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Recommends a U.S. foreign policy of peaceful engagement with communist countries amid the escalation of the Sino-Soviet dispute. Claims that the policy of containment of Soviet Union expansion and liberation ceased to be relevant; Consequences of the Sino-Soviet split; Recognition by the Soviet Union of U.S. capacity to make counterattacks in case of war; Discussion on the policy of fraternization on the basis of firmness with Soviet leaders; Factors involved in the application of the policy of differentiated amity and hostility to China.

Explains the inhibition to war of nations in the Cold War era. Assertion that the presence of nuclear weapons has contributed to the maintenance of peace; Explanation of the principle stating that the possession of absolute weapons limit conflicts; Analogy of the power play between countries in conflict and fighting between male rattlesnakes; Reasons behind the inhibition of a great power to use force against another power or a weak state; Contention that inhibition to war depends on popular opinion; Events that might end the Cold War.

Discusses the mistakes committed by France and Great Britain and the U.S. in 1936 that led to the expansion of the Soviet Union into Eastern Europe. Actions taken by the Nazi government of Germany under Adolf Hitler in 1936 that should have earned decisive reaction from France and Great Britain; Explanation on the power of the U.S. to stop Soviet Union advance into Eastern Europe if she so wish to deal with Germany in 1936; Lessons that the U.S., France and Great Britain should learn from their mistakes in 1936 that can help them in their efforts to contain Soviet communism in Eastern Europe.

The article presents news briefs and commentary concerning international and U.S. politics as of the week of October 23, 1961. Domestic criticism concerning the U.S.'s role in Germany and the extreme opinions of ultimate failure or victory are discussed. The requirements and selection of the United Nations Secretary General are analyzed. Preparations for a U.S. military review of censorship, public information, and military indoctrination policies are presented.

The article presents news briefs and commentary concerning international and U.S. politics as of the week of September 18, 1961. The tense foreign relations between the Soviet Union and the United States are discussed, highlighting the issues of weapons testing and preemptive actions out of fear. Efforts of peace talks hoping to end the Algerian colonial war from France are explored. The appointment of George D. Woods to the U.S. government position of Foreign Aid Director is announced.

The article presents news briefs and commentary on international and domestic U.S. politics as of the week of July 3, 1961. Negotiations and relations between the U.S. and the Soviet Union over government in divided Germany are analyzed. The personnel profile of the members of the Central Intelligence Agency is discussed. Evidences pointing towards a possible famine in China are presented.

The article presents news briefs and commentary on international and domestic U.S. politics as of the week of June 19, 1961. The reformation of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency in the wake of several failures in international affairs is discussed. The U.S.-Soviet relations over the possible reunification of Germany are explored. The need of government provision for Cuban refugees after the failed invasion in April is reviewed.

The article presents news briefs and commentary concerning international and domestic U.S. politics as of the week of January 2, 1961. An overview is provided for world population statistics and its effects on possible future U.S. foreign aid programs. The development of a heart-beat broadcasting device for infants is discussed. The political conflicts and stability of Laos is explored.

The article presents information on the U.S. politics. As a campaigner, riding a wave of popular revulsion against wartime urgencies and stringencies, Richard Nixon had gained a series of impressive victories. Then came the ebb tide, and in 1954 he found himself for the first time playing a lead in a more turgid drama. As the 1952 crusade lost momentum the outlook for the Republicans had turned equivocal. Disillusionment set in; there was dissatisfaction over continuing budget deficits; over high taxes; over the business recession; over the evident fact that the General had not worked miracles and the no less evident refusal of the Cold War to go away.

The article presents information about sociopolitical condition in Asia. This year, a quick sampling of conditions in 12 countries indicated that the legend for the first time seems to have lost its meaning. Asia is no longer cannibalizing herself. The extremes of hope and hopelessness are being replaced by a renaissance of workaday pride and constructive realism. Five years ago the dominant mood in Asia was fear. Along the entire Asian frontier separating Communism from the free world, there were zones of chronic tension and a sense of impending tragedy. For Asians the tragedy of the Cold War was that it threatened to overwhelm them, to tear down their freedom along with their lives and their livelihood, even before they could start building what they wanted.

