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Cet article explore les significations attribuées à la notion d’« environnement » par les chercheurs et chercheuses qui se reconnaissent dans le champ de l’histoire environnementale. Tout en reconnaissant la grande fluidité de la définition, l’article identifie des tournants décisifs, au sein de ce champ de recherche, dans la manière de concevoir ce dont « environnement » est le nom. Après un survol des controverses liées aux limites de l’histoire environnementale, l’article analyse ainsi l’environnement tel qu’il émergeait dans débats autour des approches constructivistes des années 1990, il discute ensuite l’influence des théories de l’hybridation dans les années 2000, et enfin se penche sur les transformations associées au débat en cours sur l’Anthropocène. Ces tournants s’associent à des tendances de recherche de caractère plus ample en histoire environnementale. Ces tendances et tournants, d’autre part, dans la mesure où ils concernent la définition de l’environnement en question, permettent aussi de réfléchir sur les rapports controversés entre l’écriture de l’histoire environnementale et politiques de l’environnement et leur évolution au fil du temps. Sans aucune ambition de fournir une revue complète, l’article cherche plutôt à offrir des éléments de réflexion sur l’évolution de la discipline du point de vue de son « objet », ainsi que les possibilités et difficultés pour les chercheurs qui s’y approchent aujourd’hui. This article explores the meanings assigned by researchers in the area of environmental history to the notion of “environment”. While recognizing the very fluid way in which this term has been defined, the article identifies a series of decisive turning points in the manner in which it has been conceived –and, more particularly, the object to which it is taken to refer– within this field of research. After surveying controversies relating to the limits of environmental history, the article analyzes the notion of environment as it emerged in debates surrounding the constructivist approaches of the 1990s. It then discusses the influence of theories of hybridization in the 2000s. Finally, it examines the transformations associated with the ongoing debate over the Anthropocene. These turning points figure within broader research trends in environmental history. To the degree that they concern the definition of the environment in question, these trends and turning points also allow one to reflect on the controversial relations between the writing of environmental history, environmental policy and their evolution over time. The article does not seek to offer an exhaustive survey but rather to supply material for reflecting on the discipline’s evolution from the point of view of its object as well the possibilities and difficulties confronting those who conduct research in the field today.

Alain Finkielkraut : En France, dans les années 1980 de ce qu’il faut bien se résoudre à nommer le siècle dernier, la philosophie politique est « sortie de Marx » par Tocqueville. C’est la lecture de Tocqueville qui a permis de démystifier la démystification marxiste de l’égalité bourgeoise, et de substituer l’idée de révolution démocratique au modèle robespierriste ou léniniste de la Révolution. Mais il y avait dans l’élan même de cette...

« Pour moi, Twitter, c’est vraiment avant tout une récréation ». C’est un jeune sociologue qui prend la parole et la partage avec ses 3 000 « followers » sur le réseau. Titulaire depuis moins de dix ans, il commente ainsi sa participation active à ce « réseau socionumérique » (Stenger et Courant, 2010a), où il partage plusieurs fois par jour ses interrogations scientifiques et politiques sur son objet de recherche, ainsi que sur les politiques scientifiques menées en France depuis 2017. Après...

The authors present the series of roundtables that took place between January and May 2022, jointly organized by the Institut Droit et Santé of the University Paris Cité and by the Chaire Santé and the École de Droit de Sciences Po, and which addressed the issues of access to medicines as an integral part of the notion of the right to health, the relevance of our current model of incentives for innovation in the pharmaceutical sector, the conditions necessary to ensure our health independence in terms of access to medicines and, finally, whether or not it is necessary to remedy the lack of transparency of certain activities of the pharmaceutical industry with respect to public authorities and society. The thematic dossier that reports on these exchanges illustrates the complexity of the issue of access to medicines, which was brutally put under the spotlight during the covid-19 pandemic., Les auteures présentent la série de table-rondes qui ont eu lieu entre les mois de janvier et de mai 2022, organisées conjointement par l’Institut Droit et Santé de l’Université Paris Cité et par la Chaire Santé et l’École de Droit de Sciences Po, et qui ont abordé les questions de l’accès aux médicaments en tant que part intégrante de la notion de droit à la santé, la pertinence de notre modèle actuel d’incitation à l’innovation dans le secteur pharmaceutique, les conditions nécessaires pour assurer notre indépendance sanitaire en matière d’accès aux médicaments et, enfin, la nécessité ou non de remédier au manque de transparence de certaines activités de l’industrie pharmaceutique vis-à-vis des pouvoirs publics et de la société. Le dossier thématique qui rend compte de ces échanges illustre la complexité de la question de l’accès aux médicaments, qui a été brutalement mise sous le feu des projecteurs lors de la pandémie de covid-19.

International audience; Universal jurisdiction (UJ), which not very long ago seemed condemned to extinction, is now becoming routine. It has been endorsed by 109 states, and the number of prosecutions is increasing. This article is based on an ethnographic study of the recent trial in France of Pascal Simbikangwa, a Rwandan accused of participating in the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994. Using the concepts of ‘vernacularization’ and ‘transnational legal orders’, it shows how UJ is creating a transnational judicial space (TJS). Involving both partisan and ordinary actors, this process is fraught with multiple conflicts. Although UJ does not participate in the dissemination of a uniform definition of genocide, it makes various jurisdictions work together. This fragmented transnational justice is paradoxically contributing to the integration of national legal systems.

