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Depending on internal and external political developments, many constitutional changes were made in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia throughout its history. The evolution of socialist practices, differences of centralist and autonomous approaches towards the republics forming Yugoslavia, and the rise of nationalist movements formed the basis of these constitutional changes. The political effects of these constitutional amendments in Kosovo which later gained republic status and witnessed years of ethnic tensions between Albanians and Serbs, constituted turning points in the political history of Kosovo. Initially considered as part of the Socialist Republic of Serbia with a centralist perspective since 1946, Kosovo's constitutional status began to improve legally and administratively with the federal constitutional amendments of 1968 and 1971. Most especially with the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution, Kosovo attained a position almost equal to the federal republics in terms of authority despite being an autonomous region. But after Tito's death, in the 1980s, the escalation of nationalist discourse and movements in Yugoslavia began to disrupt the functioning of the federal government. The abolishment of Kosovo's autonomy in 1989 should be assessed as a result of this process. From that point onwards, the political unrest in Kosovo gradually escalated into ethnic conflicts, leading to a struggle that eventually culminated in independence, declared in 2008. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yugonostalgia, defined briefly as nostalgia for the era of socialist Yugoslavia, manifests itself in various forms as a socio-cultural movement adopted in the former Yugoslav countries. The political aspect of Yugonostalgia is an expression of a critical attitude towards the wars and ethnic nationalism during the break-up of Yugoslavia, which disregarded the practice of multicultural coexistence. Furthermore, considering that the former Yugoslavia countries are currently entangled in a cycle of political and economic problems such as poverty, corruption, and unemployment, the possibility arises that Yugonostalgia could lead to a new political movement that could be embraced by the masses who are fed up with those troubles. The study discusses the potential of Yugonostalgia to transform into an effective alternative political movement in post-Yugoslav countries and to forge a new political identity beyond being a socio-cultural movement expressing nostalgia for Yugoslavia and a critical attitude towards contemporary problems. Its main assumption is that Yugonostalgia does not yet have the potency to go beyond being a cultural movement based on collective memory and to unite the masses with political motivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 19th century is characterized as a period marked by the proliferation of nationalist movements in the Balkans. A significant number of studies on Albanian nationalism conducted by Albanian historians argue that Ottoman rule was an important factor in the increase of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo. Concurrently, there exist scholarly perspectives linking the genesis of the Albanian nationalist movement to global dynamics. Following the aftermath of the First World War, the international milieu alongside the expansionist endeavors of Western powers served to amplify Albanian national consciousness. This phenomenon found resonance in Kosovo as well. Economic volatility and prevailing social disparities in the region exacerbated discontent among the populace, fostering insurgencies. Beyond economic imperatives, the exigency for instituting a democratic parliamentary framework emerged. Consequently, the groundwork for the Albanian parliamentary system was laid during this epoch. Some sources attribute Albanian nationalism to the tenets of the 1789 French Revolution, setting it apart from other Balkan nations. Nationalism persists as a prevalent discourse, particularly in the Balkan region. This study aims to probe into the historical antecedents that propelled the evolution of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo post-1979, along with evaluating the contemporary regional landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zayd Mutee Dammaj, is a Yemeni short story and novel writer known for his novel “er-Rehîne / The Hostage”, which has gained wide fame beyond Yemen. The author, who lived between 1943 and 2000, gained fame with his first and only novel, “erRehîne / The Hostage”, in addition to his several collections of short stories. The novel reveals the realities of the Yemeni Imamate that lasted in Yemen between 1904 and 1962 and the management policy of the Imams. It also deals with national consciousness and the struggle for independence. The novel was selected by the Arab Writers Union as one of the top 100 Arabic novels of the 20th century and has been translated into French, English, German, Russian, Japanese, Spanish, Hindi and Serbian. The novel attracted the attention of many critics and writers; it has been the subject of many studies, literary articles and academic theses not onlyin Yemen but also in many countries of the world. Apart from digital editions, one hundred thousand editions of the novel have been published until today. It is stated that this figure is a record number compared to Yemeni and Arabic novels. In this study, technical and thematic issues such as the plot of the novel, language and stylistic features, character analysis were analyzed and also touches on how the Imamate regime that marked the period affected people emotionally and spiritually, and how this regime took away their rights to life, freedom and dreams. