Search

Western approaches to translation are often articulated in terms of fidelity and treason: should the translator be faithful to the original and betray the public, or the other way around? However, conceiving of translation in these terms reduces the original text to a passive source that awaits translation. It does not necessarily take into account how violence is an integral part of any translation. Especially when translating decolonial texts, the translator should be wary of the epistemic violence translation might inflict on the original text. How might a responsible translator grapple with the epistemic violence of translating into the languages of Euromodernity? This article tries to redefine translation in terms of call and response, thereby underlining the incommensurability of translation that distances the translation from the original. It situates the violence of translation at the heart of its approach. With the use of Glissant and Spivak, it defines the task of the translator as the duty to respect the opacity of the original text. In such a politics and poetics of translation, translation is no longer conceived as a technical skill, but as a political form of art, in which the translator should listen to the singular call of the original text and respond in its own singular idiom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cahiers Elisabethains: A Biannual Journal of English Renaissance Studies is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Years before he attained international acclaim, the Icelandic author Halldór Laxness spent almost three years in the United States; however, few scholars in American studies have delved into Laxness's pivotal experience in California or his consequential literary encounter with Upton Sinclair. Using American and Icelandic sources, this article maps Laxness's travels through a transnational California culminating in an incident of political suppression that reveals the risks of radicalism during the 1920s. Foregrounding how Laxness confronted economic inequality and disparaged nativist patterns in American society through his book Alþýðubókin, a collection of essays published in 1929, this article also situates Laxness's work in a broader tradition of left-wing dissent, while also revealing the influence of the muckraking style on Laxness's politics and prose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Asian Economies is the property of Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Freedom of expression (FOE) is claimed as a basic human right but there is no single line, separating itfrom blasphemy, which could be equally acceptable toall. When FOE crosses theboundary and enters into the domain ofblasphemy, the Muslim World condemn it; whereas,at the same time Western Worldsupports it, declaringasa symbolof democracy. No doubt, Islam is powerful supporterof freedom of expression but with some limitations. This paper is an attempt to discuss, to what extent the FOE is acceptable to entire population of the worldand where does it cause a conflict? Its main objective is to point out the "root of evil" which shatters the global peace;and to discover a formula which could be used to solve this problem. Methodologically, qualitative research technique is used; descriptive approach is adopted. Principal books, Scholarly articles, and academic writings are especially consulted. It is concluded that all other basic human rights having limits; are unanimously accepted; therefore, FOE must also be redefined to make itacceptable to the whole world. In this way, an alarming trend of treason of expressionis alienated from the glorified concept of the freedom of expression and a conflict repotting model of communication is developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Masse und Macht (1960) was inspired by mass experiences of the 1920s, which revealed the chasm between legal judgements and justice. Works such as Otto Kirchheimer's Politische Justiz (1961) were also prompted by show trials and courts biased against the working classes. Starting with Emil Julius Gumbel's pamphlets on partisan judiciaries and the assassination of traitors within right-wing extremist organisations (so-called 'Fememorde'), this article addresses the historical context of Masse und Macht, which also includes works by Theodor Geiger (Die Masse und ihre Aktion. Ein Beitrag zur Soziologie der Revolution, 1926), plays such Masse Mensch (Ernst Toller), Staatsräson (Erich Mühsam), a dramatisation of the Sacco and Vanzetti trial, and Sladek oder die schwarze Armee (Ödön von Horvath), which presents the assassins of traitors as creatures of a sick epoch. This leads inevitably to Karl Kraus and his criticism of the contemporary judiciary, resulting in a double pathology in the form of a vicious circle of criticism of the judiciary on the part of writers and a criminalisation of critical writing. * Die Entstehungsgeschichte von Masse und Macht (1960) ist mit Massenerlebnissen der zwanziger Jahre verbunden, die die Kluft zwischen Justiz und Gerechtigkeit offenlegen. Aus Klassen- und Schauprozessen sind nicht nur Masse und Macht, sondern auch ein Werk wie Politische Justiz (1961) von Otto Kirchheimer entstanden. Von den Streitschriften Emil Julius Gumbels über Fememorde und parteiliche Justiz ausgehend wird eine 'geistesgeschichtliche' Konstellation thematisiert, die zur genealogischen Untersuchung