This article argues that political realists have at least two strategies to provide distinctively political normative judgements that have nothing to do with morality. The first ground is instrumental normativity, which states that if we believe that something is a necessary means to a goal we have, we have a reason to do it. In politics, certain means are required by any ends we may intend to pursue. The second ground is epistemic normativity, stating that if something is (empirically) true, this gives us a reason to believe it. In politics, there are certain empirical regularities that ought to be acknowledged for what they are. Both sources are flawed. Instrumental normativity only requires coherence between attitudes and beliefs, and one can hang on to false beliefs to preserve attitudes incompatible with reality. I may desire to eschew power relations, and accordingly I may imagine politics to be like a camping trip. Epistemic normativity, on the other hand, operates critically, striking down existing normative claims. It shows us that politics is nothing like a camping trip, but it doesn’t tell us what we should do about it (beyond abandoning some false beliefs). We conclude by showing that if the two are taken together, they remedy each other’s flaws.

Quinze ans après l’assassinat d’Anna Politkovskaïa, le travail d’enquête et d’information devient toujours plus difficile en Russie. Malgré les abus et les violences du Kremlin, quelques journalistes poursuivent avec courage son indispensable combat.

Les relations professionnelles désignent tout à la fois un ensemble de pratiques et de règles qui régissent les relations de travail, et un champ de recherches consacrés à ces dernières. Leur essor a accompagné le développement du capitalisme fordiste d’après-guerre. Les mutations des mondes du travail ainsi que la remise en cause des institutions et des régulations de travail depuis plusieurs décennies, dans le monde anglo-saxon comme en Europe, se sont logiquement traduites par un déclin du paradigme des relations professionnelles. Mais comment considérer cet affaiblissement ? Comme une disparition ou comme une recomposition ? Industrial relations refer to both a set of practices and rules governing labour relations and a research field investigating the latter. Their development went hand in hand with the implementation of post-war Fordist capitalism. Rapid changes in the working worlds and the questioning of institutions and work regulations for several decades, both in the Anglo-Saxon world and in Europe, have logically led to a decline of the paradigm of industrial relations. But how should we consider this present situation? As a disappearance or as a recomposition? Las relaciones profesionales designan simultáneamente un conjunto de prácticas y de reglas que regulan las relaciones de trabajo y un campo de investigaciones dedicadas a éstas últimas. Su auge acompañó el desarrollo del capitalismo fordista de la posguerra. Los cambios de los mundos del trabajo, así como el cuestionamiento de las instituciones y de las regulaciones de trabajo desde hace varias décadas, tanto en el mundo anglosajón como en Europa, condujeron lógicamente a una decadencia del paradigma de las relaciones profesionales. Pero ¿cómo considerar este debilitamiento? ¿Cómo una desaparición o como una recomposición?

Depuis le célèbre article « Système de la coutume » d’Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie (Annales, 1972), la problématique des géographies coutumières, invention de juristes, est devenue jusqu’à nos jours un territoire commun des historiens, des ethnologues et des historiens du droit. Le présent texte explore les origines intellectuelles de cette problématique dans l’historiographie pour en isoler trois présupposés majeurs : le principe d’autonomie de la parenté, le caractère « photographique » des sources juridiques et la relativité culturelle prêtée aux structures que l’étude des coutumes d’héritage permet de dégager. Ainsi, l’enracinement culturaliste conduit-il, de Herder à Savigny, de Klimrath à Yver et à Le Roy Ladurie lui-même, à une interrogation sur la notion de culture, à la fois signe et cause de la différenciation géographique des normes d’organisation sociale. Ever since the famous article “Système de la coutume” by Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie (Annales, 1972), the customary geographies issue has become a common ground for historians, ethnologists and legal historians. The present paper explores the intellectual origins of this problematic in historiography and stresses three major underlying aspects: the principle of autonomy of kinship systems, the “photographical” character of legal sources and the cultural relativity associated with the structures which the study of inheritance patterns allows to indentify. Thus, the culturalist paradigm leads, from Herder to Savigny, from Klimrath to Yver and Le Roy Ladurie himself, to a questioning of the mere idea of culture, altogether as a sign and a cause of the geographical differentiations of the norms of social organisation.

International audience; Economic games are well-established tools that offer a convenient approach to study social behaviour. Although widely used, recent evidence suggests that decisions made in the context of standard economic games are less predictive of real-world behaviour than previously assumed self-reported questionnaires. A possible explanation for this discrepancy is that economic games decisions in the laboratory are more likely to be influenced by the current situation, while questionnaires are specifically designed to measure people's average behaviour across a long period of time. To test this hypothesis, we performed a longitudinal study where 275 respondents played 16 Trust games every two days within a three-week period, and filled out a questionnaire that measures social trust. This study confirmed the instability of our measure of trust behaviour over time and the substantial stability of questionnaire responses. However, we found a significant association between self-reported social trust and participants' average behaviour in the trust game measured across sessions, but also with participants' behaviour measured only in Session 1. Nevertheless, analysis of behavioural changes in the Trust games over time revealed different behavioural profiles, highlighting how economic games and questionnaires can complement each other in the study of social trust.