The article presents commentary on various international and domestic U.S. politics as of the week of October 31, 1971. Renewed concern over missile research and arms build-up between the Soviet Union and the U.S. is discussed. Problems of compliance with the federal price-freeze are described. The state of legal civil rights enforcement regarding equal opportunity employment is analyzed.

Profiles U.S. Senator Scoop Jackson. Popularity of the Senator in Washington; Details of his campaign for Democratic presidential nomination; Reference to his staunch advocacy of full-employment measures; Career background of the Senator; Refusal of any close personal association with Pentagon brass; Acceptance of cold-war premises with the Soviet Union.

The article presents commentary on various international and domestic U.S. politics as of the week of July 27, 1971. An overview of the Cold War conflicts centering around Berlin, Germany is presented. Controversy surrounding arts censorship in Atlanta, Georgia over issues of anti-lewdness is discussed. The public release of U.S. federal finance records of foreign military assistance is explored.

Analyses the U.S. policy of foreign intervention in the face of the Cold War. Departure of the U.S. policy from Neutrality Proclamation which envisaged nonintervention in other nation's affairs; Refusal of Washington to intervene in the wars between France and her enemies even though the U.S. was far more deeply committed to come to the aid of France by the terms of the Treaty of Alliance; Argument that unlimited power of the Executive in foreign relations is no longer justified as an emergency power; Changes in the response of the U.S. on various international issues.

The article focuses on events involving politics and government in the U.S. The Ford Foundation has donated over $100 million in support of advertisement-free educational television. The author questions the political threat posed by the governments of the Soviet Union and China to the U.S. The practice of the U.S. Department of Defense selling off surplus military supplies to countries around the world is discussed. U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson has asked Congress to authorized new emissions standards for automobiles and industry.

The article focuses on events involving politics and government in the U.S. The U.S.S.R. and U.S. have a tentative agreement about nuclear non-proliferation which would include Great Britain, France and China. Diplomatic relations between the U.S. and other countries are explored after the Manila Conference was held in the Philipines to negotiate a peace for the Vietnam War. Theories about the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy are explored.

Today Americans witness the continued escalation of the military action in Asia, matched of course by the other side. Similarly they see an escalation of debate about the war here in the United States, with more and more indication that some efforts are being made to use this period as one of constructive dialogue on the fundamental structure of American foreign policy. There is even some faint sign that the American two-party system may rise to the challenge and present to the electorate a reasoned choice of policies in next year's election, rather than an elaborate but meaningless discourse of platitudes. The cold war is at its center an ideological struggle. The cold war consumes per year resources worth $200 billion.

A good deal of evidence suggests that U.S. historian Arthur M. Schlesinger, would like to rectify while at the same time prove that no mistakes were made of major dimensions relating to the Vietnam policy of the U.S. His little essays on the war in Vietnam, for example, are interesting exercises in trying to achieve that magical success. Difficulties of Schlesinger's approach are even more evident in his essay on "The Origins of the Cold War," printed in the October issue of the journal Foreign Affairs. The article subtly admits some minor degree of American responsibility for the onset of the cold war as part of a central and overt attempt to modify attitudes and policies of that era in the knowledge of their clearly dangerous consequences.

Almost since the cold war was launched with the proclamation of the Truman Doctrine in 1947, it has been impossible to debate the ends of foreign policy. The necessity to stop communism, anywhere and everywhere, answered all questions in advance. Striving to maintain a balance of sorts between the hawks and the doves, U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson takes a step toward one, then a step toward the other. The steps, however, are not of equal length; each move brings him nearer the position of the hawks who, by their nature, are never satisfied and always press for an even less restrained reliance on force.

