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Inspired by the discovery of some letters in Portuguese archives, in which a Brazilian woman defends herself against the Portuguese Inquisition in the 18th century, Maria Valéria Rezende published, in 2019, Carta à Rainha Louca. In the novel, the narrator, Isabel, struggles to resist the violence of colonizers against women, blacks and the underprivileged, undertaking a profound analysis of social relations established in colonial Brazil. Based on the reflection on how reading and writing form the mainstay of the feminist struggle against patriarchy, which took root in Brazilian lands during colonization, this paper aims to analyze the relationship between literature and history according to the fruitful dialogue established by this book with some important themes in the work of Paulo Freire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1931, Edgar Sydenstricker, the former statistician of the US Public Health Service, challenged the common belief that the 1918 influenza outbreak had affected "the rich and the poor alike." Using data from 112,317 participants in a 1918 US national survey, he observed that, on the contrary, both morbidity and mortality from the flu had been higher among the poor than among the rich. To explain these differences, Sydenstricker stratified the analyses by 2 measures of affluence collected in the survey: "economic status" (from "very poor" to "well-to-do") and household crowding (i.e. number of people per household room). Economic status was associated with influenza attack rates within categories of crowding, but not the opposite, suggesting that characteristics of poverty other than "household congestion" were the culprit of the poor's higher influenza burden. Attack rate ratios for influenza in infants and older adults were greater for the poor or very poor. Sydenstricker reanalyzed an already 12-year-old data set in the context of the Great Depression to build the evidence base relating poverty to ill health. For this purpose he used a stratification approach to assess confounding, mediation, and interaction before the concepts were formally named. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are, however, several descriptions prior to Parkinson's work suggestive of Parkinson's Disease (PD). Common causes of tremor of the head, not usually found in PD or other causes of parkinsonism, are essential tremor and dystonic tremor. Keywords: parkinsonism; Parkinson's disease; James Parkinson; history; diagnosis EN parkinsonism Parkinson's disease James Parkinson history diagnosis 741 743 3 08/05/22 20220801 NES 220801 James Parkinson, a Hoxton apothecary provided the first satisfying description of the shaking palsy and speculated. [Extracted from the article]

One of the most effective advocates for children was also one of the greatest writers in the history of the English language: Charles Dickens. Physicians seeking an understanding of what poverty and exploitation look like from a child's point of view could hardly find richer sources of insight than such Dickens novels as I Oliver Twist i , I David Copperfield i , I Bleak House i and I Little Dorrit i . The educational worth of Dickens' works is undiminished by time, and it has even been suggested that works such as I Oliver Twist i could serve today as a textbook of child abuse [[10]]. [Extracted from the article]

Throughout the twentieth century, historians debated what happened to the living standards of ordinary men, women, and children during the British industrial revolution. But where this historical question once attracted attention from across the methodological spectrum, the past two decades have seen cultural and qualitative approaches eclipsed by statistical accounts written by economic historians. In this article, I will argue that the marginalisation of social and cultural approaches to historical living standards has been to the detriment of our understanding. Through an analysis of two discrete sources of evidence – nineteenth-century budget data and working-class autobiography – this article sheds new light on the diets and living standards of the labouring poor. It rejects the optimism/pessimism dichotomy that continues to frame quantitative analyses and presents a more nuanced account that examines how experiences varied according to region, gender and age. The article concludes that it is not only that it is possible to incorporate cultural change into our analyses of living standards, but that it is necessary to do so in order to grasp this period in all its complexity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arrests for participation in the global cocaine trade surged in Peru during the 1970s. This article uses court cases to explore complaints in Ayacucho of wrongful arrests in the cocaine trade, examining claims of innocence, false confessions under torture, and police and judicial misconduct between 1976 and 1981. What emerges is a picture of abuse and lives upended by the cocaine trade's repression, often on dubious grounds. Ayacucho police routinely tortured during interrogations, engaging in the kinds of violence that became systematic during counterinsurgent warfare against the Shining Path and its