ObjectivesIn an attempt to understand the demand and main drivers of telemedicine abortion, we analysed the requests that Women on Web (WoW), an online telemedicine abortion service operating worldwide, received from France throughout 2020.MethodsWe conducted a parallel, convergent, mixed-methods study among 809 consultations received from France at WoW between 1 January and 31 December 2020. We performed a cross-sectional study of data obtained from the WoW consultation survey and a manifest content analysis of anonymised email correspondence of 140 women consulting with the WoW helpdesk from France.FindingsWe found that women encounter macro-level, individual-level and provider-level constraints while trying to access abortion in France. The preferences and needs over secrecy (n=356, 46.2%), privacy (n=295, 38.3%) and comfort (n=269, 34.9%) are among the most frequent reasons for women from France to choose telemedicine abortion through WoW. The COVID-19 pandemic seems to be an important driver for resorting to telemedicine (n=236, 30.6%). The lockdowns had a significant impact on the number of consultations received at WoW from France, increasing from 60 in March to 128 in April during the first lockdown and from 54 in October to 80 in November during the second lockdown.ConclusionsThe demand for at-home medical abortion via teleconsultation increased in France during the lockdowns. However, drivers of telemedicine abortion are multidimensional and go beyond the conditions unique to the pandemic.

Social media users are not just potential consumers of political content they are also potential producers and distributors. In this paper, we test whether political predispositions or the popularity of posts best explains users’ engagement with political content on Facebook. Using a large-scale survey deployed in Denmark, we utilize a 2 × 2 × 3 survey experiment that manipulates the partisan sponsor of a political message, the number of likes attributed to that message, and the nature of the comments attached to that post. Our findings indicate that individuals are most likely to like, comment, and share political content that aligns with their political predispositions, as the choice to like, share and comment political content on Facebook is largely unaffected by likes and comments from other users. Though we recognize the dangers of obstinacy in democratic discourse, we are somewhat assured by these findings, as it shows that those who engage with political content do not follow a blind herd mentality.

The COVID-19 crisis has demanded that governments take restrictive measures that are abnormal for most representative democracies. This article aims to examine the determinants of the public’s evaluations towards those measures. This article focuses on political trust and partisanship as potential explanatory factors of evaluations of each government’s health and economic measures to address the COVID-19 crisis. To study these relationships between trust, partisanship and evaluation of measures, data from a novel comparative panel survey is utilised, comprising eleven democracies and three waves, conducted in spring 2020. This article provides evidence that differences in evaluations of the public health and economic measures between countries also depend on contextual factors, such as polarisation and the timing of the measures’ introduction by each government. Results show that the public’s approval of the measures depends strongly on their trust in the national leaders, an effect augmented for voters of the opposition. Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at: https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2021.1930754 .

Objectives Develop and validate a thorough exposure questionnaire to comprehensively explore crystalline silica (SiO2) exposure in the general population (gender-specific, occupational and non-occupational) and in patients with autoimmune diseases (rheumatoid arthritis (RA), systemic sclerosis (SSc)). Methods Lifetime exposures to SiO2 in occupational and non-occupational settings were assessed using a thorough exposure questionnaire. The questionnaire was applied to a general population panel (n = 2911) sampled from the French rolling census, and to unselected patients with SSc (n = 100) and RA (n = 97). Global (GES), occupational (OES) and non-occupational (NOES) exposure scores were assessed in SSc and RA patients, and compared with up to four controls from the general population, matched by age group, sex and tobacco consumption. Results Patients had higher GES than their matched controls (SSc: P = 0.001; RA: P Conclusion The lifetime SiO2 exposure gap between RA and SSc patients and controls was substantially due to occupational exposure. In both diseases, men had higher exposure scores than women.

[La réflexion sur le droit peut-elle saisir son objet comme s’il se déployait dans une sphère autonome, ou bien doit-elle rapporter la logique juridique aux usages politiques qui en sont faits ?Partant de cette question, Hobbes et le sujet de droit met en lumière la rationalité juridique développée par Hobbes – rarement étudiée comme telle. Le philosophe rompt en effet avec les doctrines classiques de la loi pour penser l’autonomie du droit et le type de normativité qu’il instaure. Faisant de la volonté de l’individu la racine de l’ordre juridique institué, Hobbes construit une théorie inédite de l’obligation et une pensée du contractualisme centrée sur l’affirmation du sujet de droit, cette autre figure de la subjectivité.Mais cette pensée d’un sujet fondateur de l’ordre politique n’engendre-t-elle pas de nouvelles formes d’assujettissement ? Inscrit dans un système représentatif, jouissant d’une liberté négative plutôt que d’une absence de dépendance, le sujet de droit n’en vient-il pas à consentir à sa propre servitude ? Telles sont les interrogations qui traversent cet ouvrage et orientent une lecture politique de ce moment décisif de la rationalité juridique moderne.Résumé éditeur]

Launched in 2019, the French Citizens’ Convention for Climate (CCC) tasked 150 randomly chosen citizens with proposing fair and effective measures to fight climate change. This was to be fulfilled through an “innovative co-construction procedure”, involving some unspecified external input alongside that from the citizens. Did inputs from the steering bodies undermine the citizens’ accountability for the output? Did co-construction help the output resonate with the general public, as is expected from a citizens’ assembly? To answer these questions, we build on our unique experience in observing the CCC proceedings and documenting them with qualitative and quantitative data. We find that the steering bodies’ input, albeit significant, did not impair the citizens’ agency, creativity, and freedom of choice. While succeeding in creating consensus among the citizens who were involved, this co-constructive approach, however, failed to generate significant support among the broader public. These results call for a strengthening of the commitment structure that determines how follow-up on the proposals from a citizens’ assembly should be conducted.

