente rivoluzionarie del femminismo degli anni Settanta, in particolare l’analisi dei temi rimossi – come i legami tra amore e violenza, le dinamiche della vita affettiva e sessuale e i problemi derivanti dalla visione dualista e oppositiva propria del patriarcato – che intaccano silenziosamente la rete delle relazioni umane tanto nel campo della vita privata quanto nel pubblico. The quarterly journal Lapis. Percorsi della riflessione femminile began life in Milan on 1 January 1987, and remained active until 1996, publishing a total of 32 issues. The editor-in-chief was Lea Melandri, a philosopher, essayist, and activist in the feminist movement in Italy. The publishing project was not driven by a clearly defined and permanent group of female writers. On the contrary, Lapis sought to create an open space for reflections, testimonies, and stories from the world of women, starting with individual experiences, beyond any temptation to symbolism and metaphysics. Our paper aims to highlight how Lapis engaged in the most innovative and potentially revolutionary feminist practices of the 1970s, particularly the analysis of suppressed themes—such as the connection between love and violence, the dynamics of emotional and sexual life, and the problems created by the dualist vision specific to the patriarchy—which silently influence the network of human relations in both private and public life.

Negli anni Settanta i caratteri del femminismo italiano variano molto da una città all’altra, poiché rispecchiano le differenze di storia sociale, politica e culturale. All’interno del movimento delle donne sono nati vari gruppi e si parla di “femminismi”. Questi gruppi hanno prodotto testimonianza di sé attraverso pubblicazioni di riviste, a volte numeri unici. Temi comuni: la salute, la conoscenza del proprio corpo, la contraccezione, l’IVG, i consultori, i servizi sociali. Temi che hanno segnato differenze: emancipazione/liberazione, specificità/uguaglianza, salario per il lavoro domestico, lavoro retribuito. In Emilia, terra di emancipazione e lavoro femminile, i Gruppi per il Salario al Lavoro Domestico hanno avuto vita breve e limitata come partecipazione. In altre realtà Padova e Napoli le donne impegnate nella campagna per il salario domestico hanno espresso voci più forti e durature. Dans les années 1970, les traits du féminisme italien varient beaucoup d’une ville à l’autre. Ils reflètent les différences entre les histoires sociales, politiques et culturelles des territoires. À l’intérieur du mouvement des femmes sont nés différents groupes, si bien que l’on parle de « féminismes ». Ces groupes ont témoigné de leur existence à travers la publication de revues, parfois de numéros uniques. Thèmes communs : la santé, la connaissance de son propre corps, la contraception, l’IVG, les services sociaux. Ces thématiques ont marqué des différences entre les groupes : émancipation/libération, spécificité/égalité, salaire pour le travail domestique, travail rétribué. En Émilie, terre d’émancipation et de travail des femmes, les groupes pour l’obtention d’un salaire domestique ont eu une vie brève et limitée, mais c’est dans les réalités padovanes et napolitaines que les femmes se sont le plus fortement et durablement engagées dans la campagne pour le salaire domestique. Ce portfolio commenté illustre ce combat et ces différences. During the 1970s, the features of Italian feminism tended to vary greatly from one city to another, reflecting the differences between the social, political and cultural histories of the different regions. We like to talk about plural “feminisms” because very different groups sprang up within the feminist movement. These groups documented their existence through the publication of magazines, sometimes produced in single issues. Common themes included health, knowledge of one’s own body, contraception, abortion, social services. Other themes highlighted differences between groups: emancipation/liberation, specificity/equality, wages for domestic work, paid work. In Emilia, a region where women achieved emancipation and were able to work, the groups that campaigned for a domestic wage had a short and limited life, but it was amid the realities of Padua and Naples that women were most strongly and lastingly committed to the campaign for domestic wages. This commented portfolio illustrates this struggle and these differences.

