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South Asians constitute Britain's largest ethnic minorities, yet very little is known about their migration history in the prewar era. Recent literature has begun to challenge the widely held view that South Asian migration to Britain was a post-war phenomenon in response to Britain's need for labour as it emerged from two costly wars. The literature has demonstrated that the South Asian presence in Britain can be traced back to the seventeenth century. This paper adds to that literature by analysing the occupation distribution and mobility of South Asian-born migrants during the early twentieth century. Regression results from the 1901 and 1911 Censuses of England and Wales suggest that relative to other foreign-born and British-born, South Asian-born immigrants were primarily employed in white-collar jobs, a position they largely retained until at least 1911. These results suggest that the South Asian diaspora was economically well assimilated into the British economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Southeast of the Yucatan Peninsula transformed from a territory of emancipation for the Mayans in the 17th century to a disputed region between the British and Spanish empires during the 18th century. In this conflict, stands out the role of the Mayans as historical actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Accounting Profession and its Mission Forgotten" is an unpublished manuscript by E. Joe DeMaris (1919–2010). It is reproduced here with an introductory note. DeMaris was one of the more prominent individuals among his generation of accounting academics, administrators, and observers of the accounting profession. The manuscript investigates the development of the accounting profession from the 17th century in Great Britain to the 20th century in the United States. The manuscript was written in 1997 and foreshadows several events of the 21st century, such as the tension arising from the cross-selling of consulting services to audit clients, the auditor capture that brought down Arthur Andersen, and the failure of "trickle-down economics" to bring about economic prosperity for the masses. Contemporary readers will find DeMaris' manuscript pertinent as we reflect on the 50th anniversary of the Academy of Accounting Historians and consider the role of accounting in the 21st century. JEL Classifications: M41; M42; M48. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Seventeenth-century UK experienced an epidemic of the newly recognised disease rickets, its nutritional and environmental causes then unknown. This is evident from parish burial registers, the London Bills of Mortality, and contemporary medical descriptions and treatments. Rickets appeared to be killing 2–8 per cent of urbanites, especially wealthy children. Rickets emerged as a threat to child health in early modern UK as a result of coal dependency and climate, and social differences in infant and child feeding. Physicians investigating rickets showed concern for rich children's diets. Lack of breastfeeding promoted calcium deficiency among wealthy infants, while poorer children's meagre childhood diet retarded recovery. The seasonality and age incidence of rickets deaths corroborate this diagnosis, but after 1700 rickets deaths dwindled even as medical treatises and osteological evidence suggest rickets morbidity increased. Chronology and share of mortality of other causes relating to rickets morbidity are considered: scurvy, hydrocephalus and whooping cough. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dutch prisoners from the sea battles of the First Anglo-Dutch War of 1652-1654 were held in England under generally inhumane conditions. It has recently become accepted that ideological differences, as much as commercial, led to the deterioration in relations that led to the conflict. English public opinion had been inflamed by a vicious anti-Dutch propaganda campaign, suggesting that ideological demonization could provide the explanation for the dire treatment to which the prisoners were subjected. It is concluded, however, that logistical problems associated with their reception, plus the chronic lack of money of Cromwell's regime, provide a sufficient explanation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical accounts of commissions of inquiry in Canada make only passing reference to the seminal 1846 Inquires Act. None explore the provenance of this legislation beyond a few sentences of the most general conjecture. This paper contends that Canada's first Inquiries Act was a by-product of a political crisis that grew out of the politics and institutional processes integral to the resolution of claims for rebellion losses in Canada during the 1840s. As the events associated with the passage of the 1849 Rebellion Losses Bill would disclose, this crisis posed an existential threat to the viability of the Union. The passage of the Inquiries Act, precipitated by the immediate contingencies of the rebellion losses crisis, marked for Canada a fundamental shift in constitutional authority dating back to 1688. The Act embraced methods of inquiry denied to the Crown since the late seventeenth century. Though created by a democratic legislature, the Inquiries Act revived a Crown-driven inquisitional approach to public inquires long since inoperative in Great Britain. The Act thus marked a shift in the relationship