En s’emparant de la thématique des rapports entre droit et anthropologie, ce numéro de Clio@Themis s’inscrit, à l’instar de numéros précédents, dans la perspective d’une histoire sociale et intellectuelle du droit. C’est à partir des rapports difficiles entre droit et anthropologie que ce volume poursuit plus spécifiquement l’enquête sur le couple droit et (autres) sciences sociales, entendu ici, non seulement comme objet, mais également comme méthode. Que les relations entre droit et anthropologie n’aient rien d’évident, nul n’en disconvient. Dans un récent panorama sur l’état de l’anthropologie juridique française, Louis Assier-Andrieu écrivait malicieusement que « projeter un juriste dans une société exotique n’en fait pas plus un anthropologue qu’envoyer un anthropologue à l’audience n’en fait un juriste ». Et de rappeler, comme d’autres avant lui, le dialogue délicat entre deux savoirs forgés dans des traditions méthodologiques opposées, utilisant parfois des termes identiques pour désigner des concepts différents (coutume, parenté, etc.), et, pour tout dire, porteuses d’une façon différente de penser le monde. [Premier paragraphe]

This article aims to deepen the understanding of the Western legal tradition with the instruments of cultural anthropology. Recalling the properties of legal reason, it opens the way for a new relationship between law and anthropology. It also warns against the temptation to extend the domination of this Western reason over other societies and cultures. (author's abstract); Cet article, rejetant les séductions de l’exotisme, se propose d’approfondir la compréhension de la tradition juridique occidentale grâce aux instruments de l’anthropologie culturelle. Rappelant les propriétés de la raison juridique et traçant la voie à une nouvelle articulation entre droit et anthropologie, il met également en garde contre la tentation d’étendre la domination de cette raison occidentale sur les autres sociétés et les autres cultures. (résumé auteur)

Cet article se consacre au développement du secourisme au sein des dispositifs de gestion des risques au travail de la fin des années 1940 au tournant des années 1970. Alors que la prévention donne lieu à une réflexion dense, portée notamment en France par l’Institut national de sécurité, l’enseignement des gestes de premiers secours, relativement marginal, demeure aux mains des associations de secourisme. La Sécurité sociale comme les employeurs ont pourtant un intérêt financier et humain à réduire les risques engendrés par l’accident lui-même. L’article cherche donc à analyser le rôle du monde associatif dans l’élaboration de l’État social à travers l’exemple peu connu du sauvetage-secourisme du travail. This article is devoted to the development of first aid as a part of workplace risk-management measures between the late 1940s and the early 1970s. While the issue of prevention was extensively studied – in France, particularly by the National Safety Institute – practical instruction, which was not particularly widespread, remained the responsibility of first aid associations. Yet Social Security and employers had a financial and human interest in reducing the risks associated with accidents. Drawing upon the little-known example of workplace rescue-first aid, the article thus seeks to examine the role played by the associative world in the development of the social state.

International audience; As part of the “Humanities and social sciences at work” cycle, this interview gives the floor to four communication managers who work or have worked in social science laboratories and, for one of them, in exact sciences. At a time of increasing individualization of careers and widespread competition for skills, the conversations with these skilled science public speakers open up many relevant questions, beyond the strictly communicational field: What do digital social networks (DSN) do to the research professions, and to communicators? What do higher education and research institutions do with them? What uses do they recommend for researchers and research support professions? How can we understand certain paradoxical injunctions (regarding Twitter, for instance)? Tracing the careers and activities of these colleagues allows us not only to question the role of scientific communication and mediation in the light of the DSN, but also to describe the effects that the transformation of certain communication tools has on professional practices and ethics.; Dans le cadre du cycle « Les sciences humaines et sociales au travail », cet entretien donne la parole à quatre responsables de la communication, travaillant ou ayant travaillé au sein de laboratoires de sciences sociales et, pour l’une d’entre elles, de sciences exactes. À l’heure de l’individualisation croissante des carrières et de la mise en concurrence généralisée des compétences, les échanges avec ces artisanes de la parole publique de la science ouvrent de nombreuses questions, pertinentes au-delà du champ strictement communicationnel : que font les réseaux sociaux numériques (RSN) aux métiers de la recherche, et en particulier à celui de communicant-e ? Qu’en font les institutions de l’enseignement supérieur et de la recherche ? Quels usages préconisent-elles pour cette dernière et les métiers d’appui ? Comment comprendre certaines injonctions paradoxales (à propos de Twitter) ? Retracer les parcours et les activités de ces collègues permet non seulement d’interroger le rôle de la communication et de la médiation scientifiques à l’aune des RSN, mais aussi de décrire les effets que la transformation de certains outils de communication produit sur les pratiques et les éthiques professionnelles.

International audience

International audience; Based on 51 qualitative interviews of middle- to upper-middle-class women and men in their thirties through early fifties in Paris and Tokyo from 2018 to 2020, this qualitative research seeks to develop a comparative understanding of how women and men reconcile the diverse commitments of work and family in two post-industrial societies by querying such topics as the contexts for dual-career households, the meanings of work for women and men, workplace challenges, and gender and the division of household labor. Recent shifts in gender roles, female workforce participation, and more varied living patterns and couple relationships are increasingly placing pressure on younger and middle-aged couples with chil-dren. Our findings suggest that despite historical and cultural dif-ferences in the nexus of work and family, not to mention diverging levels of government support for dual-worker families, there are interesting commonalities in the ways in which couples reconcile work and family. In particular, in both Japan and France, naturaliz-ing women as the main care givers is a fundamental aspect of how work and family balance is maintained. Despite the presence of many supportive institutional frameworks for flexible work, child-care support, and gender equity, both the French and the Japanese pursue subjective well-being through gendered notions of care.