The article presents information on relationships between the U.S. and Soviet Union, after the cold war. There will always be a significant residuum of conflict between Moscow and Washington, no matter how deeply the cold war itself may be buried. Great powers with world-wide interests and lofty ambitions are never going to agree on everything. But it will be conflict "in the grand manner," marked less by ideological thunderbolts and war scares than by the bit-by-bit accumulation of small advantages that is historically the norm of international relations. Both sides have already accepted the crucial major premise: neither attempts any longer to force on the other the stark choice between surrender and total war.

The article discusses some of the political updates related to the U.S. The present agitation in the State Department over France General Charles De Gaulle's intention to quit North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) casts an unflattering light on the Department's top personnel. The present phase of the NATO controversy was initiated by the withdrawal of 15,000 U.S. troops for service in Vietnam or for training purposes connected with commitments in Vietnam, which become more shaky with every passing week.

There was an American Left in the thirties. Then the country went through a World War and a cold war, reconversion, McCarthyism and prosperity, and for a time there was not in this country much that could reasonably be called leftist. Now in the sixties the New Left has emerged. It bears some resemblance to the radicalism of the thirties, but what follows here will be primarily an exercise in contrasts. It is all too easy to be witty in describing of the militant Left of the 1930's the stage whispering, the posturing, the dogma, the in-fighting, the Talmudic debates among Trotskyists, Communists, Lovestonites, old Wobblies; the hypocrisy, the self-righteousness.

The Americans have attempted to counter, and Afghanistan of late years has become a kind of "economic Korea," with the Afghans themselves banking on their traditionally famous powers of bargaining to come out on top--still developing, still neutral and still independent. Both the United States and the Soviet Union began overseas program of economic and military aid to gain friends and to counter each other's moves. Neither succeeded in Afghanistan, so both should realistically look at their accomplishments and failures. Possibly American and Russian aid to the developing nations of the world will continue to create feelings of independence and neutrality, not of dependence and cold-war alliance. Possibly meaningful economic and geographic units will form loose confederations of a common market sort, and become regional, viable economic zones with internal political stability.

The article discusses the highlights of the annual convention of U.S. economists held in early January 1956 in New York City. Topics discussed include the struggle of underdeveloped countries to grow, the cold war competition between the U.S. and Soviet Union, and the unusually rapid post-war growth of the U.S. Also mentioned are the views on monetary policy and economic growth of Charles R. Whittlesey of the University of Pennsylvania and Edward S. Shaw of Stanford University.

The article discusses the investment trend towards foreign equities in the U.S. securities industry. It says that Kuhn, Loeb & Co. and First Boston Corp. partner with S.G. Warburg & Co. Ltd. to establish Transoceanic Development Corp. while British and Continental stocks are expected to be sold in New York. It tells that reasons behind the trend include the reduction of cold war pressure, the economic growth of Western Europe, and the inclination of developing countries for economic development.

The article presents information related to the appeal of banning the use of atom bombs for luring businessmen in response to make profitable trade with the vast markets of the Soviet Union. It refers to the Moscow economic conference about new dollars crises and worldwide recession during 1952. It mentions about the real trade agreements for breaking down the strategic embargo. However it speculates that the Soviet trade may lose its steam for not delivering the promised flood of materials.

The article explores Indo-China, which includes the Republic of Viet Nam and the Kingdoms of Laos and Cambodia, as the new frontier and ally of the U.S. in the cold war. Indo-China served as the golden asset of France after it invested in the build up rice and rubber production but the old French colonialism had died due to the impact of Western nationalist and equalitarian ideas. The stated mission of Emperor Bao Dai, which is also the hope of U.S. and France, is to lead his countrymen to the anti-communist camp to the West.

The article focuses on the United Nations (UN) General Assembly in New York in 1960. It states that the concern of meeting centers on Soviet politician Nikita Khrushchev's cold war strategy proposal which aims to oblige Africa to engage in the East-West tension. It mentions that U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower proposed a variety of concrete responsibilities for the UN to keep Africa away in the cold war. It notes that Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru appeared to detest Khrushchev's act.