Il saggio analizza la rivista milanese «L’Erba voglio» (1971-1977) nel contesto della stagione dei movimenti, ricostruendo la rete dei rapporti culturali, politici e personali alla base della sua nascita e della sua circolazione nell’Italia degli anni Settanta. Attraverso le biografie e gli scritti di Elvio Fachinelli, Lea Melandri e Luisa Muraro l’articolo si interroga sulle periodizzazioni, sui nessi e sulle divergenze tra anti-autoritarismo, psicanalisi e femminismo, sui rapporti tra i generi e le generazioni nell’arco di tempo compreso tra il “lungo ’68” del movimento studentesco ed operaio, il neofemminismo dei gruppi e dei collettivi, e il movimento studentesco e giovanile del 1977. Proponendosi come un laboratorio di esperienze individuali e collettive, in dialogo con l’area vasta dei movimenti ma critico verso le ideologie dei partiti e i settarismi dei gruppi extraparlamentari, la rivista rappresenta un osservatorio privilegiato dei desideri, delle sperimentazioni e delle delusioni vissute da uomini e donne in un contesto urbano dinamico, conflittuale e violento. L’essai analyse la revue milanaise L’Erba voglio (1971-1977) dans le contexte de la saison des mouvements, en reconstruisant le réseau de relations culturelles, politiques et personnelles à la base de sa naissance et de sa circulation dans l’Italie des années 1970. À travers les biographies et les écrits d’Elvio Fachinelli, Lea Melandri et Luisa Muraro, l’article questionne les périodisations, les connexions et les divergences entre l’anti-autoritarisme, la psychanalyse et le féminisme, les relations entre les genres et les générations dans la période entre le « long 68 » du mouvement étudiant et ouvrier, le néo-féminisme des groupes et des collectifs, et le mouvement étudiant et de la jeunesse de 1977. Se proposant comme un laboratoire d’expériences individuelles et collectives, en dialogue avec le vaste espace des mouvements, mais critique à l’égard des idéologies des partis et du sectarisme des groupes extra-parlementaires, la revue représente un observatoire privilégié des désirs, des expérimentations et des déceptions vécus par des hommes et des femmes dans un contexte urbain dynamique, conflictuel et violent. The essay analyses the Milanese journal L’Erba voglio (1971-1977) in the context of the season of movements. It aims to reconstruct the network of cultural, political and personal relations which paved the way for its creation and circulation in 1970s Italy. Drawing on the biographies and writings of Elvio Fachinelli, Lea Melandri and Luisa Muraro, the article examines periodisations; the connections and divergences between anti-authoritarianism, psychoanalysis and feminism; gender and generational relations in the period between the “Long ’68” of the students’ and workers’ movement; the neo-feminism of groups and collectives; and the student and youth movement of 1977. Assuming the role of a laboratory for individual and collective experiments,—in dialogue with the vast area of the movements, but critical of party ideologies and the sectarianism of extra-parliamentary groups—the journal represents an important observatory of the desires, experiments and disappointments encountered by men and women in a dynamic, conflictual and violent urban context.

Cette étude se propose de réfléchir sur le rapport entre sociologie et littérature, en revenant sur la question cruciale – et toujours ouverte – de la légitimité de l’usage sociologique des sources littéraires. Il s’agira notamment ici d’enquêter sur une articulation particulière de cette relation, le récit littéraire du monde du travail, en examinant plus spécifiquement le cas italien. À l’instar d’autres pays occidentaux – mais peut-être plus qu’eux – l’Italie a expérimenté les transformations récentes du monde du travail (flexibilité, précarisation, parcellisation), et elle a produit, ces vingt dernières années, une grande quantité de textes littéraires qui mettent en scène de tels changements en tâchant de les interpréter. Il saggio si propone di riflettere sul rapporto fra sociologia e letteratura, ritornando sulla questione cruciale – e sempre aperta – della legittimità dell’uso sociologico delle fonti letterarie. Si tratterà, nella fattispecie, di indagare su una delle articolazioni di tale relazione, il racconto letterario del mondo del lavoro, esaminando più specificamente il caso italiano. Come altri Paesi occidentali – ma forse anche più di essi – l’Italia ha sperimentato da vicino le trasformazioni recenti del mondo del lavoro (flessibilità, precarizzazione, frammentazione) e ha prodotto, negli ultimi vent’anni, una gran quantità di testi letterari che mettono in scena tali cambiamenti e cercano di interpretarli. This essay aims to reflect upon the relationship between sociology and literature, focusing on the crucial issue—on which scholars have not yet reached agreement—of whether literary sources can be interpreted using a sociological approach. This will include examining literary representations of the world of work, looking more specifically at the case of Italy. Like other western countries—but perhaps to an even larger extent—Italy has recently seen significant transformations in the world of work (workplace flexibility, temporary employment, fragmentation of the labour force) and, over the past 20 years, has produced a large number of literary texts that depict these changes and attempt to interpret them.

International audience; In this paper, I propose to analyze the ways in which several contemporary Nigerian novels written in English reflect upon LGBTQIA+ issues and rights, and to examine the politics of literature that they articulate in order to give “those who have no part” (LGBTQIA+ characters) a greater visibility in a heteronormative and homophobic society. The concepts developed by Jacques Rancière (“the distribution ofthe sensible,” “dissensus”) and Sara Ahmed (“willfulness”) enable us to show how these characters position themselves as “dissensual” (Rancière). This “dissensus” leads to the emergence and development of narratives that have long been silenced. I will show in what ways these novels first foreground the marginalization and taming of the “monstrous” LGBTQIA+ characters, before explaining that taken together, they constitute a “willfulness archive.” Finally, by giving a central place to LGBTQIA+ characters, Nigerian writers engage in a form of activism, which for some of them is also linked to a decolonial approach to gender whereby they “delink” from “the coloniality of gender,” in order to liberate Nigerian queer bodies.

More often than not, a broad-brush approach has been taken in describing the past, and large sectors of society have been portrayed on the basis of simple stereotypes rather than trying to reflect ...