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, the modernization processes of Turkey and Japan, which are outside the countries of origin of modern concepts such as modernization and nationalism, are evaluated and interpreted to the extent that they enable the comparison of their conceptions of nationalism. With a focus on the Atatürk and Meiji periods, the role of nationalism in the processes of nation-state building is analyzed. In this framework, the study examines the nation-building in the Turkish and Japanese modernization processes through the conceptions of nationalism of these countries. In this context, the comparative method was applied and historical conceptualizations were included. Along with the comparison method, it has included a basic evaluation of the similarities and differences of Turkish and Japanese nationalism processes in general and in particular. The study is designed to understand how different nationalism perspectives are handled in accordance with the conjuncture, the role they play in nation-state formations and to present a comparative perspective. In this framework, since Japan is an island country, its existence was unknown to many European countries until the 16th century and thus it differs in terms of common cultural elements. Thus, although it does not seem possible to compare the Turkish and Japanese conceptions of nationalism in a common lane, a general perspective has been focused on the nation and statehood processes of both countries and a comparison has been tried to be made by focusing on a certain time period. The most important difference in the statehood processes of Turkey and Japan is that religious elements were handled differently in both societies. However, the common goal for both states during this period was to create a modern nation-state out of the cosmopolitan empire. While reform conflicts emerged in Turkey, this was not the case in Japan. With this examination, the attitudes and experiences of these two countries are considered as a common feature in understanding their modernization experiences apart from Europe. The most important result of the study is that it reveals the complex layers of historical conditions that affect or determine the nature of the processes through the comparison of the nationalism of the ruling elites in Turkey and Japan in the processes of nation-state building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The minstrel style poetry tradition has an important place in Turkish culture. Countless minstrels have been trained in this tradition from Turkestan to Anatolia, and they continue to do so. Among these minstrels, there are many minstrels known by everyone, and one of them is undoubtedly Minstrel Veysel. Minstrel Veysel is one of the leading minstrels of minstrel literature in the 21st century. He was born in the autumn on a long and narrow road, lost one eye at the age of two and the other eye at the age of seven, could not study due to his visual impairment, could not join the military, was bought a reed to amuse himself, lost his tongue after the age of forty, grew the first orchard in his village, lived for seventy-seven years. and he gifted 170 of his poems to the Turkish nation. In his poems, Minstrel Veysel expresses universal values such as justice, family happiness, peace, unity and solidarity, respect for elders, environmental awareness, friendship, democracy, human rights, progressivism, universality, sacrifice, national consciousness, kindness, love, sharing, humility and loyalty. He is a lover who brought. In addition to all these concepts, one of the concepts that Veysel expresses in his poems is heart. The concept of heart, which entered Turkish folk poetry with Yunus Emre in the 13th century, has been used in poems by many poets since then. The heart, which started with the poems of Yunus Emre, has become an indispensable subject in both Classical Turkish Literature and Turkish Folk Literature. Although not as much as Yunus Emre, the concept of heart has found its place in various aspects of Âşık Veysel's poems. In this study, the concept of heart in Âşık Veysel's poems will be discussed and interpreted from various perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The left-right distinction in Türkiye, which resemble in many aspects to examples in the West, became clear in 1970's, and described differences between revolutionary demands towards economic equality and conservative attitudes emphasizing national identity. Although both have different tendencies, on the left end, socialist movements can be found, while nationalist movements occupy the right end. However, considering the presence of synthesizing political ideologies, it becomes highly challenging to categorize political movements along a linear spectrum in Türkiye. For instance, it is almost impossible to properly array the right-political movements when the Islamism is included this spectrum. Additionally, it can be argued that in Türkiye, the primary determinant is a distinction based on cultural