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This paper argues for conceptually dislocating national identity from the nation-state, so that we can recognise the risks and opportunities for global inclusion that national identity presents. The paper offers two arguments for this dislocation approach. First the origins of national identity lie in international mobility and exchange. Second, the contemporary experience with national identity frequently exceeds and may in fact be re-shaping the nation-state. The paper then considers two risks of this dislocation. One is that the strategic choices of individuals with multiple national identities will create unfairness or inequity, the other is that the interpenetration of national identity into the affairs of other states creates problems for democracy. Yet these practices can also provide avenues for representing complex patterns of mobility and attachment, as well as integrating the fates of disparate states, which means they present resources - as well as risks - for global inclusion. So if national identity does not neatly map on to the state structure, and is unlikely to ever do so without considerable conflict and alienation, then we should seek ways to bring out the inclusive potential of such dislocation, while minimizing its tendency to generate patterns of privilege or influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine ethnonationalism and multiculturalism in two countries that have recently been through an ethnic civil war, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo. We analyze how the prevalence of nationalist attitudes on the individual level depends on the local ethnic settlement pattern as well as the previous experience of ethnic violence in the municipality. We combine data on the municipality level with data from the South-East European Social Survey Program (SEESSP) from 2003-2004 and conduct a multilevel analysis for each case. In both countries, we find that multiculturalism dominates over ethnonationalism. We also find a clear difference between local majorities and minorities. Members of local minorities tend to be more supportive of multiculturalism the smaller they are, while the larger the majority, the more nationalistic are the members. In Bosnia- Herzegovina, communities that were hardly hit by the violence show less ethnonationalism, whereas in Kosovo, no such effect can be found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though often faced with skepticism, theories linking the rise of global governance to growing cosmopolitanism have nevertheless led to prolific analysis of the impact of global governance upon national identities. On the one hand, optimistic expression abounds heralding that humanity will eventually transcend national boundaries by moving towards a global culture and that the end of the nation-state is nigh. On the other hand, there is a distinct crosscurrent of doubt that questions whether the nation-state has been seriously weakened, and whether there is any evidence of an emerging "cosmopolitan identity" to replace nationalism. However, this debate takes on a new dimension of complexity when examined in the context of the Muslim world, where an added layer of transnational identity in the form of the "Muslim Ummah" is exhibited. In contemporary scholarship, the presence of transnationalism is often used as an indication of cosmopolitanism, and a linear positive correlation between the two is often implied. Utilizing data from the World Values Survey, this paper examines the nationalismcosmopolitanism continuum in Muslim countries by analyzing the strength of national and cosmopolitan identities in these countries and examines the effect of transnational Muslim identity on the Muslim public's cosmopolitan outlook. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against both those who posit the state's withering away due to 'globalisation' and those who blithely reassert the state's dominant role, a third, more sophisticated position has recently emerged which discusses the way states are being 'transformed' under contemporary conditions. Particular emphasis has been placed on processes of 'internationalisation' whereby parts of state apparatuses become interlinked across formal territorial borders and implicated in the rescaling of governance away from the national level. This paper explores this phenomenon through considering the ways in which non-traditional security issues are governed. New security issues increasingly involve relocating security from the national level to a variety of new spatial and territorial arenas. This both challenges the methodological nationalism underpinning mainstream security literature, but underlines that states - in their altered form - remain critical to emerging structures of international governance. The rescaling of security and its governance also has significant implications for the trajectory of the process of state transformation. Moreover, locating the shifting nature of security in the context of state transformation allows for explaining variation in the way security is governed. The argument is illustrated with case studies from Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the philosophical tenets of neoliberalism have altered the spatial structures of the international system over the last four decades. Drawing upon the work of Henri Lefebvre, the paper brings out the relationship between neoliberal political philosophy and its spatial expression. Lefebvre argued that every historical period has its own 'spatial code', and that