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This work analyzes the scenario in which Honduras found itself during 2019, through the review of economic indicators and the most relevant social and political events that have occurred in the Central American country. 2019 was distinguished by the persistence or worsening of long-standing problems. In economic terms, limited progress is insufficient to reduce the high levels of poverty and inequality. In social matters, violence continues as one of the pending commitments of the second administration of Juan Orlando Hernández. While in political matters, corruption returns to the center of the debate and abuses of power and human rights violations do not stop. All these factors have increased the social discontent expressed in social movements and have caused the emigration of thousands of Hondurans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the several measures of state fragility and political stability in U.S.. Topics discussed include increase in transparency and a call for new metrics to address corruption in politics; government policy to promote economic and security reforms in Honduras; and new metrics focuses United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), drug policy, and local citizen security.

The SDG16 has been formed as an objective condition of the other objectives. Without reliable and transparent institutions it is impossible to achieve the other objectives. In addition, an environment is created in which companies can lead to human rights violations, so that the Guiding Principles on business and human rights are not met. In this paper, these questions are analyzed in relation to the murder of Berta Cáceres in Honduras. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses mining policy as an indicator of a larger question: are some Third World governments starting to steer away from plunder ‘extractivism’ towards a paradigm that prioritises the environment? We begin with the cases of El Salvador and Costa Rica, which have major mining bans in place. We then present the results of our research in which we find five other countries with noteworthy mining-policy shifts: Panama, Colombia, Argentina, Chile, and New Zealand. A sixth country, Honduras under President Zelaya, stands as a recent historical case of how sensitive such a policy change can be. A key take-away from our article is that critical development scholars and practitioners need to look more closely at the mining sector – not simply to analyse case studies of specific mining protests and resistances to extractivism, although these are of course important. Rather, there is a need to investigate policy changes that just might be indications that the era of unquestioning extractivism has ended and that at least some governments are initiating policies to incorporate environmental externalities, policies that suggest a changing development paradigm in the direction of environmental – and concomitant social and economic – ‘well-being’ as envisioned in buen vivir. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Increasing exclusion and inequality in Honduras have posed escalating security risks for women in their homes and on the streets. In this article, we examine gender-based violence against women, including gender-motivated murders (feminicides), the everyday acts that can result in their deaths, and impunity for these crimes. Rather than analyzing these murders as interpersonal acts or linking them to economic deprivation, we examine the actions and inactions of the state that have amplified violence in the lives of Honduran women. We distinguish between the state’s acts of omission and acts of commission in order to identify the political responsibility and failures that create a fertile ground for these killings. A context of multisided violence that facilitates extreme violence in the lives of women is present in Honduras, especially considering the diminishing power of civil society groups and increased political repression after the 2009 coup. We identify root causes of the wide (and widening) gap between laws on the books—which have been passed mostly to satisfy international and domestic organizations pushing for change—and laws in action, that is, implementation on the ground. Although we focus on Honduras, we note similar experiences of extreme violence in Guatemala, El Salvador, and in other countries in the Latin American region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the main political, economic, and social events that happened in Honduras during 2015. Firstly, we present a brief description of the political situation of the country. Furthermore, we discuss Honduras main socioeconomic indicators and the social turmoil that was prevalent during the past year. Next, we provide an analysis of the 2013 electoral process and its effect on the transformation of the electoral system. At this point we make an assessment of the dimensions of change and continuity in the partisan landscape over the near future. In the third section we carry out an analysis of the Honduran executive branch, emphasizing the main policies enacted by the new government headed by the National Party. Next we discuss the legislative dynamic during this period and the relationship between Congress and the President. We conclude by describing the general state of democracy in this country and the more pressing challenges that it faces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I rethink land grabbing in Latin America by decentering the rhetoric of novelty and the tendency to focus on large-scale land transactions. To do this, I attend to the longevity of racial thinking bound up in everyday forms of land control. I look at the ways race is salient in the making of land and territorial arrangements. Drawing on my own research in Honduras and Panama, I situate land grabbing in relation to a range of scholarly insights that disclose how the early postcolonial dichotomy of 'civilization' and 'savagery', and its inherently whitening logics, re-appear in contemporary development projects of biodiversity conservation, land administration, and residential tourism. I argue, therefore, that land grabbing is a longstanding process that is routinely operationalized through the state and naturalized through development practices that are underpinned by ongoing racial hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the third wave of democratization in Latin America, presidential breakdowns in the region have occurred in socially opposite contexts. The constitutional mechanisms are different but have offered reduced options for revocation of presidential terms. The last two ruptures of Paraguay and Honduras led to an intense climate of polarization of the internal and external public. Although we know the debates about the legality and the causes, some conditions of such breaks are still to be analyzed. In this article we seek to determine the relationship between international cooperation and public management reforms in the context of presidential rupture in Honduras and Paraguay. The research reviews the sectors, the amounts and dates of international aid in parallel to reforms, in order to defend the thesis that governments after presidential breakdowns tend to use public management reforms through international cooperation to strengthen their own status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the association agreement between the European Union and Central America signed in 2010. The importance of this agreement is crucial in international relations since it is the first successful association agreement between two regional groups that include trade, political dialogue and development aid. The central argument of this article sustains that the agreement was possible thanks to the efforts of the Spanish diplomatic team. However, this was not sufficient and the efforts of Central American countries were absolutely essential. The main events that influenced the agreement are analysed in order to find the reasons behind the agreement: the Spanish presidency; the bananas conflict between the EU, the US and Central American countries; and the political conflict in Honduras. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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There were four key issues in Honduras's political conjuncture. First, the persistent violence and criminality that made of Honduras the most violent country in the world. Second, the clash between government and media on the issue of legislative reforms in the telecommunications sector. Third, the increase in social protest, especially of teachers, indigenous groups, and Afro-Honduran peasants, as a reaction to the deepening of neoliberal reforms. And fourth, the general elections, whose disputed results allowed the ruling party to continue in government. However, the election's results show that Honduras is undergoing a profound process of reconfiguration of the political party system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]