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The article analyses social and political conflict in Chile during the agrarian reform period of the 1960s and 1970s through a case study of the province of Cautín, in the indigenous heartlands of the south. Using a combination of written and oral sources, it analyses the responses and strategies of landowners descended from nineteenth-century settlers to the emancipatory projects carried out during the presidencies of Eduardo Frei and Salvador Allende. In the context of an increasingly radicalised agrarian reform programme and a growing number of territorial conflicts with the Mapuche communities, this little-studied political actor developed a collective identity, an ideological discourse and a readiness to use violence which provides important insights into the causes of the military coup carried out in 1973. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Varia História is the property of Varia Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

State of emergency in France – Historical origins of the legal regime – Ways in which it was adapted and normalised between 2015 and 2017 – Application against rule of law principles and human rights standards – Institutional balance between powers – In-depth study of 700 court decisions – Legal challenges to state of emergency measures – Challenges to judicial scrutiny [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the global legacy of the Russian Revolution by making comparisons with revolutions dating back to the sixteenth century. It finds similarities in how communications, counterrevolutions, and national liberation movements formed the legacies of both the Russian Revolution and its antecedents in both Europe and the wider world. While the Revolution was vital in shaping the political contours of the twentieth century, the article argues that the Russian Revolution no longer resonates in the world today, as illustrated by lack of reference to the latter in the Arab Spring and the limp celebration of its centennial on the part of the Left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a letter from Austrian diplomat Walther Peinsipp to Austrian ambassador to France Leopold Figl in Budapest, Hungary on September 19, 1957. It mentions the agreed question regarding relations between Austria and Hungary to report in the full text of the publication and responsibility of any kind rests with the Hungarian Government falls at the time of the counter-revolution in October last year. It also mentions Austro-Hungarian Economic negotiations took a favorable turn.

The article focuses on report of the Federal Press Service from Budapest, Hungary on September 16, 1957. It mentions Hungarian government is trying to make theirs with Austria existing multifaceted relationships constructively. It also mentions Austrian government in the days of counter-revolution would have pursued a policy that would have damaged the good relations between the both countries and countries severely disruptive position in several relationships.

The article focuses on campaign has been going on in the Soviet Union against the Austrian politics driven. It mentions Austrian officials the activities of the Hungarian "counter-revolutionaries" tolerated on Austrian soil and Austrian airfields would have served as bases for supplying arms to the Hungarian insurgents. It also mentions Austria a new kind of Marshall Plan thought, which also restricts the sovereignty of the Austrian state.

The Russian Revolution was an example of what one of its participant-witnesses, John Reed, called “intensified history.” At the same time as Ten Days That Shook the World was published, another of the Russian Revolution's witness-chroniclers was documenting the transformations of space in Red Petrograd under the name of Victor Serge (1890-1947). By analyzing the space of the city and the condition of urban revolution in the writings of Victor Serge, we can explore the historical-geographical restructuring of spaces of state power within conditions of revolution and counterrevolution. With a specific focus on Conquered City (Serge [1932] 2011a) in the context of Red Petrograd and The Case of Comrade Tulayev (Serge [1948] 2004), set during the Great Terror in Moscow and Soviet Russia, my focus highlights the struggle between revolution and counterrevolution reflected in these works that both address in different and connected ways the struggle for space, the spatial logistics of the state, and how the modern state organizes space relevant to geographical studies. In Conquered City and The Case of Comrade Tulayev, such spatial awareness is intensely present, including a focus on the logic of repressive space, to reveal how the state separates, disperses, forces, and constrains the historical geographies of space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Macroeconomics is mainly a twentieth-century development and has gone through a gradual change since its rise. Historical events that challenged existing theories and resulted in empirical failures led to the evolution of new ideas, which in turn, gave rise to revolutions and counterrevolutions in macroeconomics. The purpose of this study is to provide insight into the way macroeconomics has evolved. The study aims to shed light on the evolutionary process it has experienced and to point out that major developments in macroeconomic thought can not be addressed independently of the historical context. In this regard, it demonstrates a brief discussion of the history of macroeconomics since Keynes's General Theory. In the last part, it asserts that macroeconomics will certainly continue to change and progress by a process of evolution just as much as it has done in the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the significance of counterrevolutionary military coups after the success of independence movements in Africa in relation to the year 1968. Topics include the role of the nation-state in African politics, ideologies related to decolonization struggles, and the overthrowing of leaders should as Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Patrice Lumumba of the Congo.