between state and citizen, and opened a new terrain for the long struggle to protect the individual against the all-powerful state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article argues that specific features among the early Jacobean Catholic community enabled a reevaluation of the obedience owed by wives to their husbands and of the household-state analogy. At the forefront of this development was a new category of Catholic "collapsed ladies" who actively rejected state Protestantism. Such women were potentially disruptive in a period in which the stability of the household-state analogy was being tested by recusancy and by scrupulous interpretations of the Oath of Allegiance. From a loyalist perspective, and building on Catholic understandings of reason, conscience, and humanist education, it was possible in 1609 for a female-voiced manuscript to corrode the idea that a man's status in the state depended on how he governed his wife, and that a wife was subject to her husband in matters of conscience. The manuscript writer's assumed location in St.-Omer suggests a possible connection with Mary Ward and her circle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the history of opium smoking and anti-opium movements in Federated Malay States (FMS). By the end of the 17th century, the Chinese community consituted the majority of opium smokers due to the British and Chinese capitalists greed to gain profits through the rapidly growing opium trading. The emergence of antiopium movements in FMS was triggered by a number of key elements such as the development of anti-opium movement in Britain and China, and the spirit of nationalism among local Malayan Chinese towards their Mainland China which was gradually weakening due to escalating number of opium problems. Spearheaded by Chinese capitalists and a few Europeans, the anti-opium movement was transformed into several anti-opium organizations that carried out various initiatives to suppress the opium smoking habits. This study found that the anti-opium movement in FMS had played an important role in influencing the British government to change its view and policies on trade and smoking opium habit by 1910. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anadolu University Journal of Art & Design / Sanat & Tasarım is the property of Anadolu University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The ability to claim an eminent right over property was central to the parliamentary war effort. Relying on a narrative of necessity that jurists in both England and in western Europe had increasingly used since the end of the sixteenth century, MPs gave the English political public a narrative parallel to that of a beggar in extreme duress: in order for it to survive, the property rights of English subjects needed to give way. Scholars have noted the Long parliament's use of necessity in the past in order to disassociate the causes of the Civil War from a 'rule of law' ideology or to make a claim that Parliament made a novel political theory of emergency. Yet the Long parliament was not abandoning English law nor was it generating a novel theory of emergency. Instead, it was relying on legal concepts that jurists and Crown officials commonly used to advance the power of the state. This law of necessity was controversial, however, and the Long parliament's continued use of it generated conflict even as it also enabled MPs to seize control over England's armed forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Nova Economia is the property of Nova Economia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Historical & Cultural Studies an Academic Magazine is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the seventeenth-century Chesapeake and West Indies, significant wealth acquisition and status promotion occurred largely among affluent, well-connected English migrants. But despite the optimistic claims of some promotional tracts, social mobility was rare among indentured servants, and only a very small minority of freedmen and freedwomen rose to become wealthy planters, merchants, and colonial officeholders. Nevertheless, literary accounts of early colonial life often radically exaggerate the incidence and extent of servant mobility and describe plantation colonies as beset by uncouth upstarts and rampant status confusion. Drawing on an English tradition of antimobility rhetoric, such texts satirize risen former servants as ignorant, vulgar, and immoral, mere caricatures of the polite gentry they seek to emulate. In doing so, these satires obscure both the brutal suffering of colonial servitude and the extensive mobility frequently experienced by middling and elite migrants. But they also betray their authors' ambivalent attitudes about the morality of English colonialism and the unchecked pursuit of gain it facilitated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents discussion of the discipline and methodology of Reformation historical scholarship and research as of 2009 and reflects on possible changes which could occur within the field in the following 40 years. Particular focus is given to trends of the cross-disciplinary integration of Reformation studies and English foreign policy science. Details are given noting the rise in religious-political interest in both contemporary and historical analysis and optimistic predictions are offered regarding their collaborative output in the future.