von Masse und Macht einen Beitrag leisten kann. Dazu gehört nicht nur die sich rasch verbreitende Massensoziologie (Werke wie Die Masse und ihre Aktion. Ein Beitrag zur Soziologie der Revolution, 1926, von Theodor Geiger) sondern auch die dramaturgische Verarbeitung des Stoffes durch engagierte Literaten wie Ernst Toller (z. B. mit dem Stück Masse Mensch) oder Erich Mühsam (der die Justizgeschichte von Sacco und Vanzetti in Staatsräson auf die Bühne bringt) oder noch Ödön von Horvath (der in Sladek oder die schwarze Armee von Fememördern als Geschöpfe einer kranken Zeit handelt). Die Fragestellung führt dann unvermeidlich zu Karl Kraus und seiner kritischen Stellung zur Justiz jener Jahre; es entsteht ein Teufelskreis von literarischer Kritik an der Justiz und Kriminalisierung der kritischen Literatur, eine doppelte Pathologie der Justiz [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The considerable potential of the coin image as a means of political agitation during the time of the Roman Republic has been recognized long ago. This paper concerns with interpretation of mythological scenes presenting the punishment of high treason and examines their possible connection to particular historical events and real characters. Moreover, possible existence of two variants of the denarii of the RIC I2 Augustus 299 type is proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the loci classici for the Renaissance witchcraft debate is 1 Samuel 28, the story about King Saul's desperate consultation of a female necromancer in Endor at the eve of his battle against the Philistines. The demonization of the woman of Endor reached its climax in the learned concept of witchcraft as it circulated throughout Europe and on the British Isles in the late medieval and early modern period. The much-maligned necromancer also featured prominently in the only witchcraft treatise ever written by a monarch, namely Daemonologie (1597) by King James VI of Scotland. James wrote this tract in the aftermath of the North Berwick trials (1590--1591), in which he had interrogated some of the suspected witches who had been accused of treason by sorcery. The king's personal involvement in these trials convinced him of the immediate danger that witchcraft posed to his reign as well as to the Protestant faith. Fulfilling his God-given duty, James zealously sought to eradicate the "slaves of the devil" from his country and educate his subjects in the reality of witches and witchcraft, both past and present, including the "Witch of Endor" and her dark craft. Daemonologie is considered a largely derivative work, interspersed with proof texts, and this article discusses in detail how reliant James's exposition of 1 Samuel 28 was on antecedent traditions in Renaissance art and literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Looking beyond the ultra-radical hardcore Gatrell reconstructs a much broader and sympathetic environment, a structure of radical or at least anti-establishment feeling among vast numbers of London's poor and distressed, increasingly impoverished and ever more outraged by the conspicuous cavorting of the privileged few. Outrage at the Peterloo massacre - condemned by all ultra-radicals as high treason against the people - gave new credence and support for Thistlewood's revolutionary mission. The most sensational of all plots aimed at the British state since the Gunpowder Plot, the Cato Street conspiracy of 1820 ended in betrayal, arrest, and trial for the two dozen or so spy-trapped plebeian infidels involved. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the issue of whether individuals who join enemy forces during international armed conflicts are entitled to prisoner of war status upon capture. It presents the long-running debate on the topic through a study of divided scholarly opinions and judicial decisions. An original analysis of the competing theories is conducted on the basis of available state practice, treaty interpretation methodology, and novel critical arguments and proposals. The article seeks to challenge the value attributed to mainstream academic opinions and judicial precedents and open the debate in an area of international humanitarian law that is still under development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios de Historia de España is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this type of explanation, strictly economic or criminal motives predominate: mainly the control of routes and places, and the punishment of desertion or treason. The precarious and fragmentary nature of the public discourse of drug traffickers as well as the preponderance of police narratives has concealed the strictly political dimension of "criminal" violence in Colombia. In pragmatic terms, organized crime and politics are more similar than we would like to assume. They have in common the objective of dominating territories, resources and populations; both tend to stand as a system of "parasitic intermediation". Both mafias and the state offer "protection" in exchange for payment of fees, reward loyalty and punish treason. It is the discursive acts that accompany violence and the series of institutional procedures in which they are registered that allow us to draw the line between the political and the criminal, the legitimate and the illegitimate, the just and the unjust. In Colombia, that border has lost clarity. In