Au cours des années 2000, les politiques d’immigration et de citoyenneté instaurées en Europe et en Amérique du Nord donnent lieu à la formulation d’un nouveau paradigme d’action publique, qualifié d’« intégration civique » (Joppke, 2007 ; Mouritsen, 2008). Dans les travaux qui leur sont consacrés, ces politiques sont présentées comme marquant un « tournant » (« civic turn »), visible dans la mise en place d’une série de dispositifs et de lois en matière d’entrée, de séjour, d’intégration des...

International audience; By studying a Tunisian household, that of the Bū Ḥājib family, established in the second half of the 19th century, this essay explores the multiple forms of Ottoman legacies and the various Ottoman provincial practices used by some Tunisian elites well into the first five decades of the French colonization in Tunisia. This case study shows that families and household units – central to Ottoman society during the early modern period – remained vital to reshaping society through the action of women during the colonial period. Such an approach further reassesses an historiography whose conception was strictly colonial and focused on relations between metropolitan France and her Maghrebi colonies to the exclusion of other temporalities and Mediterranean lands and cities such as Italy, Istanbul and Cairo, all of which remained central to Tunisian people at that time.; À travers l’étude d’une stratégie patrimoniale développée par la famille Bū Ḥājib, dans la seconde moitié du xixe siècle à Tunis, cet article explore les formes multiples de legs ottomans et de pratiques provinciales ottomanes que des sujets tunisiens continuaient à mobiliser durant les cinq premières décennies de la colonisation française de la Tunisie. Cette étude de cas démontre ainsi que les stratégies familiales développées à partir de maisonnées – si cruciales dans la vie sociale et politique des provinces ottomanes aux temps modernes – continuaient à être des lieux de transformation sociale durant la période coloniale notamment par le biais des femmes. Cette approche micro permet aussi de remettre en cause une historiographie qui n’a pensé l’histoire de cette région que par le colonial et en ne se focalisant que sur les relations entre la métropole française et les colonies maghrébines, oubliant au passage, d’autres temporalités et d’autres territoires méditerranéens tels que l’Italie, Istanbul et Le Caire qui étaient encore des lieux importants pour des sujets tunisiens à l’époque.

International audience; Social trust is at the center of democratic societies but it varies considerably between individuals and societies, which deeply affects a range of prosocial behaviours. Socioeconomic status has been identified as an important predictor of such variability. Although this association has mostly been reported for measures of socioeconomic status taken in adulthood, recent studies have found unique effects of harsh conditions experienced during childhood on social trust assessed decades later. Here, we report a series of three studies that provide further support for the long-lasting association between early childhood conditions and social trust. The first study revealed that higher childhood socioeconomic status was associated with greater social trust in a diverse sample of French participants (N=915), even after adjusting for current socioeconomic status. The second study replicated this result using data from the European Values Study, an independent large-scale survey of 46 European countries (N=66,281). Finally, the last study found a similar association between socioeconomic status and willingness to invest in a trust game (N=60 in original study, N=75 in replication study).

International audience; Few studies so far have analysed the effectiveness of differentiation in EU policies. This is surprising given the importance and permanence of many differentiated arrangements, for example in EU economic policy. Insights from three studies on differentiation in the energy sector, the financial sector and third-country access to Single Market highlight the importance of institutional factors. EU economic differentiated arrangements tend to be more effective when: (i) there is a good ‘fit’ between the institutional design and the policy objectives; (ii) there are mechanisms to adapt them over time; and (iii) there are institutional provisions to prevent or mitigate negative side effects for the Union as a whole.

Social trust is linked to a host of positive societal outcomes, including improved economic performance, lower crime rates and more inclusive institutions. Yet, the origins of trust remain elusive, partly because social trust is difficult to document in time. Building on recent advances in social cognition, we design an algorithm to automatically generate trustworthiness evaluations for the facial action units (smile, eye brows, etc.) of European portraits in large historical databases. Our results show that trustworthiness in portraits increased over the period 1500–2000 paralleling the decline of interpersonal violence and the rise of democratic values observed in Western Europe. Further analyses suggest that this rise of trustworthiness displays is associated with increased living standards., Quantifying how social trust evolved throughout history can help us understand the long-run dynamics of our societies. Here, the authors show an increase in displays of trustworthiness, using a face processing algorithm on early to modern European portraits.

This paper elaborates on our joint experience of teaching quantitative methods to (mostly) historians since the early 2000s and writing an introductory book on this topic, first in French, then in English, in a revised and expanded version. All along, we have pursued three aims, related to two different types of audience. First, we want to make quantitative methods accessible for all historians—and humanists generally—, especially those who do not think that such methods are “for them,” because they do not enjoy mathematics, or because they study topics that are not traditionally considered as suited to quantification. Second, our intent is to contribute to less routine uses of quantification in the social sciences, by promoting diversity in methods and imagination in categorization schemes—going beyond “the usual suspects” in terms of sources, variables, and calculations. Third, we promote respect for the basic tenets of the historical profession, i.e. principles of source criticism, as the cornerstone of the constitution of data from historical sources.The first part of the paper begins by explaining where we speak from. As practices of quantification differ between countries and sub-disciplines, we first tell a few words about our own experience with quantitative history, in the context of its recent evolutions, since it lost any pretense at dominance in the historical discipline. These trajectories led us to promote constructivist, small-scale, experimental quantitative history. In terms of teaching, this translates into a learning-by-doing focused on the construction and categorization of data from sources. The second and third parts of the paper briefly flesh out the main principles that we promote in our teaching, with examples in and out of economic history and the history of capitalism. The second part addresses the transformation of sources into quantifiable data; the third part discusses data categorization and analysis.