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article offers information on the 1916 Rising in Ireland and the counterrevolution in the international context. Topics discussed include imperialism and involvement of Great Britain in the war, women's movements and political participation, and the Irish political leadership following the war. It adds that cultural and social revolution occured after the war.

Discipline and Punish has been the seminal text for students of the rationality of disciplinary power. In recent years, critical scholarship has become increasingly keen to move analytically beyond the normative mode of disciplinary power. As such, D&P is increasingly marginalized as a text, in favour of Foucault’s later works. In this discursive context, this paper has a twofold aim. Firstly, I want to think through the transformations in labour control over the last 30 years of neoliberal counterrevolution in terms of the movement beyond disciplinary power. Secondly, I shall critique the autonomous and normative governmentality concept by the reinsertion of the ‘genealogy of capital’ in terms of the ontology of axiomatic capitalism. I shall address the undertreated genealogical movement from disciplinarity to governmentality, by arguing for something provisionally tagged meta-disciplinarity. The worth of such a move is to challenge the critical potency of the governmentality concept as is, in the belief that the ‘meta-disciplinary’ offers the most promising and relevant ligature from Foucault’s work into Marxist scholarship on the transformations of neoliberal capitalism and the technologies of its megamachine that confronts us 40 years on. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impressive success of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in northern China against the Japanese and the Chinese Nationalist Party (GMD) was in stark contrast to the failure of its revolution in southern China. There, the Communist Revolution ripped through the countryside, tearing down the old order and replacing it with a revolutionary regime: the Chinese Soviet Republic (CSR). The CSR withstood four massive counterinsurgency campaigns and by 1933 stood at the height of its power and influence. In 1934, however, the CSR and the Communist Revolution were de- feated by the GMD. This article argues that the collapse of the CSR was a product of the CCP's radical policies and presents new evidence showing that by 1933 the CCP's class coalition effectively excluded most of rural society. After the Red Army's defeat, civilians brutalized by the CCP in the CSR defected to the GMD, bringing about a collapse of the CSR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This contribution focuses on five societies that experienced successful counterrevolutions. It looks at how the dialectic of revolution and counterrevolution operated in Italy, Indonesia, Chile, Thailand and the Philippines. It seeks to understand the motion of different classes in periods of great political fluidity. It explores the dynamic relationship between conflict in the countryside and the overarching conflict of classes and their political representatives at the national level. Finally, it probes the relationship between domestic counterrevolution and global geopolitics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