every successful social ideology produces a new form of space. This paper argues that neoliberalism's spatial code has generated a set of spatial structures that are in conflict with the bounded territorial spaces of the international system of modernity. It examines new forms of social spatial arrangements emerging in this period, such as global city networks and trans-territorial diasporas. It asks what the implications of this spatial legacy may be for the territorial nation-state and for the wider international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many scholars take the aggressive nature of nationalism for granted. Yet, there has been little systematic exploration of the relationship between nationalism and interstate war initiation. As a result, many questions are left unanswered. Does nationalism increase the risk of war? If so, which types of nationalism are most likely to trigger or prevent warfare? How might they cause conflict? I argue that nationalist persuasion campaigns produce several mechanisms that encourage international conflict. Nationalism provokes the wrath of "national enemies" and their foreign allies, generates biased strategic assumptions, creates domestic interest groups that favor foreign aggression, permits the suppression of opposition groups, and promotes "nationalist bidding wars." When these processes exist, nationalism should increase the probability of war initiation. But, different forms of nationalism may not similarly affect the propensity for international conflict. Using data I collected on the existence and type of nationalism at the state level from 1816 to 1991, I find that nationalism significantly increases the probability of interstate war initiation. However, not all forms of nationalism are created equal in this regard. Ethnic and counterrevolutionary nationalism significantly increase the probability of war, while civic and revolutionary nationalism do not. I conclude that nationalism breeds international conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of the Internet and nationalism might be illustrative of how people use the tool of public deliberation and discussion to make proposals for defining common good in line with their ideological stance. In order to fully understand the reach of nationalistic discourses on the Net, it is essential to take into account how the nationalist discourse addressing users is created and distributed in those sites. This paper thus focuses on Turkish nationalist web sites as a virtual public sphere, and aims to analyze first the mechanisms through which nationalism as a discourse is produced and distributed. As a continuation of, and with the help of the data gathered in, a previous study presented in ISA 2010 Convention, this study attempts to examine content distribution strategies specifically in 'Turkish nationalist web sites with a party or political movement affiliation' through semi-structured interviews with moderators of selected Turkish nationalistic web sites which categorically represent the majority of Turkish cyber-nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the interesting behavioral patterns of the post-Cold War era is the relative lack of interstate warfare, particularly attempts at conquest. This is markedly different from the pre-Cold War era, where wars of conquest and imperialist expansion were quite common, culminating in the two World Wars. Contrary to pessimistic projections made in the immediate aftermath of the Cold War of an imminent return to the pre-Cold War pattern of great power competition and wars for resource, the interstate system has remained largely stable and peaceful. Dominant theoretical paradigms based on dyadic dynamics such as the presence of nuclear weapons, interdependence, and the �democratic peace� are of limited explanatory value because the phenomenon is so extensive. I argue that the current era of relative interstate peace is the culmination of several trends that have together drastically increased the costs and reduced the likely benefits of war. These include the development of the modern, globalized world economy, the spread of ideas of nationalism in an environment where there is ready access to light weapons, and the development of international norms against aggression and imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of nuclear proliferation has been the focus of numerous studies in the IR literature. However, mainstream approaches in IR such as Realism and structural theories have not been able to offer a satisfying explanation to the nuclear proliferation puzzle. On the other hand, only a relatively small number of studies have analyzed the effect of social construction on patterns of nuclear proliferation. The purpose of this study is to suggest an explanatory framework which will draw on social constructivism in order to further our understanding of states' nuclear policy. I begin by examining the changing social and historical context in which states made their decision regarding their nuclear policies. In particular, I look at the socialization of states in the international system and the evolution of the non proliferation norm. I recognize two mechanisms that facilitated the diffusion and internalization of the non proliferation norm, the process of learning and teaching in the international system, which I will refer to as states? „schooling?, and symbolic interaction. I find that the non proliferation norm was only partially successful and was unevenly diffused in different regions. I argue that the success of a norm depends on