this study, an analysis of narco-messages found in banners, social networks and other databases is carried out by applying data mining, in order to propose a geospatial model through which it is possible to identify and geographically distribute the authors of the messages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To compare and contrast medieval Japan and medieval Western Europe allows one to discover three things. First, analogous to Catholic holy war, in Japan becomes visible a potential for war (albeit seldom actualised) for the sake, quite surprisingly, of Buddhism. Second, the different role played by emotions during war: in Europe, when vicious (and motivated by emotions such as greed, ambition or lust), they endanger the victors; thus the concern for right emotions foster, to a point, proper behavior during war; in Japan, however, the focus is on the emotions of the defeated, which may hamper a good reincarnation and produce vengeful spirits harmful to the victors and to the community at large. Finally, while Japanese warriors could and often did switch sides, the archipelago did not know for centuries anything approaching the European concept of treason, ideally punished with the highest cruelty, hated and feared to the point of generating collective paranoia and conspiracy theories. Western treason was (and is still) a secularised offspring of the Christian belief in the internal enemy of the Church, the false brethren. Arguably, the texture of the religions present in the two ensembles gave their specific form to these three aspects of warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Trying to recover the memory of former intelligence agents, professor Troncotă had some long and interesting discussions with Constantin Aioanei. The conclusions are sad for Romania and forthe Romanian people, as the research on the field of the treason of the Securitate is more and more confirmed by some honest retired intelligence officers. The book tries to get to the bottom of the treason, to find out the reasons and motivation of the Romanian officers who chose to do so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Father Thomas Copley S.J. (d. 1652) was born in Madrid in 1595/6 to an exiled English Catholic family. He joined the Maryland mission in 1637 under the alias Philip Fisher. In 1645 in the midst of the English Civil War, Richard Ingle, captain of the Reformation and under the authority of a Parliamentary Letter of Marque, plundered Maryland. Ingle, who mostly pursued wealthy Catholics, brought to England under arrest the Jesuit priests Thomas Copley and Andrew White on charges related to the legislation, An Act Against Jesuits, Seminary Priests and Other Such Disobedient Persons (1585). This article examines the proceedings of the High Court of Admiralty and the High Court of Chancery that relate to Ingle's Rebellion (1645-1646). In particular, it examines the methods employed by Fr. Copley not only to escape execution but also to pursue Richard Ingle for damages to property and person. It therefore delineates the intersections between national allegiance, civil rights, and confessional adherence in Catholic and non-Catholic imaginations in both England and her empire. Importantly, this case study illustrates how English Jesuits navigated and used an immature English imperial jurisprudence to their advantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I argue that in Malory's Le Morte Darthur, the formal oaths taken before trial by combat are essential for making those trials decisive. Arthur's failure to regulate the oath-taking process before these trials, however, makes them ineffective at producing a clear verdict and ultimately contributes to the fall of Camelot. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Collaboration was more than a military challenge to the Soviet Union. From the point of view of the party leadership, entering the service of the enemy was treason against the Communist project and was thus a 'counterrevolutionary act'. When Stalin died his political heirs decided to take a critical (internal) approach towards the notion of "counterrevolution". For this purpose review commissions were set up all over the country, re-examining the criminal files of all political prisoners. The cases of convicted 'traitors' reveal that on the one hand commission officials exercised more judicial care, separating violent criminals from possible bystanders. On the other hand the commission members shrank from questioning the legal basis of the sentences to the final consequence. The overwhelming majority of the 'traitors', as all the other inmates, were not freed but received a reduced sentence. Viewed in this light, the re-evaluation of 'treason' (and therefore of past counter-revolutionary crimes in general) was a landmark for judicial professionalism but not a political landmark decision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the arrest of Mormon leader Joseph Smith in 1843 on charges of treason against Missouri and the effect of the arrest and subsequent rescue effort on elections in Hancock county on August 7, 1843. Topics discussed include Smith's pledge of support to Whig congressional candidate Cyrus Walker who had represented Smith at his arrest, and majority of the Mormon vote going to Joseph P. Hoge of the Democratic party for fear of Smith's arrest if they didn't vote for Hoge.