有田焼の創始者の一人百婆仙は、豊臣秀吉の朝鮮侵略の際に、武雄の領主後藤家信配下の廣福寺別宗和尚に連れられ、被虜人として、夫の宗傳と共に渡来した。夫婦は内田に土地を与えられて陶器を焼いた。夫の死後、百婆仙は一族を率いて有田に移住し、磁器生産に励んだ。96歳まで生き、1656年に死去した。百婆仙は有田焼の創始者の一人であるにもかかわらず、これまでほとんど知られてこなかった。本稿は、百婆仙についての研究史を整理し、史料の紹介、校訂、読解を試みたものである。 百婆仙研究の嚆矢は久米邦武の仕事である。久米は百婆仙の碑文を校訂して紹介した。1930年代後半になると、日本史の人名辞典に百婆仙が立項されたが、その背景には当該期の政策の中で植民地朝鮮の人物を国史に包摂していく方向性があった。戦後の辞典では韓国史上の人名は除かれたが、日本の伝統工芸の祖である百婆仙たちまでが削除された。1970年代になると、小説家が書いた『肥前おんな風土記』が百婆仙を取り上げたが、その虚実入り混じった内容は今もなお強い影響を残す。21世紀の現在、日韓の市民の間で百婆仙に対する関心が高まっているが、学術研究においては出遅れている。 百婆仙の史料は、没後50年に曾孫が建立した法塔が唯一のものである。原本は磨滅しているが、久米による写しが存在する。『後藤家御戦功記』新写本にも掲載されている。それらの写しと、碑文に残るわずかな文字を元に校訂を試みた。 碑文からわかる百婆仙の容貌は、眉を抜かず、耳にピアスの穴の跡があった。夫の宗傳（法名。日本名深海新太郎）の名について、近年「金泰道」とする説が出されたが、これは百婆仙の戒名を誤読したことによる謬説である。 最後に、百婆仙夫妻の渡来事情について、『後藤家御戦功記』新写本の解説と、碑文そのものの内容を比較すると、彼らが朝鮮において陶工であったのかなかったのか、後藤家信は彼らが陶工だから連れて来たのか、はたまた無差別な拉致であったのか、という議論を喚起しうる。 以上、現段階で可能な基礎的考察を試み、今後は科学技術を応用した碑文の読解が望まれること、国際的な学術交流が必要であることを展望した。さらに、韓国と日本のジェンダー史の流れを比較しつつ、2つの社会を生きた百婆仙のジェンダー史上での立ち位置を考察することを、提唱した。

Self-avowedly influenced by the postmodernist critique of nineteenth-century ‘positivism’, Jesse Spohnholz's ambitious and multiple prize-winning 2017 The Convent of Wesel: The Event that Never was and the Invention of Tradition speaks at once to the political and institutional history of the Reformed churches of the Netherlands and northwestern Germany, to the role of archiving practices in shaping historical understanding, and to the nature of historical study. This review offers both an extended synopsis and a critique of the book. While recognizing its considerable achievement, it questions its framing of its findings about the Reformation era with reference to the ‘confessionalization’ debate, its reliance on a prefabricated narrative about archives as instruments of power and marginalization, and its mischaracterizations of post-Rankean historical practice and theory. Implications of the book’s findings for further research into the politics and personalities of the Reformation in the Low Countries are also suggested.

Summary. The purpose of this study is to analyze historiographical sources containing information about the leaders and prominent figures of the Ukrainian liberation movement of the 1930‒1950s in Drohobych region, to find out the extent of study of the problem, to highlight the unexplored and unexplored issues. Research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, systematic, scientific, verification, authorial objectivity, moderate narrative constructivism, as well as the use of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and special historical (historical-genetic, historical-typological, historical-systemic) methods. The scientific novelty is that for the first time the author analyzed historiographical literature on the leaders and prominent figures of the Ukrainian national liberation movement in Drohobych region of the 1930s and 1950s emphasizing the nature and problems of historical research, conceptual bases and informativity. Conclusions. The main outlines of the analyzed problem were depicted by the Ukrainian diaspora representatives and such attempts were made immediately after the Second World War. Modern researchers have not only deepened their predecessor but also expanded the range of scientific research. Now, the names of those who fought for Ukraine’s independence in the 1930’s and 1950’s have been forgotten. At the same time, there are problems that require further scientific research. In particular, it is necessary to find out the full composition of the OUN(b) Drohobych regional leadership and to trace the activity of this structure from the autumn of 1941 to the end of 1944. We have little information about its leading figures ‒ Andrey Shukatko, Vladimir Kobilnik, Levko Hrushak, Olga Nimilovich, Roman Kotsyub etc. It is hoped that further studies on the oral, social, gender history of the Ukrainian liberation movement will continue to gain in importance, as well as work on the creation of a modern commemorative canon.

The masculine façade of the music Conservatoire belies the extent to which these establishments fostered close relationships between women. This article analyses the student cohorts of the Paris and St Petersburg Conservatoires in the early twentieth century, to show that women made up a formidable presence and created supportive communities within these institutional frameworks. It argues that these relationships not only facilitated women’s involvement in public cultural life, but also impacted their private experience of music and listening, as illustrated by the close musical bond between sisters and conservatoire alumnae, Lili and Nadia Boulanger.