presumed supporters. These cases reveal that many Ayacuchanos profoundly distrusted their police and court systems. That was especially true for impoverished--and predominantly rural and indigenous--men and women who could not afford lawyers or bribes. Ayacuchanos' devastating experiences of cocaine repression fueled anger toward the police, which Shining Path militants capitalized on early in their armed struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the work of the Charity Organisation Society (COS) in assessing applications for children's admission to care in the late nineteenth‐century. It is based on an archive study of records kept by the ‘Waifs and Strays’ Society in England and Wales between 1882 and 1899, in particular 270 family assessments conducted by the COS. The focus was on parental behaviour rather than children's needs, with a strong narrative of taking children away to relieve parents of a burden. The research illuminates contested assumptions about childhood in the period, with resonance for current issues in policy and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. To evaluate rates of member compliance with Iowa’s Medicaid expansion premium disincentive program. Methods. We used 2014 to 2015 Iowa Medicaid data to construct rolling 12-month cohorts of Wellness Plan and Marketplace Choice members (Iowa’s 2 Medicaid expansion waiver programs for individuals £ 100% and 101%–138% of the federal poverty level, respectively), calculated completion rates for required activities (i.e., wellness examinations and health risk assessments), and identified factors associated with program compliance. Results. Overall, 18.5% of Wellness Plan and 12.5% of Marketplace Choice members completed both activities (P< .001). From 2014 to 2015, completion rates for both activities decreased for Wellness Plan members but increased for Marketplace Choice members. Members who were younger, male, or non-White were less likely to complete required activities. Conclusions. Approximately 81% of Wellness Plan members and 87% of Marketplace Choice members failed to comply with program requirements and should have been subject to paying premiums the following year or face disenrollment. Disparities in completion rates may exacerbate disparities in insurance coverage and health outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The consumer behaviour of the poor in the long eighteenth century has attracted more historical attention in recent years. Yet, we have little understanding of whether regional factors affected consumption or how the poor's ownership of household goods was influenced by level of poverty and the life-cycle. By focusing on Kent and drawing comparisons to other counties, this article argues that the material lives of the poor were improving by the late eighteenth century, but finds that there were distinct regional differences as the poor acquired more and better goods in London and the Home Counties than in relatively remote areas. Moreover, by using pauper inventories and labourers' probate inventories, the research finds that the poor were not a homogeneous group with similar levels of material wealth, but should be considered in terms of different subgroups which often led very different material lives to one another due to life-cyclerelated problems including sickness and old age. Labourers' probate inventories are found to represent a minority of the poor who were materially richer than most, whilst pauper inventories appear to represent a more typical subgroup of the poor that struggled to make do and owned most types of goods in smaller numbers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: During the past decade, the incomes of poor Americans have fallen or flat‐lined, housing costs have soared and public policy has failed to bridge the gap. As a result, the majority of poor renting families in America now devote at least half of their income to covering housing costs, and eviction has become a common yet consequential event in their lives. While housing is central to the lives of the urban poor, it remains marginal to the sociology of American inequality. This essay begins by charting the growing rent burden among low‐income households, and then draws on the unique contributions of Pierre Bourdieu to the study of the home to sketch an agenda for analyzing the roots and implications of the loss of affordable urban housing, a prerequisite for offering policy prescriptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been written that details the decline in living standards following the 'credit crunch' in the UK. It remains that we understand to a lesser degree the lived reality of poverty through the Great Recession and into the era of austerity. This article draws on testimonies of 62 participants from low income households conducted in three different areas of the UK during 2012-13 to document the pressures that this period brought to bear on these households. According to these testimonies, the experience of poverty intensified in key respects: first, participants reported feeling, more than ever before, that they were 'existing, rather than living' due to the meagre budgets they were forced to live on; second, the precarious nature of work