The condemnation of Guinevere in the Morte Darthur may have shocked contemporary readers because no medieval queen was ever tried or punished with death for treason or adultery. In the early sixteenth century, by contrast, Queen Anne Boleyn was executed for crimes that enmeshed treason with adultery. Thus, the conceptual groundwork for killing a queen through an accusation of treasonous adultery likely lay not in legal or historical precedent, but in habits of reading inculcated by late medieval and early modern romance, particularly Malory's popular Arthurian story. The fictionalized history of Guinevere's condemnation to the stake may have enabled early witnesses of Anne's death to make ideological sense of this break from the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the need to reevaluate the validity of a death penalty punishment under § 904 of the U.S. Uniform Military Code of Justice in the age of the Internet, and it mentions the Aiding the Enemy capital offense, as well as a legal case involving U.S. Army member Bradley Manning, and a hypothetical case against whistleblower Edward Snowden. American treason laws, executions of defendants under § 904, and violations of the U.S. Constitution's Eighth Amendment are examined.

The article reviews several exhibitions in 2016 memorialising the 1916 Easter Rising in Dublin, Ireland which include "High Treason: Roger Casement" curated by Jessica O'Donnell, "Rising" curated by Sara Smyth, and "GPO Witness History Visitor Centre."

Copyright of Médiévales is the property of Presses Universitaires de Vincennes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The conviction and execution of William Joyce (‘Lord Haw-Haw’) for treason to the British crown remains controversial to the present day. He was not, however, the only wartime traitor in the Joyce family. His first cousin, the Irish-born Sergeant Michael Joyce, RAF, also volunteered his services to the Nazis while a prisoner of war in Germany, and arguably compromised himself even more seriously than his more notorious relative. In contrast to the avidity with which William Joyce was pursued, however, Michael Joyce’s crimes — which came to light as the trial of ‘Lord Haw-Haw’ opened at the Old Bailey — were efficiently concealed by prosecutors. The difference in the treatment of the cases of the two Joyce cousins not only sheds new light on the determination of the British authorities to secure a conviction against ‘Lord Haw-Haw’ at all costs, but also reveals the ambiguity and instability of ‘Britishness’ at a moment when, paradoxically, patriotism and national self-confidence were at their twentieth-century zenith. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of this work is the problem of the liability of judges and lay judges of the Military District Court in Rzeszow, pronouncing judgments in the years 1946-1955 for the court crimes committed in connection with the adjudication in the cases of crimes of treason, regulated by Article 86 of the Penal Code of the Polish Army from 1944. Under current law, judges of military district courts may be subject to criminal and disciplinary liability. The principles of these two types of liability are governed by specific laws. Disciplinary liability may refer to the judge, who adjudicating in the years 1944-1989 in the trials that were a form of repression for pro-independence and political activities, defense of human rights or the exercise of fundamental human rights, violated their judiciary independence. Criminal liability of judges is a far more complex matter. The basis for criminal liability of judges in the Military District Court in Rzeszow can be a charge of committing a communist crime. Making the charge of committing this kind of crime involves proving that the actions of the communist state officer constituted an offense under the provisions of the Polish criminal law being in force at the time it was committed and it was a form of repression on the part of that functionary against an individual or a group of people because of their real or alleged activity and could be a form of persecution for "activities incompatible with the current political line". Similar rules of criminal liability apply to people who are lay judges in the Military District Court in Rzeszow in the cases of the crimes of Article 86 of the Penal Code of the Polish Army (kkWP). In practice, proving the fulfillment of the criteria of accountability, mentioned above, is extremely difficult. The consequence of this is practically the lack of accountability of members of the Military District Court in Rzeszow for potential cases of court crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In criminal proceedings which were carried out in the 40's of the XX century in the cases of crimes of high treason involving an attempt to change the political system or to abolish the organs of state by force, one can notice similarities to the inquisitorial trial. Criminal proceedings in those cases were conducted in order to obtain an admission of guilt of the accused. Having obtained this evidence, there was not any attempt to make use of all available evidence, which could help to clarify all the circumstances of the case. To achieve this purpose, torture of the accused was permitted during the investigation. The defendants also had a limited right to defence in terms of making contacts with a defence counsel and also the court did not taking into account the submitted evidence. Consequently, it can be concluded that the Military District Court in Rzeszow did not seek to establish the objective truth in the cases in which people were accused of committing the crimes specified in article 86 of the Penal Code of the Polish Army, but to convict the accused. Criminal proceedings were therefore carried out with violation of the principle of the presumption of innocence of the accused and rejected efforts to establish the objective truth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Treaties & Documents / Razprave in Gradivo is the property of Institut za Narodnostna Vprasanja and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses English constitutional history and the British Parliament's privileges of freedom of speech and debate, focusing on British royalty, Stuart-era monarchs, and the reported transformation of a power to hold outsiders in contempt of Parliament during the Tudor period of British history. Great Britain's King Henry VIII's reign and the British House of Commons are addressed, along with jurisdiction over disputed elections. Treason and the British Constitution are also examined.