It became fashionable for English women to adopt masculine attire in their upper bodies during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and therefore crossed the traditional divide of the two sexes in their garments. Women's new style of dress provoked adverse comments during that period, and aroused dual debate fervently on gender and clothing, which climaxed in the hic mulier/ haec vir controversy (or transvestite controversy) in 1620. This article will discuss the reasons behind this peculiar English female fashion, with the considerations of the development of European dress during the medieval and early modern periods, and the legal, economic and cultural characteristics of English society during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Then, it focuses on the writings and images of those "man-clothed women," especially the debate in 1620, so as to understand the polemists' anxiety and their interpretation of this social phenomenon. As a whole, it intends to explore the relationship between dress and gender, and to inquire how and to what extent, clothing defined gender, and vice versa. Moreover, it investigates the change of themes from clothing to the nature of the female sex in this debate, showing the insistence that traditional identity of male/female or masculinity/femininity should not be confused by changeable fashions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "tender conscience" of seventeenth-century British discourse redirected the course of political history and the history of the emotions. In the 1640s, the unimpeachable repute of the tender conscience as a spiritual identity provided lay citizens with the authority needed to voice political dissent. The growing antiprelatical movement found in the tender conscience a ready-made resistance theory. For John Milton, the work of defining this conscience is so closely tied to arguments for the legitimacy of revolutionary action that his oeuvre can be read as a protracted struggle to establish its boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theorists of modern comics and graphic narratives point to seventeenth-century English illustrated broadsheets as being the primitive beginning of sequential graphic reading practice. Examination of both topical and decorative broadsheets designed for public display in the mid and late seventeenth century, however, reveal a more complex, multimodal reading experience that was accessible and appealing to the wide range of literacies that operated during this period. Broadsheets' sophisticated blending of visual, oral, and textual practices can be made more visible through the lens of our contemporary discussions of multimodal reading and learning practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Restoration London saw a wave of publications by physicians advocating that the 'compleat physician' should be one who experimented and produced his own medicines. Only thus, they argued, could the medical hierarchy be restored and medical authority re-established on a defensible basis. This article seeks to explain the context for this unusual approach, and why it failed to attract mainstream physicians by the end of the century, by considering the sixty-year career of one of its leading advocates, Everard Maynwaring (c.1629-1713), a prolific medical author and what his own failure to enter the medical establishment may show about the problems inherent in this model for the physician. A university-trained gentleman physician who converted to chymical medicine c.1660, Maynwaring published learned and relatively unpolemical texts to persuade both medical and lay audiences of the superiority of experimental medicine as a mode of learned practice, yet could not easily reconcile this with the advocacy and sale of his own chymical medicines (especially as he focused increasingly on a small group of 'universal medicines') without being branded an 'empirick'. Fragmentary evidence regarding his career suggests he became increasingly marginalised and as an old man was reduced to advertising his cures like the 'empiricks' from whom he had sought to distance both himself and physicians in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the will of the English translator John Studley. She mentions the lack of evidence concerning his possible death in 1590, the 1619 will of a John Studley who lived in Dorset, and presents evidence that they are the same man based on correspondences between what is known of the family.

This article challenges readings of seventeenth-century English ‘improvement’ that are confined to a literate, elite sphere and thereby take printed claims of ‘economic betterment’ at face value, bestowing brief mention on ‘losers’ as a regrettable, but necessary, consequence of progress. Through examining Charles I's ‘disafforestation’ of the western royal forests of Gillingham, in Dorset, and Braydon, in Wiltshire, this article contends that improvement was not simply a triumphal narrative of material advancement articulated in print, but rather was forged in active conflicts situated within the landscape. Disafforestation was one of the Stuart crown's first major forays into enclosure and ‘improvement’, facilitated by surveyors applying newly geometric techniques to inscribe exclusive ownership so that each might ‘know and have their own’. Resulting riots reveal the contestation of empirical perspectives, improving ideals, and exclusive boundaries by commoners defending customary ways of seeing and using the forest commons rooted in collective memory, practice, and the landscape itself. Via the framing concept of ‘epistemologies’, improvement is examined as a spatial process in which different ways of knowing and using the landscape became pivotal to the production, contestation, and reconfiguration of social relations mapped across royal forests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores how blank legal forms became an aspect of English society between circa 1662-1780. It uses the example of John Coles of London who created the 62 legal documents for his catalog of "Certificates for acknowledging Inhabitants legally settled." Topics include 17th and 18th century print culture, governance of the poor, and legal documents and requirements for poor people to change parishes.

The article discusses the radical left-wing activists' historiographical attitudes, from the 1940s through the 1990s, towards the 17th century Diggers and the Levellers movement and the English radical Gerrard Winstanley. An overview of 20th century Marxist and communist historiography on the Diggers is provided.

This article analyses the public debates about the two corporate forms used in the seventeenth century to develop England's international commercial reach: the regulated and joint stock company. It examines pamphlets to assess the changing public postures of the two forms across the period, and challenges histories of seventeenth-century English overseas trade that argue the triumph of free trade over monopoly. The article instead suggests that the public debate about the two company forms contributed to the development of new corporate constitutions derived from both models and therefore recovers the neglected significance of the regulated company in this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]