The COVID-19 disease was first identified in Wuhan, China, in December 2019, having since spread rapidly across the world. The infection and mortality rates of the disease have forced governments to implement a wave of public health measures. Depending on the context, these range from the implementation of simple hygienic rules to measures such as social distancing or lockdowns that cause major disruptions in citizens’ daily lives. The success of these crucial public health measures rests on the public's willingness to comply. However, individual differences in following the official public health recommendations for stopping the spread of COVID-19 have not yet to our knowledge been assessed. This study aims to fill this gap by assessing the sociodemographic and psychological correlates of implementing public health recommendations that aim to halt the COVID-19 pandemic. We investigate these associations in the context of France, one of the countries that has been most severely affected by the pandemic, and which ended up under a nationwide lockdown on March 17. In the next sections we describe our theoretical expectations over the associations between sociodemographics, personality, ideology, and emotions with abiding by the COVID-19 public health measures. We then test these hypotheses using data from the French Election Study.

The expression “public opinion” has long been part of common parlance. However, its value as a scientific measure has been the topic of abundant academic debates over the past several decades. Such debates have produced more variety and contestations rather than consensus on the very definition of public opinion, let alone on how to measure it. This study reports on the usefulness of web-based big data digital network analytics in deciphering the distributed meanings and sense making related to controversial biotechnology applications. Using stem cell therapies as a case study, we argue that such digital network analysis can complement the traditional opinion polls while avoiding the sampling bias that is typical of opinion polls. Although the polls cannot account for the opinion dynamics, combining them with web-based big data analysis can shed light on three dimensions of public opinion essential for sense making: counts or volume of opinion data, content, and movement of opinions. This approach is particularly promising in the case of ongoing scientific controversies that increasingly overflow into the public sphere morphing into public political debates. In particular, our study focuses as a case study on public controversies over the clinical provision of stem cell therapies. Using web entities specifically addressing stem cell issues, including their dynamic aggregation, the internal architecture of the web corpus we report in this study brings the third dimension of public opinion (movement) into sharper focus. Notably, the corpus of stem cell networks through web connectivity presents hot spots of distributed meaning. Large-scale surveys conducted on these issues, such as the Eurobarometer of Biotechnology, reveal that European citizens only accept research on stem cells if they are highly regulated, while the stem cell digital network analysis presented in this study suggests that distributed meaning is promise centeredness. Although major scientific journals and companies tend to structure public opinion networks, our finding of promise centeredness as a key ingredient of distributed meaning and sense making is consistent with therapeutic tourism that remains as an important facet of the stem cell community despite the lack of material standards. This new approach to digital network analysis has crosscutting corollaries for rethinking the notion of public opinion, be it in electoral preferences or as we discuss in this study, for new ways to measure, monitor, and democratically govern emerging technologies.

International audience

International audience; This volume offers a series of short and highly self-reflective essays by leading international lawyers on the relation between international law and crises. It particularly shows that international law shapes the crises that it addresses as much as it is shaped by them. It critically evaluates the modes of intervention of international law in the problems of the world. Together these essays provide a unique stocktaking about the role, limits, and potential of international law as well as the worlds that are imagined through international lawyers’ vocabularies.

Loin de se solder par un bouleversement des équilibres politiques moult fois annoncé, les élections régionales de 2021 en région Sud-PACA ont toutefois nuancé quelques tendances observables depuis les années 1990-2000. Quelques semaines avant l’échéance de juin 2021, se dessine un duel RN-LR probable au 2nd tour construit par les sondages pré-électoraux. Ce cadrage, amplement relayé par les médias, donne à ces élections un arrière-goût de déjà-vu. Outre qu’il fait la part belle aux commentaires sur une région PACA promise au Front national-RN, il traduit aussi l’implantation politique de l’extrême droite dans le sud-est depuis les années 1990, que ce soit dans les instances municipales, départementales et régionales.

International audience; Sovereignism is at the crux of the current wave of radical right-wing populism. Populist parties advocate ‘taking back control’ and generally do so in the name of the ‘people’, pledging to restore economic well-being. This article argues that populism and sovereignism are inherently connected in radical right-wing populism politics through a set of values that emphasize popular and national sovereignty. To test the empirical validity of our proposition, we focus on two established European radical right-wing populist parties, namely the Rassemblement National in France and the Swiss People’s Party and use data from an original survey. We find that while Rassemblement National and Swiss People’s Party voters diverge in general economic orientations, they share similar economic populist sovereignist values that significantly shape electoral support for those parties. These findings suggest that economic populist sovereignism may represent an important driver of support for the radical right-wing populism, alongside other correlates of radical right-wing populism voting, such as perceived immigration threat.