The short story "A Question of Treason: Irish Participation on Louisbourg Privateers 1744" by B. A. Balcom is presented.

The article examines the punishment, or purging, of World War II Soviet collaborators in the Soviet Union and within the greater context of Europe. The author focuses on two forms of repression used by the government in Moscow, Soviet Union. The first form includes repression by police without going through the court system, which was aimed at Soviets who developed friendships or intimate relations with the occupant during the German occupation. The second form of repression includes the sanctioning of the family members of traitors sentenced to death, which resulted in family deportation. The role of the Soviet law enforcement agency People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs (NKVD) is mentioned.

This article discusses the history of the Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA), a nationalist terrorist group in the Basque Country of Spain, particularly around the years of democratization in Spain. The author comments on the anti-Franco efforts of the ETA during the dictatorship of Francisco Franco and considers the development of dissent among members of the ETA, resulting in several splits, including the formation of the ETA berri, the ETA VI, and the Euskadiko Ezkerra. The political and military efforts of these nationalist groups are also explored.

Copyright of Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas, Departamento de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the history of treason against individual states in America, focusing on state sovereignty, criminal punishment, and analyses of various state treason laws from the colonial period through June 2012. It states that American treason law was developed based on English common law. The American Constitutional Convention is addressed, along with an examination of the debate on whether an individual state can define and punish treason.