The article discusses a warning from the Organizacion Regional Interamericana de Trabajadores (ORIT) branch of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions about new Communist efforts to control Latin American unions. Labor unions including Bolivian tin miners and other Latin American workers are said to play a crucial role in the struggle between the U.S. and Soviet Union in the Americas, where the Cold War is believed to have spread. Latin American unions are described as frequently dependent on the political leaders of the ruling government.

The article discusses the use of nuclear weapons for the peaceful industrial use in the U.S. The industry's enthusiasm is short-lived as the developing atom bombs for industrial use have fallen victim to the cold war and the international discussion over the banning of the nuclear tests. The process and the conduct of the Rainier nuclear test alongwith the implications of the development are discussed.

Describes conditions of people living in the Soviet sector of Berlin, Germany. Discussion of the realities of the Cold War in Berlin; Difficulties facing ordinary Berliners in the winter season; Comparison with conditions in the Western sector of the city; Categories of city residents; Effects of the currency reform on the economic situation of Berliners; Use of the word friendship, in connection with the relations of Berliners to Westerners; Relationship of Berliners with Russians.

Nothing better illustrates the dilemma facing the world in 1957, and every individual in it, than a remark exchanged a few days ago between the new secretary general of NATO and a French journalist. The latter asked whether it will be better to remain alive and be bolshevized, to which secretary replied "That is the attitude of a collaborator." Both the question and the answer reveal an impasse. Hydrogen bomb has been presciently described as the greatest deterrent to peace. Moreover, one is sure that those in Washington and elsewhere are concerned with policy-making are as disillusioned about the cold war and its applicability to, the conditions of 1957. U.S. President Dwight David Eisenhower himself and his "Secretary of Peace," are sincerely desirous of breaking through the ice which ten years of cold war have left behind.

There has been a cold war of varying intensity between Russia and the Middle West, ever since the Bolshevik Revolution; there has been, on both sides, suspicion and hostility so deep as to give a quite special character to relations between them. This cold war has been through several phases,, but it was never ended since it began--and is not likely to end for a long time to come. It is also unlikely, for reasons, in a moment, to be mere dangerous to peace in the fixture than in the past. Like the faithful everywhere, the Russian Communists, though powerfully affected by their faith, take some parts of it more seriously than others. What they take seriously depends on vast experience and present necessities.

Russian smiles and the coming of the hydrogen bomb have created new pressures in the U.S. for the curtailment of military spending. But any attempt to cut military appropriations will meet with stout resistance and increasingly so if the economic outlook does not improve. Oddly enough, the resistances are stronger in the Democratic Party, the party of labor and small business, than in the big-business Republican Party. This is not as paradoxical as it sounds. Big business, of course, gets the lion's share — 80 per cent or more — of defense contracts.

That the U.S. have reached a sort of global impasse in the cold war and in its long-sustained arms race with the Russian-centered powers has become plain enough, by now, for all men with eyes to see. Such an outcome was predicted by experts at almost every stage of the cold war, as the U.S. undertook to build ever newer scientific weapons, each more "absolute" than the last. The sense of a real stalemate in technological arms is borne in upon the U.S. again as a result of the hearings that have been conducted since April 16, 1956 before a special Senate subcommittee headed by Senator W. Stuart Symington.

One of the most neglected, yet illuminating, aspects of the history of the cold war is the recent decline in the United States of British Statesman Winston Churchill's prestige as a strategist of foreign affairs. His coincident retirement from active politics has little causative relationship with this eclipse of his influence. Churchill was making a radically different point, of course. He was saying. in short, that the policies of containment and liberation have worked, but for reasons and by a logic exactly the opposite of those advanced by their originator and supporters. It means that a narrow and militant anti-Soviet policy works to increase the power influence and prestige of the Soviet Union throughout the world.

Perhaps the major American casualty of the cold war has been the idea of history. This wound in the American intellect has, for the most part, gone unnoticed, yet to neglect it is to chance cancer of cynicism. History is the record of man's efforts to transform the real into the ideal. It is therefore a mirror in which man can look himself in the eye. Thus the idea of history is nothing less than the notion of honesty which provokes people to measure their performance.