ABSTRACT As Mao euphemistically remarked, revolutions are not dinner parties. Violence is to be expected when political regimes are overturned. But the violence that accompanied modern revolutions is remarkable for the fact that it targeted fellow revolutionaries almost as often as declared opponents. Why is this? In this essay, I suggest that the reason has to do with a specific feature of revolutions that abandon constitutional forms of political legitimacy. These revolutions, following the precedent of the French 'revolutionary government' (1793-94) and Marx's model of a 'revolution in permanence,' tend to base the authority of their governments on the fulfillment of revolutionary expectations. This creates a political culture in which authority derives from the power to define what these expectations are, and what 'revolution' means (much like Hobbes's sovereign had the power to set the meaning of words). But revolutionary culture does not leave room for Rawlsian pluralism. 'There can be no solution to the social problem but mine,' proclaims the revolutionary ideologue in Dostoyevsky's The Possessed, expressing the law of the Red Leviathan. Such a system does not allow for loyal opposition. Accordingly, the specter of counterrevolution always hovers above disagreements between fellow revolutionaries. The purge thus becomes the necessary method for settling ideological differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 1919, the Bürgertum of the Bavarian town of Hof voted overwhelmingly for the left-liberal German Democratic Party (Deutsche Demokratische Partei, DDP). But the following summer, in the Reichstag elections of June 1920, the Democrats sustained significant losses against the right-wing nationalist Bavarian Middle Party (Bayerische Mittelpartei, BMP). This article explores the rise and fall of the DDP in Hof by showing that a pro-republican politics initially proved popular among the local Bürgertum, until its credibility was undermined and ultimately destroyed by a series of devastating crises: the Bavarian Räterepublik of April 1919, the publication of the Versailles Treaty a month later, and the revolutionary and counterrevolutionary convulsions triggered by the Kapp Putsch in March 1920. This article concludes that political violence and a burgeoning confrontation between bürgerliche and socialist milieus were the key factors in explaining the eclipse of left-liberalism in Hof during the first years of the Weimar Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aft er 1789, counterrevolution emerged as revolution's fi rst counterconcept in French political discourse. While scholars of the French Revolution commonly associate counterrevolution with a backward-oriented political program, oft en with the restoration of the ancien régime, this article challenges such a retrograde understanding. Drawing on a broad corpus of sources, it emphasizes the fl exible and pluralistic meanings of counterrevolution during the 1790s. Rather than designating a political objective, counterrevolution fi rst of all focused on the process of combating the revolution as such, which allowed for diff erent political strategies and aimed beyond a return to the status quo ante. By discussing, next to the French case, examples from the Haitian Revolution, Britain, Germany, and Switzerland, this article also highlights the transnational dimension of the debate on counterrevolution. It concludes with a plea for rethinking counterrevolution as revolution's asymmetric other in a more relational rather than dichotomous perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Jamie Allinson's response to Shamiran Mako and Valentine M. Moghadam's critique of his book "The Age of Counter-Revolution: States and Revolutions in the Middle East", discussing the role of class in the analysis, and the characterization of ISIS as counterrevolutionary.

The article focuses on the authors' response to Jamie Allinson's review of their book "After the Arab Uprisings: Progress and Stagnation in the Middle East and North Africa". which discusses the authors' approach to analyzing the outcomes of the uprisings,and the role of counterrevolutions,.

The article focuses on the impact of counterrevolution against class actions on federal litigation in the U.S. Topics discussed include role of litigation and courts in the creating and implementation public policy in the country; role of Supreme Court and the Congress in addressing the same; and issues surrounding litigation under Truth in Lending Act.