Previous articles in this journal have considered the crimes of treason, treason felony, sedition and criminal libel under English law, which crimes have been replicated in many Commonwealth countries and the United States. The articles have asserted that these crimes are obsolete, being superseded in most instances by more modem legislation. This article considers some of the most potent weapons the state possesses in its legal armoury in which Parliament itself is involved. "High crimes and misdemeanours" was the means employed to accuse royal favourites and powerful ministers who might otherwise avoid, or suborn, the ordinary courts. The usual process after 1399 was that of impeachment in which the House of Commons acted as the accuser and the House of Lords as judges. Where there was a risk that the Lords might not convict, a coup-de-gras could be administered by the Act of Attainder, in which the Commons, Lords and sovereign legislatively declared a person guilty of a crime punishable with death (or by an Act of Pains and Penalties in the case of a lesser penalty).This article argues that "high crimes and misdemeanours", impeachment, Acts of Attainder and Acts of Pains and Penalties should be abolished. Further, that Parliaments should no longer seek to act as courts and that, in a fully-fledged democracy, there should be a clear separation between Parliament as the lawmaker and the courts as the interpreters, and enforcers, of the law. In this way much bad law and grave injustice arising from political trials may be avoided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical writing on Catch-22 has often centred (quite naturally and understandably, it must be said) on concepts such as paradox, black humour and the absurdity of the human condition. Although these approaches have certainly not been without profit and have produced interesting readings, they have also tended to obscure, under the generic nature of such frameworks, the novel's patent political concerns - concerns which, moreover, are not at all unrelated to the usual critical preoccupations. In a similar way, although Catch-22 criticism has often relied heavily on the detection of literary allusions and influences at work in the text, a most obvious source of influence seems to have been generally ignored. This essay attempts to offer a different reading of Catch-22 based on the assertion that what the novel is really about is 'totalitarianism'. Its starting point is, therefore, a parallel reading bringing together Heller's best-known book with one of the central literary texts on 'totalitarianism' - George Orwell's 1984. Focusing initially on the similar way(s) in which the two novels construct what is called a 'totalitarian' atmosphere, the essay proceeds to briefly demonstrate the bearing of the 'totalitarian' problematic on another important '60s novel, E. L. Doctorow's Welcome to Hard Times, and to offer a fuller reading of Catch-22, including a summary excursion into the difficult question of how the student of '60s American fictions should approach the concept of 'totalitarianism'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the legal history and legal system of Canada in relation to the execution of the Canadian politician and activist Louis Riel. It states that his mixed identity as a Métis that influenced his life to great extent and informs that under his leadership Manitoba became the sixth province to enter the confederation. It also expands on trial of Riel in relation to politics of the Canada at the time of the Northwest Rebellion in 1985, who was charged with high treason.

Media-translatology considers translation an activity in cross-culture exchanges. It is the study of literature and culture, focusing on the unique value and significance of translation in this process. Though the translation of the Bible mainly serves for religious dissemination, creative treason is conducted by translators consciously or subconsciously while translating it, which allows the Bible to be accepted by people with different values in the world. The translation of the Bible exerts great influence on the formation of national language, including Chinese language, culture and literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dinbilimleri Journal is the property of Dinbilimleri Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents research purporting to dispel the story that the resistance fighter Liselotte Herrmann smuggled via Switzerland the plans for the underground munitions depot in Scheuen bei Celle, Germany, to the foreign leadership of the German Communist Party (KPD). The author maintains that Herrmann did not pass along such plans, that she kept the plan of the so-called "Muna Scheuen" in her apartment, that the plan was neither complete nor exact, that Herrmann's activity was not illegal, that it did not constitute treason, and that her condemnation to death and beheading represented judicial murder.

While to many, Aeneas is primarily known as the hero of Virgil's Aeneid, there are separate traditions in medieval literature which portray him as a traitor. Chaucer's Hous of Fame and Legend of Good Women both focus on Aeneas's romantic betrayal of Dido, and the anonymous Laud Troy Book depicts Aeneas as a treacherous villain to the city and king of Troy. In all of these poems he enjoys deceiving those who trust him and constantly plots to advance himself at the expense or destruction of others. Yet it is this same treasonous Aeneas whom medieval England proudly constructs as one of its mythical ancestors, as the opening lines to Sir Gawain and the Green Knight show. Ultimately, the multiple constructions of Aeneas and the fact that late medieval England bases its own mythology on a tradition fractured by treason and betrayal can be linked to the larger cultural discourse of treason and origins in England during the reigns of Richard II and Henry IV. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reevaluates the "Treason of Rennenberg," in which Georges of Lalaing, Count of Rennenberg, surrendered the city of Groningen to Philip II, King of Spain, in 1580 during the Dutch Revolt. Rennenberg has traditionally been seen as a traitor motivated by political opportunism, religious sympathy with the Spanish Catholics, and desire for personal gain. However, this view is called into question by a closer reading of the count's nine months of negotiation prior to his surrender, placed in the context of early modern nobility and systems of patronage.