Quels sont les candidats qui sont aujourd’hui en position de capter le vote populiste ? La vague 13 du Baromètre de la confiance politique du CEVIPOF permet d’examiner en détail la structuration des attitudes populistes dans l’opinion publique française et leur effet potentiel sur la décision électorale individuelle. La compétition qui se dessine entre les principaux acteurs populistes, à gauche et à droite, confirme le poids du populisme dans les choix politiques des Françaises et des Français à quelques semaines du premier tour de l’élection présidentielle d’avril 2022. Sans qu’il soit naturellement encore possible d’établir vers qui pencheront en définitive les électeurs populistes au soir du 10 avril.

We present a projection theory on the space of idiosyncratic histories for heterogeneous-agents models. This allows solving for optimal Ramsey policies in heterogeneous-agent models with aggregate shocks, using a Lagrangian approach. In addition, it allows improving current simulation methods using perturbation techniques, by using more steady-state information. We apply this to study the optimal level distorting tax on labor and unemployment insurance over the business cycle in a production economy. In the quantitative exercise, the average optimal replacement rate is 10% higher than the one implies by a sufficient-statistics approach, due to saving distortions. Moreover, the optimal replacement rate is countercyclical.

International audience; One strategy in defence of compulsory voting is based on what I call the non-instrumental value of high turnout: the idea that almost-universal participation in elections is valuable per se. This article argues that we do not have democratic reasons to value compelled turnout. First, thanks to an original analysis of the practice of voting, I identify three constitutive rules that make the physical acts of marking and casting a ballot count as proper voting. This preliminary analysis serves to illuminate the fact that the act of voting has democratic value if it is performed in a free and reason-responsive way. Second, I identify political equality and popular control as democratic values that high turnout expresses. Finally, the article rejects the non-instrumental case for compulsory voting because it cannot ensure that people vote in a reason-responsive way and, if they do not, high turnout lacks democratic value.

International audience; Despite the constant "parliamentarization" of the European Union, the supranational dimension of European elections remains limited. Forty five years after its first election, the European Parliament (EP) still suffers from two main problems: (i) its democratic representativeness is impaired by the diversity of national electoral rules and by the predominantly national dimension of electoral campaigns; (ii) the impact of European elections on the appointment of the Commission remains uncertain, as the so-called lead-candidates (Spitzenkandidaten) procedure is only informal. Today, MEPs are promoting a double strategy to fix these issues. They have decided to relaunch the reform process of the 1976 Act, notably regarding the creation of transnational lists and the formalisation of the lead-candidate procedure, and they encourage the Conference on the Future of Europe to consider these issues. In sum, as they expect their new proposals to be once again challenged in the EP and the Council, MEPs count on the Conference to create a political momentum around these topics with a view to fostering an ambitious reform.

International audience; Les Œuvres complètes d’Alexis de Tocqueville viennent de connaître leur achèvement grâce à un labeur de plus de dix ans pour faire paraître en trois tomes la Correspondance à divers, couvrant la période 1822-1859. Ce travail est l’œuvre de Françoise Mélonio et Anne Vibert qui ont rassemblé, collationné, annoté et présenté une masse considérable de missives, traquées dans diverses bibliothèques américaines et européennes, dans maints cartons d’archives de nos institutions, ou chez plusieurs fonds de particuliers : le résultat est porteur de nombre de documents et témoignages précieux. En cela, l’achèvement est un couronnement de cette édition au long cours chez Gallimard. Désormais, pour compléter le portrait intellectuel, moral et psychologique de Tocqueville, cette masse épistolaire sera un passage obligé, s’ajoutant à l’édition partielle par Gustave de Beaumont et Madame de Tocqueville (selon des choix sélectifs qui abrègent les lettres) ou à quelques rares pièces déjà apparues dans le public ; et surtout en plus de l’excellent recueil en collection « Quarto » (Tocqueville. Lettres choisies, Souvenirs), publié en 2003 sous la direction de Françoise Mélonio et Laurence Guellec.

International audience

In this paper, we devise a machine learning protocol to tackle a complex sociological task: to create a research sample from a few examples of interest, but in the absences of a clear definition of the target subset. As an example, we create a sample of organisational leaders starting from a list of nominees for the Bureau of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. The difficulty in this task lies in the impossibility to spell out the characteristics that define leadership in a complex and highly distributed organization like the IPCC. To bypass this lack of explicit definition, we use a series of techniques for anomaly detection to identify IPCC contributors with profiles similar to official Bureau nominees. We find that we can construct a precise (albeit implicit) model of IPCC leadership despite its social and political complexity, and that we can usefully use this model to expand our initial sample.

As early as March 2020, the President of the European Parliament decided to shut down the assembly’s facilities in Brussels and to cancel the plenary sessions in Strasbourg . Impor­tant decisions were made to abandon in-person meetings, introduce teleworking for all staff, and implement remote deliberation and voting both in committees and in the plena­ry . The Rules of Procedure were adapted to formalize these organisational changes and make them ready for future crises . All in all, the European Parliament proved to be resilient and adaptive: it continued to discuss and adopt many legislative, budgetary, and non-legis­lative texts in the plenary . However, remote-work did have an impact on the political dynamics within Parliament . It was characterised by a very high level of consensus, as the result of a higher level of agreement between the two main party groups, the European People’s Party and the Socialists & Democrats . Those main groups also became much more cohesive .