and social security contributed to a sense of insecurity that was all pervasive in our participants' lives; third, due to the pejorative political rhetoric and media coverage of poverty, our participants felt that their lives were placed under increased scrutiny which deleteriously impacted their wider relationships and sense of belonging. Our analysis demonstrates the profound consequences for those living on low incomes of the continued shift to residual forms of state welfare and the increased reliance on the 'Big Society' as a means to deal with the pressures identified in this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An accumulation of evidence suggests citizens with low incomes have relatively little influence over the policy decisions made by lawmakers in the United States. However, long before elected officials are asked to cast a final vote on a bill's passage, an equally important decision has already been made: the decision for government to focus its limited attention and agenda space on the issue at all. Therefore, it is possible that political inequality is infused earlier in the policymaking process at the agenda-setting stage if the issues held important by some citizens are given attention while the issues held important by others are not. To investigate this question, we develop novel state-level measures of citizens' issue priorities and find sizable differences in which issues poor and rich citizens think are most important and deserving of government attention. We then use bill introduction data from state legislatures to measure government attention and uncover evidence that state legislators are less likely to act on an issue when it is prioritized by low-income citizens as compared to affluent citizens. These findings have important implications for our understanding of political equality and the functioning of American democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poverty is a persistent problem in the United States, affecting millions of people and many areas of public policy. Nevertheless, public officials have said relatively little about poverty in recent years. What do ordinary Americans think about poverty and government's role in fighting it? This article summarizes two decades of survey data-drawing on ANES, Gallup, NORC/GSS, Pew, and other national polls-to help answer these questions. Americans generally feel positively toward the poor, believe that fighting poverty should be a high priority for government, and favor spending more on the poor. But many people remain skeptical of "welfare," worry about dependence on government aid, and are dissatisfied with past efforts to reduce poverty. Thus, officials could interpret existing polls as a sign to increase or decrease government's role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the effects of welfare reform in the United States in the 1990s on voting among low-income women. Using the November Current Population Surveys with the added Voting and Registration Supplement for the years 1990 through 2004 and exploiting changes in welfare policy across states and over time, we estimate the causal effects of welfare reform on women's voting registration and voting participation during the period in which welfare reform unfolded. During this time period, voter turnout was decreasing in the United States. We find robust evidence that welfare reform led to smaller declines in voting (about 3 to 4 percentage points, which translates to about 10% relative to the baseline mean) for women who were exposed to welfare reform compared to several different comparison groups of similar women who were much less exposed. The robust findings suggest that welfare reform had prosocial effects on civic participation, as characterized by voting. The effects were largely confined to presidential elections, were stronger in Democratic than Republican states, were stronger in states with stronger work incentive policies, and appeared to operate through employment, education, and income. (JEL D72, H53, I38, J21) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evidence is growing that Wales was a distinctive ‘welfare region’ under the New Poor Law. Higher rates of out-relief, tense relations with London and a deep dislike of the workhouse system marked the Principality out as different. This article considers Welsh distinctiveness in the context of the ‘crusade against out-relief’. Launched in the early 1870s, the crusade saw out-relief numbers tumble nationally. Little is known about the crusade in Wales but it is often assumed that it was a non-event. It is argued here that this is entirely incorrect. Official statistics reveal that tens of thousands of outdoor paupers in Wales had their relief stopped. Crusaders were successful partly due to the misleading way the Poor Law inspectorate used official figures to portray Wales as a district on the brink of crisis. The turning of outdoor paupers into ‘folk devils’ by sections of the Welsh press was also pivotal. Welsh distinctiveness was not eradicated during the crusade, but it was eroded. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The concept of gentrification has become stretched, both conceptually and geographically, in ways that both erode its utility and displace alternative ways of understanding the displacement of lower-income people by urban transformation. Among the negative consequences that we consider is that the resulting pressure to reframe analysis in terms of gentrification reinforces Anglo-American academic hegemony and increases the difficulty of introducing more appropriate theoretical approaches from scholars in, and of, the global South. We draw on the anthropological concepts of emic and etic analysis to illustrate the dangers of such erasure and displacement of alternative frames of understanding. At the same time, the theoretical extension of the concept of gentrification to replace alternative ways of thinking about the displacement of lower income populations, such as 'urban renewal', has reduced the analytical utility of gentrification itself by confusing different mechanisms by which this is achieved. We illustrate the problems through consideration of the sustained tradition of work on displacement in Hong Kong using other conceptual frames. We encourage greater openness to alternative critical traditions that offer insights into the dislocation of poorer urban populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public life of John Baptist de La Salle (165--1719) as saint and educational innovator is better known than his private life as a nonconforming ascetic. This article examines de La Salle's attitudes toward Augustinianism, Jansenism and mortification practices. It then explores the connection between his role as a social subversive and his mental world. While de La Salle's motivations were religious, his renunciation of the privileges of birth, office and wealth often evoked hostility, especially from members of the social elites. Most radical was de La Salle's determination to be poor, which entailed psychological and physical challenges that were powerfully expressed in his relationship with food. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2008, an era of unprecedented growth and prosperity came to an end, and the world was plunged into the Great Recession, a Global Financial Crisis (GFC)-the worst since the 1930s Great Depression. We examined whether it is low- or high-SES people that are most affected psychologically-and most likely to express concern about the future vitality of their group-by uncertainty associated with economic instability. In two experiments, we found that even though those lower in SES report more collective angst than their wealthier counterparts, those who are higher in SES are more likely to become concerned when presented with information that the economy is a bubble about to burst, elevating their collective angst levels. Both studies also showed that collective self-definitions as competent and warm were affected by wealth but not by economic instability. Competence ratings increased with increasing wealth, whereas warmth ratings were lower for those both lower and higher in wealth, compared to those with moderate wealth. In Experiment 2, we also found that opposition to immigration was higher for the high-income group in the unstable than in the stable economic prospect condition. We conclude that even though those lower in income experience chronic collective angst, collective angst levels for those higher in income are elevated when they fear they may be living in a bubble economy-a bubble that may burst any moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper advocates a greater emphasis on racialization research, and consists of observations and research questions that could add to our understanding of racialization. Such understanding will be useful and perhaps even necessary, as a variety of world events result in continuing population movements as well as economic and political crises that could increase intra and international conflicts. Any of these could lead to the further racialization of refugees, migrants, earlier immigrants and others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the existing research on poverty/low income, there are emerging initiatives to use multiple thresholds of low income instead of a single threshold and to analyze persistent low income over several years instead of low income in a single year. Although most recent studies have identified low-income incidences for multiple years (at least one year, at least four years, or at least six years) associated with multiple low-income thresholds, they unintentionally bury short-run low-income spells (for one to three years) in longer low-income spells (for four to six years). In this article, we review the debates on measures of low income and attempt to differentiate the short-run low-income spells clearly from their chronic counterparts. We further identify the characteristics of Canadians who are trapped under these two types of low-income spells. Using our approach and the 1999-2007 Canadian Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics (SLID) data, we have found that approximately 73% of low-income Canadians are in short-run low income, while about 27% are in chronic low income. Short-run low income is generally associated with life cycle transitions, while chronic low income is generally associated with certain high-risk groups. These findings are fairly robust across various thresholds of low income. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reexamines the anxiety over poor whites that emerged at the beginning of the twentieth century, positing the ‘poor white problem’ as a distinctively transnational phenomenon, concerned with the spectre of a racial degeneracy and decline that respected no national borders. Focusing specifically on the Carnegie commission's 1932 report into the condition of poor whites in South Africa, this paper considers transnational theories of racial decline and the transnational team of experts put together to investigate the causes of ‘poor whiteism’ and to offer solutions to the problem. The Carnegie commission is presented as a form of transnational governmentality, directed at the management of poor whites wherever they were found. Entirely consistently, however, poor whiteism was put forward as the product of different circumstances in different places, to be met with contrasting remedies. The cause was constructed as hookworm in the United States, for instance, and in South Africa as malaria. The Carnegie report's findings are thus transnational both in their racial and biopolitical framing, and in their specifics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dynamics of rapid urbanisation and urban trends in the present neoliberal context, which arise from the production of space in the capitalist mode of production, are evident in the peripheries recently produced for and by low-income populations. This article examines these peripheries in representative southern African cities, with Maputo as the main case study, analysed in relation to Luanda and Johannesburg. Basing my argument on the overarching theory of the production of space, I seek to understand how the interventions undertaken by the state and low-income people, and the interrelationship between these two main agents and the urban morphology, vary according to the historical, political and socio-economic specificities of each country. I argue that in Maputo, more than in the other two cities, these specificities, expressed in the morphology of these peripheral areas, benefit some crucial aspects of the living and housing conditions of Maputo’s low-income population, which is the city’s most vulnerable social group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The eighteenth century witnessed a renewed interest in debating the classification of the poor. What principles did the Enlightenment employ to distinguish the poor from the vagrant? The present study focuses on. the debate that throughout the eighteenth century elaborated on the dichotomy between the deserving poor and the idle vagrant, paying particular attention to how the intellectual elite, the Crown, and the populace negotiated the contours of the vagrant. Economic and normative discourses as well as judicial practices regarding the policing of vagrancy are subject to examination. The monarchy primarily focused on its economic goals promulgating royal decrees, which punished unproductivity, but the identification of the idle vagrant was problematic. Tensions between the law and its application, between individuals and civil servants, and the resistance of the so-called vagrant to such classification highlight the ambiguity of the concept. This essay studies the archive where the uneven power between administrators and common people negotiated the idea of vagrancy and its corresponding discipline. Claims in court delineated the limits of royal power but, ultimately, difficulties agreeing on the meaning of vagrancy increased the number of men over whom the Crown exercised its right to impose forced labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the influence of social welfare and tax policies on rates of chronic and transient poverty in the United States for the full population and subgroups. I use longitudinal data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (n = 10,210) over a recent 11-year time frame (1998-2008), with individuals categorized as poor using the Supplemental Poverty Measure. Results show that including government transfers in family resources reduces the overall transient poverty rate by more than one-sixth and the chronic poverty rate by nearly four-fifths, with a greater influence on the chronic rate in part because some individuals shift from chronic into transient poverty. Income and payroll tax liabilities have negligible influence on poverty rates net of tax credits. Medical expenses are largely associated with an increase in the transient poverty rate. Results imply that there is value to examining the effects of social policy on poverty from more than just the traditional cross-sectional perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about the history of poorhouses in counties of Kansas as the centerpiece for relief for the poor locals. Topics discussed include the concept of a poor farm originating in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century legal and social traditions such as the English Poor Law of 1601, creation of workhouses for able-bodied poor in 1697, and the English law of 1788 that established almshouses for the sick, aged and women and children unable to work.