This article explores counter-revolutionary brigandage in Southern Italy after 1860 (also known asGreat Brigandage). Working from archival sources, the article offers a new interpretation of the interactions between the political, social and criminal aspects of the guerrilla war against the Risorgimento. Notwithstanding the plurality of the individual motives leading single actors to fight, it is argued that brigandage was an essentially political phenomenon and that the alliances between common bandits and loyalist forces were made possible only in the macro-political setting of the collapse of the Neapolitan monarchy, the difficulties facing Italian state-building, and the emergence of popular legitimist sympathies after 1860. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following article deals with Russian Army officers' participation in the Revolution and the Civil War in Russia. We analyze officers' motivation in their political choices and behavior in the course of a coup d'etat and the development of civil conflict. Some conclusions are drawn concerning the peculiarities of the continuity in military traditions during revolutionary changes in the state and society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To many observers the Middle East state system since the Arab uprisings stands at a critical juncture, displaying contradictory patterns of fragility and durability. The uprisings, which started late in 2010, were revolutionary in their initial impact, but beyond Tunisia, it is the counter-revolutionary movement which has proved more durable. However, the region has witnessed regime changes alongside intense levels of popular mobilization, violence and transnational activism. The results have been highly destabilizing, resulting in challenges, not only to regimes, but to the very sovereignty and territorial integrity of states. This, in turn, has contributed to a shifting regional power balance and repeated episodes of external intervention. Some commentators have argued that the whole regional system, always fragile and contested, is finally undergoing radical transformation; others point to its resilience. This article evaluates the latest wave of instability and its consequences for Middle Eastern states, their sovereignty and regional order, introducing themes and discussions taken up in other articles in this special issue. It argues that despite recent upheavals (and multiple predictions to the contrary), the Middle East system of states and borders will likely remain intact--at least in the medium term. This does not mean that states are necessarily 'strong' in a Weberian sense or that sovereignty at different levels is uncontested, but that continuity-- state survival and border preservation--is likely to prevail over major change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the social history of the revolutionary and counterrevolutionary struggles in postarmistice Hungary as they played out in the Hungarian domestic sphere. Using court cases and statements made to legal aid bureaus in Budapest, it examines how elites and the middle class reasserted their social and political power by using legal channels and the threat of denunciation to seek revenge and retribution on domestic employees and neighbors. It also explores how revolutionary and counterrevolutionary politics affected conflicts over housing in Budapest. By exploring the gendered nature of transitional and retroactive justice in counterrevolutionary Hungary, this article shows the blurring of the line between personal and political violence. It also demonstrates that women played an important role in counterrevolutionary politics by assisting state efforts to reassert traditional social and political hierarchies in the domestic sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on the counter-revolutionary movement in Szeged, Hungary, and discusses political activities in Szeged, power elites and debates on right-wing politics in Hungary during 1920s.

This article evaluates the aftermath of the Arab Spring through the dual optic of a regional phenomenon and a series of country narratives. These narratives are categorised by reference first to the secular states that found a path to stability after experiencing strong uprisings that drove rulers from power, second to the states in which the uprisings generated prolonged resistance and continuing acute instability, and third to the monarchies that neutralised the uprisings at their inception and restored stability. When other dimensions of conflict are taken into account, it seems likely that the Middle East will continue to experience chaos, intervention and counterrevolution for years to come, and possibly even a second cycle of uprisings directed at the evolving order. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As a critique of neoliberalism, this article considers Marcuse’s formulations on “paralysis of criticism” presented in his seminal textOne-Dimensional Man. This is not a pessimistic perspective. Rather, the author promotes a social diagnosis on political struggles, considering the new challenges of advanced industrial societies to radical subjective experiences of emancipation. The article centers upon, it is important to note, a frequent question in Marcuse’s inquiries:How do we think critically in counterrevolutionary times?This is a question that mobilizes dialectics to revolutionary trends as it expresses an effort to re-think traditional categories of Critical Theory in their “obsolescence.” In a world of “no alternatives,” obsolescent categories are symptom of its diseases. Such obsolescence contrasts immediate relations of status quo with “radical” mediations of social forces. It mobilizes criticism in “catalytic” processes to emancipate “centrifugal social forces” from below, a qualitative leap to social changes able to face counterrevolutionary times. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

With the recent surge of college protests against various forms of economic, political, social, and racial injustice, there have been persistent and pernicious reactions from other students, administrators and public figures that function to undermine the emancipatory impulses animating these demonstrations. The reactions are often justified under the banners of tolerance, chastising students to listen instead of protest. This article, focusing on Marcuse’s concepts of repressive toleration and counterrevolution, evaluates the reactionary responses to these events, as well as the critical potential of this fledgling student sensibility, a burgeoning refusal represented by protest events at American universities. We maintain that many of the calls for tolerance are actually demands for silence and belong to a wider counterrevolutionary phase of late capitalism observed by Marcuse. Bedrock liberties are dialectically inverted whereby speech and toleration are repressively deployed against demands for justice. This article concludes by arguing that it is crucial to the success of this resurgent sensibility for justice—and progress toward a radical socialist movement that coincides with the emancipatory vision of Herbert Marcuse—that the counterrevolutionary character of the responses are demystified. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)