1 ▪ Le rapport des Français à l’UE : des relations ambivalentes et un euroscepticisme très fort.La France fait partie du groupe des pays dont les habitants sont les moins favorables à l’UE. Mais, bien que l’attitude des Français vis-à-vis de l’Europe soit empreinte de morosité et de défiance, il ne faut pas conclure de manière hâtive à un euroscepticisme généralisé et sans nuances des Français. Il est en effet nécessaire d’analyser dans le détail la complexité de l’attitude des Français vis-à-vis de l’UE.Pour ce faire, il est important de distinguer deux types de « soutien politique » : le « soutien diffus » (sentiments et attitudes les plus abstraits : adhésion à une vision, à des valeurs...) et le « soutien spécifique » (évaluation de l’efficacité des actions menées à l’échelle de l’UE). À partir de cette distinction, il est possible d’identifier un premier élément caractéristique du rapport ambivalent des Français à l’Europe : le soutien à l’UE est d’autant plus élevé qu’il s’exprime au niveau le plus diffus (tandis que 56% des Français sont attachés à l’Europe, 51% des Français estiment que l’Union européenne est « éloignée » et 56% pensent qu’elle n’est pas « efficace » contre 47% pour l’ensemble des citoyens des États membres). En se focalisant sur les évaluations que font les citoyens de l'action de l'Europe, une analyse comparative permet de définir la place occupée par la France en termes de soutien à l’Union européenne par rapport à celles des autres États membres.(...)2 ▪ Un euroscepticisme très fort mais complexe et loin d’être systématique/Bien que la France se classe parmi les pays où les jugements eurosceptiques sont les plus répandus, les Français peuvent également se montrer favorables à l’Europe sur certaines questions. En effet, les attitudes proeuropéennes peuvent ponctuellement rassembler près des ¾ des Français. Il importe donc d’aller au-delà de la distinction entre proeuropéens pour comprendre pourquoi et comment l’opinion des Français, très critique sur de nombreux points, peut basculer pour exprimer majoritairement des positions pro-européennes sur d’autres.Ces mouvements de bascules sont surtout le fait d’individus interessés par l'Europe mais exprimant un positionnement « neutre » vis-à-vis de l’UE, identifiables grâce à des questions de l’Eurobaromètre. Ces personnes « ambivalentes » se rapprochent sur certains aspects des europhiles, sur d’autres des eurosceptiques

International audience

International audience; This paper aims at testing whether there exist spending interactions between French municipalities by estimating a dynamic panel data model. Our results suggest that there are some interactions between neighbouring municipalities as regards primary and investment expenditures. A positive relationship between municipalities' wage bill and unemployment rates is likely to stress a rise of temporary employment in those municipalities that suffer from social troubles. Further, the estimation results show that these interdependences also exist between cities whose mayors have the same partisan affiliation. Finally, our results confirm the opportunistic behaviour of local governments, which increase all categories of public spending in pre-electoral periods.

There is perennial debate in comparative politics about electoral institutions, but what characterizes this debate is the lack of consideration for citizens’ perspective. In this paper, we report the results of an original survey conducted on representative samples in 15 West European countries ( N = 15,414). We implemented an original instrument to elicit respondents’ views by asking them to rate “real but blind” electoral outcomes. With this survey instrument, we aimed to elicit principled rather than partisan preferences regarding the kind of electoral outcomes that citizens think is good for democracy. We find that West Europeans do not clearly endorse a majoritarian or proportional vision of democracy. They tend to focus on aspects of the government rather than parliament when they pass a judgment. They want a majority government that has few parties and enjoys wide popular support. Finally, we find only small differences between citizens of different countries., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Le marche du risque sante en France connait depuis une trentaine d’annees un vaste mouvement d’europeanisation. Dans les annees 1990, une premiere serie de directives remanie les relations entre les acteurs (mutuelles, institutions de prevoyance et societes d’assurance). En 2016, l’entree en vigueur de la directive Solvabilite II s’accompagne de nouvelles exigences reglementaires. Pourtant, et pendant la meme periode, une serie de mesures adoptees a l’echelon national a renforce la presence de l’Etat dans ses activites. Il en ressort une situation paradoxale : d’un cote, les principaux assureurs sante en France sont certainement plus europeanises qu’auparavant mais, d’un autre cote, les politiques nationales pesent de facon croissante sur leurs activites.

International audience; Inorganic antigens may contribute to paediatric sarcoidosis. Thirty-six patients matched with 36 healthy controls as well as a group of 21 sickle-cell disease (SCD) controls answered an environmental questionnaire. Patients' indirect exposure to inorganic particles, through coresidents' occupations, was higher than in healthy and SCD controls (median score: 2.5 (0.5-7) vs 0.5 (0-2), p=0.003 and 1 (0-2), p=0.012, respectively), especially for construction, exposures to metal dust, talc, abrasive reagents and scouring products. Wood or fossil energies heating were also linked to paediatric sarcoidosis. This study supports a link between mineral environmental exposure due to adult coresident occupations and paediatric sarcoidosis.

The strengthening of the populist radical right poses an important challenge for European integration. This article explores whether democratic backsliding among member states has acted as a catalyst for broader PRR cooperation at the EU level. Studying the co-sponsorship and contents of parliamentary questions and roll-call vote cohesion of PRR representatives in the European Parliament from 2009 to 2019, we examine the extent and substance of their joint polity-based contestation of European integration. Our findings indicate that overall levels of PRR cooperation remain low and concentrated within European party groups, suggesting that ideological divergences between PRR actors and their institutional fragmentation within the EP still hamper their formal cooperation at the European level. These insights feed into debates on the potential and limitations of transnational cooperation of PRR actors., Journal of European Public Policy, 30 (1), ISSN:1350-1763, ISSN:1466-4429