the structure of social networks that exists within and between regions and the compatibility of the norm with the preexisting social/normative setting of each region. I then turn to look at the unit level and examine the effect of national identities perceptions on states' foreign policy choices. Contrary to other scholars in IR I do not treat national identities as unitary, instead I look within the „block box? at the role national identity perceptions play in domestic and foreign policies. I argue that nuclear weapons are chosen if and when they are compatible with national identity perceptions, and when leading coalitions can positively associate them with the national identity of the state. In this study I apply an interpretive methodology using discourse analysis, however I also implement the use of process tracing in order to explore relevant social and historical developments that affected perception about nuclear weapons. The contribution of this study is not only theoretical but also practical. Gaining better insight of nuclear proliferation as a socially constructed phenomenon can help promote more efficient non proliferation policies and contain the spread of nuclear weapons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some refugee groups engage in violent politically-directed activity while others do not? For example, refugee camps can serve as a base, haven or supply source for militants fighting against a government in the country of origin (CoO); refugees ca ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much has since been written on Georgia's Rose Revolution, few studies can discourse the subject objectively all the while those that do elude designs of formal methods by eliciting details from political history. For explanations of how Georgia sustained independence amid secessionist movements within its own borders means understanding these initial ends beyond history—as a double security dilemma, nationalistic-realism, and illiberal democracy—by a revolution from above. So by applying the principles from a 2 on 3 Player-Decision Game with a Challenger, Defender, and Mediator, a status-quo in decline jeopardizes one side against the other whose rise reflects the realities of "loss aversion" rather than expected utility as incomplete information (about credibility, capability) expresses definitive uncertainty through a fourfold Perfect Bayesian Equilibria (Settlement, Separation, Standby, Sucker). For given the real potential taken with exogenous intervention (NATO, Russia, US) amid an asymmetric status-quo, Post-Soviet Georgia reflects the same difference in position since all sides believe they can legitimate their claims to self-determination thus symbolized from the coercive-bargaining of not carrots nor sticks but as a rose by any other name. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When do economic relations among states become infused with questions of national identity? Is economic nationalism emerging as a reaction to the deepening of global trade and capital flows? By analyzing foreign investment disputes between the United States and China since 2001, this paper identifies conditions under which states place curbs on foreign investment in response to popular demands. The paper compares cases of popular mobilization in China and the United States to oppose foreign investment with cases in which public reaction was relatively muted. The results shed light on the conceptual question of whether the term "economic nationalism" is simply a new label for the old-fashioned politics of protectionism or mercantilism, or if it reflects a broader sentiment in which politicians and the public frame global economic relationships as threats to national identity. The results of this study can also signal the extent to which economic relations between the United States and China might be vulnerable to emerging economic nationalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the construction of early Soviet identity in relation to China and Japan ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper conducts a content analysis of the current National Security Knowledge textbook in Turkey, and compares the results to those in the literature - in order to determine whether the past problems with the textbook cited by previous research still persist in the new version, and if so, to what extent. Findings indicate that, despite the wide-ranging efforts within the ongoing process to adapt Turkey's political system to that of the EU, the textbooks still inculcate the inherent nationalist and militarist elements of the early Republican ideology, which, being a product of the interwar period (1918-1939), explicitly rejects supranational or universal values. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The states emerge out of civil conflict usually differs in their capacity to consolidate their power and influence. The causes leading to Civil conflicts have been associated with state failure, weak institutions, type of regime, and nationalism, while, this study throws light on the conditions that are conducive to instigate civil conflict with an aim to demonstrate how the governmental capacity influences consociational agreement by taking Sri-Lanka as the case of this study. This study emphasizes on how governmental capacity influences the outcomes of consociational agreement in its favor during civil conflicts. This study represents an attempt to explain features of aggrieved Tamil community with an aim to demonstrate how faulty and biased consociational framework which includes (in this paper) national policies as well as laws had a direct impact on the Tamil community and their grievances. Our analysis indicated that when a society is divided along language and religious lines, weak state apparatus which allows units to make arbitrary laws and policies further reinforce the existing social cleavages. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The response of Arctic states to potentially overlapping extended continental shelf claims is occurring in a rapidly changing environmental, political and economic context. While the rate of environmental change is debateable, the Arctic environment is ce ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Incubation refers to one among at least ten processes of transnational activism, one mode in a repertoire. The paper is part of a larger project that tests meta-theory and builds alternate mid-range theory on the causes and processes of transnational activism, defined as cause-oriented action that ties actors in two or more nation-states. The larger work tests and builds theory by developing on a typology through which Tarrow (2005) seeks to explain transnational activism. The paper applies the incubation process to a crucial, most-likely/strong case study of transnational biodiversity activism that mainly ties actors in Brazil to those in Europe and North America, in a campaign from the mid-1940s to the mid-1950s. The process and origins of that transnational activism are surveyed while process-tracing an episode sequence within a broader campaign centered on the formation of competing versions of a(n) (inter)governmental organization: a(n) (Inter)national Institute of (the Hylean) Amazon (Research). The paper contributes to a refutation of two sets of unambiguous expectations in the theoretical literature. The existing scholarship reveals tactics of transnational activism that (1) are presumed to be caused by internationalist interactions between (public) states to a greater extent than by globalist flows between (private) societies or economies; and that (2) either support (i.e. "internalization") or oppose nationalist sovereignty (i.e. "externalization"/"boomerang" pattern) (Tarrow 2005; Keck & Sikkink 1998). In contrast, this paper traces a process with mixed public-private causal weights, and ambiguous, tacit stances around nationalist self-determination. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Eastern Europe is generally not considered part of postcolonial geography. Major events of the colonial age such as the middle passage, the scramble for colonies, and the decolonization movement bypassed the region. Yet Eastern Europe provides an interesting playground for postcolonial politics precisely because it was excluded from the history of colonialism. Instead of participating in the Age of Light and Reason, alongside the great European powers, the region never gained full access to modernity. Foreign Ottoman rule, inter-ethic conflict, and a poor development record placed it on the periphery of modern civilization. Against this historical backdrop, I look at how the postsocialist Romanian intellectual class is engaged in a collective effort to restore the country's racial purity and civilizational credibility by importing Western models of government, civic attitudes, conducts, and lifestyles. To this end, I use articles from the weekly cultural magazine Dilema published between 1997 and 2009. Ironically enough, in Romania, emulating the West is supposed to serve an emancipatory function - it is meant to help Romanians organize themselves as modern white subjects. This effort, however, betrays a belated modernity inspired by Enlightenment principles of progress, rationality, and racial hierarchy, which have little to do with late modern conceptions of identity politics, environmentalism, and social justice currently circulating in the West. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

“Imperialism, Acculturation, and Cognitive Reintegration:The Origins of Korean Millenarian Nationalism”James F. Rinehart, Ph.D.Professor, Department of Political Science, Troy UniversityThe use of history provides us with a valuable tool for ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains the appeal of sub-state nationalism in developed liberal democracies such as Belgium, Spain, the United Kingdom and Canada? The demise of sub-state nationalism in Western societies has been forecasted more than once: at the end of the 19th c ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tolerance is an important concept for every society. It gains particular urgency in the countries with high levels of immigration. Global migration has increasingly affected more countries around the world. Many non-traditional destination countries face a dilemma about effective immigration policies and preservation of national cohesion. Using as a case study the post-Soviet Russian Federation between 1992 and 2007, this paper looks at the correlation between immigration trends and the rise of intolerance and nationalist aspirations in society. The paper argues that a perception of national identity moderates the interaction between the in-group's attitudes toward the out-group and immigration policies. Immigration policies, in turn, shape immigration patterns, demonstrating a continuous dynamic between immigration, national integrity and socio-political choices of the country. The causal nexus of these phenomena define attitudinal relationships between communities and shape intergroup dynamics, at the same time determining the level of tolerance in