Electoral research in post-apartheid South Africa was initially dominated by those advocating a variously racial-cum-ethnic census approach, later challenged by analysts who argued for less race-reductionist models of understanding voting behaviour. The core of the ‘racial census’ approach was to question the possibility of democracy finding genuine purchase where victory for the party of liberation was assured because black majoritarianism was blind to corruption, ineptitude or worse, and open only to race. The innate pessimism about South African democracy, which this perspective introduced, has deepened, notably after the recall of President Mbeki and the subsequent installation of President Zuma. After 20 years of democracy, many commentators have written off the ruling African National Congress (ANC) as corrupt, inept, authoritarian and set on a path of decline that will drag South Africa inexorably towards becoming ‘the next Zimbabwe’. This was the core narrative that informed attacks on the ANC by opposition parties in the election of May 2014. However, a more nuanced set of arguments is emerging, which asserts that the ANC, and South Africa, are not on an ineluctable path to collapse and failure. This article analyses these competing narratives, and the archetypes from which they derive. However, it argues that a deeper, more complex challenge is facing South African democracy. Using empirical voter behaviour data, generated, inter alia, via commingling census and official voting-district-level data on registration and turn-out, the article shows that voting-age people from the poorest deciles have stopped registering and/or voting in significant and growing numbers since 2004, that the electorate increasingly comprises the better-off, and suggests that these trends should be focal areas for those concerned with South African democracy: political pluralism at the expense of the poor seems to be a very high price to pay. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the extent of local government support for the elderly, in the form of poor relief, in Victorian England. It presents newly constructed estimates of old age pauperism rates for each of England's ten registration divisions from 1861 to 1908, the year the Old Age Pension Act was adopted. My estimates show that the share of persons aged 65 and older receiving government assistance in the nineteenth century was far larger than most contemporaries, and many historians, believe. The share receiving poor relief declined after 1871, largely as a result of changes in relief administration, but on the eve of the adoption of the Old Age Pension Act more than one in five persons over 65 was in receipt of public assistance. In sum, government support for the elderly is not a post-welfare state phenomenon. Old age pauperism rates differed substantially across registration divisions and in general were higher in southern than in northern England. I present evidence that much of the north-south differential was due to differences in wage rates and employment opportunities and differences in the administration of poor relief, although differences in welfare customs might have played a role. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article explores the history of poverty in Turin, Italy through an analysis of the Hospital of Charity of Turin charitable institution and the demographic aspects of those receiving assistance and subsidies. Emphasis is given to topics such as the number of the city's beggars, occupations of the poor, the impact of immigration, and the division of labor between spouses.

Poverty concentration reflects long-standing inequalities between neighborhoods in the United States. As the poverty concentration paradigm gained traction among policymakers and social scientists, assisted housing policy was overhauled. New assisted housing programs introduced since 1970 have dramatically reduced the geographic concentration of assisted housing units, changing the residential location of many low-income residents. Was this intervention in the housing market enough to reduce poverty concentration? Using national longitudinal data, I find that the deconcentration of assisted housing from 1977 to 2008 only modestly reduced poverty concentration in the 100 largest metropolitan areas. The results are driven by the deconcentration of assisted housing after 2000, when policies had a greater focus on dispersal of assisted housing to low-poverty neighborhoods. My results suggest that even a substantial shift in housing policy cannot make great strides in deconcentrating poverty given the existing landscape of durable urban inequality. Assisted housing policy exists alongside many other structural forces that cluster poor residents in neighborhoods, and these factors may limit its ability to reduce poverty concentration. Moreover, new housing programs rely on the private market to determine the location of assisted units, and the enduring place hierarchy among neighborhoods may influence both where assisted housing is located and its effect on the residential choices of non-assisted residents in ways that undermine poverty deconcentration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conditional cash transfer (CCT) programme Bolsa Família (Family Allowance), introduced in Brazil in 2003, is one of the largest such programmes in the world. Bolsa Família has played a role in the recent reduction of poverty and income inequality in Brazil. But what has been its impact on democracy? An assumption in the literature on social policy, derived from the European experience, is that targeted programmes such as Bolsa Família divide citizens, erode trust between citizens and between citizens and the state, and weaken democracy. This article challenges that assumption, showing that there is considerable evidence that Bolsa Família has strengthened the citizenship rights of the poor and enhanced democracy. The Brazilian experience suggests that, in highly unequal developing countries under conditions of 21st-century capitalism, the argument that targeted social programmes will inevitably undermine democracy is incorrect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

No other book in modern sociology is so well known but yet so roundly dismissed as William J. Wilson's The Declining Significance of Race. Its major thesis is supported, however, by a great deal of credible and systematic evidence. Its historical analysis is notably informative and prescient in predicting rising class inequality. The Declining Significance of Race remains vitally important reading for enhancing our understanding of inequality in contemporary America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Providence, Rhode Island, overseer of the poor William Larned. According to the article, Larned was first elected Providence overseer of the poor in 1792 and that his duties included determining whether newcomers to Providence would be permitted to stay or forced to leave. The article discusses Larned's sympathies with the American Revolution, his personal finances, and his financial assistance to the needy and evictions of Providence residents deemed unsettled.

The article discusses the economic conditions causing distress in England during the period following the 1688 Glorious Revolution from 1689 through 1702, including the political responses to the economic conditions during this period and the impact of the Glorious Revolution on economic distress. An overview of the social conditions of the poor under English King William III is provided.

Objective This article examines whether disability is a correlate of poverty when poverty is measured using (1) the official poverty measure; (2) the supplemental poverty measure (SPM); and (3) two multidimensional poverty measures created by the authors. Methods Data from the Current Population Survey are used to explore the relationship between poverty and disability for each measure. Differences across disability status were tested for statistical significance. Results Disability is associated with poverty, irrespective of the poverty measure under use. The gap in poverty rates between persons with and without disabilities is smaller when using the SPM as compared to the official poverty measure. The gap in poverty rates between persons with and without disabilities is highest when using multidimensional poverty measures. Conclusion Working-age persons with disabilities are more likely to be poor whatever the measure under use. They are a disadvantaged group in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1909, the Mexico City Department of Public Works installed two crematory ovens in the capital's municipal cemetery, the Panteon de Dolores, in culmination of a late nineteenth-century campaign by officials that advocated cremation as a modern and hygienic form of burial for all Mexicans. In practice, all classes rejected cremation and only the very poor were cremated. This essay examines the arguments for and against cremation and the implementation and daily practice surrounding cremation in Mexico City from the 1870s-1920. The establishment of cremation was part of the Porfirian project to modernize and sanitize Mexico that targeted the poor as an obstacle to progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Structural violence is harm done to individuals or groups through the normalization of social inequalities in political-economic organization. Researchers working in both modern and prehistoric contexts focus on the lived experiences of individuals and the health disparities that arise from such violence. With this article, I seek to contribute to this literature by considering how skeletal evidence of dissection from the 19th-century United States reflects structural violence. I focus on 'death experiences' and suggest that studies of structural violence must consider not only how inequality may be embodied as health disparities in the living but also 'disembodiment' and the treatment and fate of the dead body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines historical transformations in the social status and political authority of eunuch slave-nobles known as khwajasarais in Awadh, an autonomous state that was formerly part of the Mughal Empire. Towards the middle of the nineteenth century, the British East India Company's interventionist and expansionist policies towards Indian-ruled principalities intensified, setting the stage for Awadhi khwajasarais to become embroiled in the sexual politics of imperial expansion. Eunuchs, represented as politically 'corrupt' officials, were central figures in colonial criticism of Awadhi 'maladministration’, that equated misgovernment with gendered and sexual disorder. In 1848, the Company pressured the Awadh ruler or Padshah, Wajid Ali Shah, to make local labour regimes conform to colonial Victorian concepts of gender, politics and work. The Company sought to transform the meanings of khwajasarais’ work not by abolishing eunuch slavery, but by restricting khwajasarais to apparently ‘benign’, though menial, domestic forms of slave labour. Both the Padshah and the khwajasarais resisted colonial interventions into khwajasarai labour and political formations. Nevertheless, following the establishment of British colonial rule in Awadh, khwajasarais were transformed from slave-nobles into members of the Muslim poor of colonial Lucknow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intersectionality is the study of how categorical distinctions made on the basis of race, class and gender interact to generate inequality, and this concept has become a primary lens by which scholars have come to model social stratification in the USA. In addition to the historically powerful interaction between race and class, gender interactions have become increasingly powerful in exacerbating class inequalities while the growing exclusion of foreigners on the basis of legal status has progressively marginalized Latinos in US society. As a result, poor whites and immigrant-origin Latinos have increasingly joined African Americans at the bottom of American society to form a new, expanded underclass. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An essay is presented which discusses Jewish rabbis' perspectives on poor people and poverty in 3rd century Roman Palestine, including the perspectives of the Rabbinic sages the tannaim in this regard. An overview of rabbinic legal literature, including the works on Jewish law known as Mishnah and Tosefta, is provided.