society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, the fourth from our Unholy Alliances project, examines the relationship between armed conflict and market opportunities as shaped by the politics of the post-communist state and the reemergence of nationalism in the Balkans. A case study of Bulgaria shows how a state in transition from Communism to democracy, situated in proximity to armed conflicts, contributed to the emergence of illicit market opportunities for international trade. We conclude that the Bulgarian state shaped illicit market opportunities by its own criminalization, i.e., by the alliance forged between former state security structures, state officials, and criminals, all of whom profited from the contraband trade in embargoed commodities, and later also from trafficking of drugs, humans, etc. Second, unlike the national liberation movements in our previous case studies of Albanian nationalists, Bosnian Islamists, and the PKK, driven jointly by political and illicit business motivations, criminal networks are exclusively shaped and motivated by the interaction of market opportunities and constraints. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a new conception of nationalism in the Arab world. The term “Arab nationalism” is understood conventionally as “pan-Arab nationalism,” a political identity bridging populations across states. An Arab is defined “someone who speaks Ar ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the impact of conflict and state violence on national identity and citizenship among Ethiopian-born Eritreans. People of Eritrean parentage who were born and raised in Ethiopia, referred to as Amiches, are not officially recognized by ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores school as a key site at which, at this moment in history, U. S. nationalism is produced and national identities and belonging are constructed in relation to the Arab/Muslim “Other.” Drawing on a qualitative research project in a large ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the origins and policy effects of Russian nationalism from the Putin era into the Medvedev presidency. Accounts of rising Russian nationalism will be examined and challenged, and the emerging official Russian discourses regarding nati ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares between two ethnic communities (ethnies), French-Canadians and Afrikaners, addressing two puzzles: first, the emergence of their modern ethnic identities; second, the erosion of the French-Canadian ethnie and its persistence among Afrikaners. I argue that modern ethnies emerge out of ontological insecurity, deep uncertainty regarding collective identity, and sustain themselves if they effectively reduce it. Both French-Canadians and Afrikaners are immigrant-and-settler communities, originating in Europe and reaching newfound continents as part of the colonialist thrust of the 16th and 17th centuries. Both felt abandoned by their mother countries and, facing an indigenous population as well as British newcomers, opted to form and forge a distinct ethnie. The divergent upshots of the two communities' ethnic project are the result of four factors: uniqueness of language and religion, political-military success, and normative pride in distant-past. The Afrikaners have developed a unique language (Afrikaans), adhered to a relatively distinct religious group (Dutch Reformed Church) and commemorated triumphant landmark events (e.g. "Battle of Blood River"). None of these is true of the French-Canadians. Furthermore, the latter, unlike the Afrikaners, have normatively discredited the founding and defining moment of their ethnie's emergence. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to develop a framework through which democratic states can establish a grand strategy in their struggle against nationalistic substate terrorist organizations (NSTOs). This framework is based upon an evolved theory of strategic coercion, ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay is to address the question how the "Goddess of Democracy" in 1989's China degenerated into "Demon of Liberty" after Belgrade bombing in 1999. By retrospecting the history after the Culture Revolution, this paper targets to unfold the difference between the "new" 1990s and the "old" 1980s. In 1980s, Chinese history witnessed the most pro-westernization episode since 1949. However, in 1990s China's nationalism changed remarkably. In contrary to the liberalists in 1980s, young nationalists have been seeking to come to terms with their personal pasts, defining themselves as "pragmatic" conservatives against narratives of "romantic" 1980s. The reemergence of this victim narrative has had real consequence for the friction between China and other major powers. Today, many Chinese nationalists are primed to view western actions as aggressive. Their quick judgments following the Belgrade bombing of 1999, the spy plane collision of 2001, and the most recent worldwide boycotting Torch Relay cannot be understood apart from the collective memory of "humiliation", which they actually never experienced in their own life. More significantly, the young generation's unprecedented national proud has been aroused by China's economic miracle, which is fostering the legitimacy of coercive self-assertion on the international arena. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper aims to examine the different approaches to regionalism, comparing those of the two largest Latin American countries - both economic and population-wise, Brazil and Mexico. The paper aims to identify the determining factors of the foreig ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The making up of the European Identity in Western Europe is not easy, but the Idea of European Identity was historically very profound thought from St. Piere to the end of the Second World War.Author investigates the theoretical analysis of the European ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conventional wisdom for many analysts of US immigration policy is that while it may have been shaped by racist and racialist assumptions prior to 1965, legislative changes in 1965 effectively decoupled immigration policy from such assumptions to creat ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of counterterrorism have argued for the importance of bolstering, or "mobilizing," moderates in the confrontation with violent extremists. Yet the literature has not elucidated when states seek to mobilize moderates and marginalize extremists, how they do so, or when they prove successful. The received wisdom is that states should cultivate and strengthen moderate allies by reaching out to them. This approach, however, fails to grasp the political challenges confronting potential moderates, whose priority is to build and retain legitimacy within their political community. Inspired by network approaches, we maintain that moderates can more easily emerge when their political interactions with the authorities are relatively sparse. We further argue that the state's strategies, including crucially its rhetorical moves, can bolster the moderates' local legitimacy. At times, this will entail not reaching out to moderates but isolating them. Before moderates can be mobilized, they must be made, and the state's criticism, more than its love, may do much to help moderate political forces emerge. This article explains why mobilizing moderates is critical, when it is difficult, and how authorities can nevertheless play a productive role in moderates' emergence. We establish our theoretical framework's plausibility by examining two casesâ??India's ultimately triumphant campaign against Sikh extremists and Spain's gradual marginalization of Basque extremists. We then suggest what lessons these campaigns against ethnonational terrorism hold for the so-called War on Terror. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relationship between Islam and nationalism is still unsettled. It is claimed that because of its emphasis on tawhid Islam contradicts with the modern territorial state. This contradiction is argued to be a major obstacle in the modernization and democra ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious images, narratives and metaphors have been important threads in the fabric of social imaginaries for millennia. These religious influences have frequently combined with those from other key social and historical narratives such as nationalism, e ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Oil is generally acknowledged to be the central factor in Russia's return to global prominence. However, oil production in Russia has probably peaked, and natural gas is emerging as the fuel of the early 21st century. Russia has by far the world's largest ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalists frequently argue that Turkey is “too Muslim” to be part of “Europe.” They assert that religious differences undercut attempts to bring Turkey into the EU.This paper tests these assertions by analyzing constitutions, press debates, and publi ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nations and ethnic groups are constructed through a myriad of social processes that both support and continually reimagine the nation. The focus of this presentation is the relationship between sport and nationalism, and the role that sport plays in creat ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National courts, particularly the constitutional courts, can be seen as projecting an image of the national identity. Yet they can also be seen as a catalyst for the introduction and integration of supranational norms into national values. Does the Roma ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most academic literature addressing the challenge refugees can pose to the security of their host states offer environmental and structural explanatory variables, neglecting factors endogenous to the refugees themselves. In particular, ethno-nationalist attachment to a homeland is hypothesized to increase the likelihood of refugees' engagement in conflict. Such nationalist projects decrease the relative cost of "voice" (including armed conflict) relative to "exit", while the acts of persecution and expulsion which resulted in national groups becoming refugees serve to solidify processes of intergroup conflict and intragroup unity, further consolidating national identity and increasing the desirability of return. Thus, ethno-nationalist refugee groups are more likely to engage in armed conflict, assist rebels fighting in the country of origin, and challenge the security of their host state. This hypothesis is tested by comparing Palestinians forced from Israel with those expelled from Kuwait and Iraq. Implications for policymakers, host states and NGOs are discussed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I explore the connection between state identity and foreign policy. First I analyze different definitions and conceptualizations of identity as employed by various scholars as they relate to state security. Second, I explore the role played ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]