The article presents information on the workhouse population of the Preston Union in Landcashire, Great Britain in 1841 in reference to the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834. Other topics mentioned in this article include historiography, the census enumerator's books (CEBs) as historical sources, and local British economy of the 19th century.

This article presents knowledge about adversity and the changing nature of families in early modern townships. It proposes that the shape of the family changed across Nantwich (Cheshire) townships with some neighborhoods presenting very high numbers of female heads of household. While stressing variations, it presents new evidence on the subject of close family relationships. It puts forward the view that the elevated numbers of women living together demonstrates commitment, resilience, and emotional investment in female-centered families. This finding challenges heteronormative definitions of intimate relationships and indicates the need for further research to achieve a better understanding of intimacy in early modern families. This study additionally examines subjects of charity, health, hardship, credit and debt, and the accompanying struggles that were played out in the social sphere. In an important observation concerning the ever-changing composition of the family, this investigation ascertains that the family configuration changed according to fluctuating socioeconomic circumstances. What is also offered here is a contribution to knowledge about the county of Cheshire from the Hearth Tax for which there are no available Hearth Tax studies. This study investigates wills, inventories, probate records, deeds, poor accounts, and parish records and provides an insight into hardship through a close study of all of the poor in one street in 1664. It finds that poor children worked hard and when apprenticed were also compulsorily separated from the family home and that child mortality was equally high among rich and poor people in early modern Nantwich townships. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The longue durée analysis of various cases for slander, issued in different jurisdictions of Chile, shows that an important proportion of litigants benefited from special rights to appeal for their causes in court: they requested and obtained the Court Case (caso de corte) or the privilege of poverty. These judicial forms of litigation allow defenseless individuals to access legal courts in order to obtain reparation and punishment of the guilty, or to justify their own actions and intentions. After introducing the documental corpus where these two privileges can be found, this article focuses on the judicial cases in which both are appealed to. It aims to contribute to a better knowledge of the judicial culture of Latin America, and of Chile's "judicial justice," still effective throughout the Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a critical analysis of the 1876-77 painting "The Tramp" by Eastman Johnson, focusing on examination of the themes of geographic mobility and domesticity. Topics include description of the work's subject of a tramp interacting with a family on a rural farm and its cultural meaning at the time of its creation, the reception of the painting by contemporary critics and the author's interpretation of meanings of the work that went unrecognized, and the social and economic factors behind tramp life and public opinion of it.

This article discusses the work of Christian philanthropist Juana Ross de Edwards, including her influence on Chilean society during the 19th and early 20th centuries. The author comments on the focus of Edwards on the poor people of Chile, including the foundation of various institutions to aid and protect them. He also describes the social and economic conditions in Chile during this period and considers the influence of Karl Marx's communist philosophy. The publication of Pope Leo XIII's "Rerum Novarum," which emphasized Christian charity, is also examined.

While many studies have undertaken analyses of the socioeconomic and political problems resulting from rural–urban migration in developing nations, few have examined the symbolic challenges presented by this shift. Examining news reports on the most sensational instance of slum demolitions in Turkey that took place in 1977, this study argues that urban squatting and slum dwelling created vital problems of cultural representation. In spite of huge ideological differences among various newspapers, there was a surprising level of consistency in the portrayal of the squatters as a dubious group, devoid of ideological commitment, and a serious threat to society. Such a portrayal of the urban poor as nonideological actors has been dominant worldwide, which overlooks the powerful symbolic challenge that the very existence of this group poses to idealized projects of social change, and hence the potential that their despised (non)identity offers for the development of a more democratic political vision. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]