conflict rather than a class-based distinction. In this context, it can be argued that the tension between Westernism and Islamism, rooted in the experience of Ottoman-Turkish modernization, constitutes an axis that shapes the left-right distinction in Türkiye, and even intersects the Socialism-Nationalism axis vertically. In the synthesis areas of this intersection, there are political tendencies such as Kemalism, Ulkuculuk, social democracy, and Islamic socialism. This study proposes a political spectrum model composed of the axes of Socialism-Nationalism (horizontal) and Westernism-Islamism (vertical) to analyze political ideas and movements in Türkiye. It is thought that this model will provide a clear understanding of the ideological contexts and areas of discussion within center-left and center-right movements in Türkiye. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between politics and religion possesses significant dynamics in every society, independent of its social, cultural, historical, and geographical context. Religion can directly intervene in political processes, serve as a fundamental basis for political groups, and effectively influence the form of governance. Political actors can actively utilize religion and religious institutions to gain legitimacy and garner support. The nexus of religion and nationalism forms one facet of the relationship between religion and politics, involving a close interaction at historical, theoretical, and empirical levels. The period of the Slovak Republic (1939-45) reflects a complex process wherein the interaction between religion and nationalism significantly shaped the political and social fabric of the country. This study investigates the impact of religion on Slovak nationalism and the relationship between the Slovak Catholic Church and Slovak nationalism during the years 1939-45. Focusing on the role of religion in the development of Slovak nationalism, the nature of the relationship between Slovak national identity and Catholicism, the evolution of the religion-politics relationship, and the influence of Catholic beliefs on state policies, this research aims to shed light on an important period in Slovakia's history. Furthermore, it seeks to contribute to the limited body of academic research on Slovakia in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the experience of Italian-language newspapers in Ottoman Istanbul and their role in fostering a nationalist spirit among the multicultural Italian- Levantenes through multilingual texts and archival records. To this end, the pedagogical role of the longest-running newspaper in Istanbul, La Rassegna Italiana-Organo degl'Interessi Italiani in Oriente, in helping to build a nationalist Italian community in Turkey is analyzed. The Turkish-Italian tensions that spanned the first four decades of the twentieth century, beginning with the Libyan War of 1911-1912, were reflected in the Italian press in Istanbul. However, in addition to La Rassegna, publications such as Il Bollettino della Dante Alighieri, Il Messaggero degl'Italiani, and Vita Katolika, published in Istanbul, would transmit and defend the line of Mussolini's Italy to the Italian culture in Istanbul between 1920 and 1943. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to examine the nationalist ideology present in La Turquie Kémaliste, a propaganda periodical primarily published in French, with partial content in English and German, during Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's presidency in Turkey. The periodical's main objective is to appeal to a Western urban audience by highlighting the modernity of the new republic, offering a critical analysis of orientalist viewpoints towards Turkey, and promoting the nation's tourist attractions. While intensely criticizing orientalist ideas and attitudes of the time, the publication carefully avoids anti-Western or Occidentalist sentiments, adhering to the principle of 'westernizing despite the West' within Ottoman-Turkish modernization. The visually rich content of the magazine facilitates an analysis of the official narrative of national history, with a pronounced emphasis on the dichotomy between the 'Ancien Régime' (Ottoman Empire) and Republican Turkey. However, the periodical proudly presents Ottoman cultural heritage in a limited and selective manner, tailored for tourism. The periodical provides valuable insights into Kemalism, a distinctive form of Turkish nationalism, by exploring a wide range of themes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The State of the Republic of Türkiye was actually and officially established on April 23, 1920. The name of his regime became the Republic On October 29, 1923. Our state has 6 basic founding principles. The most prominent among these is nationalism. Nationalism is the main source of the other five principles. What is meant by nationalism is Turkish nationalism. Therefore, nationalism is an inclusive and encompassing principle. Atatürk established the State of the Republic of Türkiye as an independent, national Turkish state. He defined the Turkish homeland as the only indivisible Turkish homeland. He determined by the decision of the Parliament that the only anthem representing our state is the National Anthem. He determined Turkish, which is a Turkish language, as the only official language. He declared that the only flag representing our state is the Turkish flag. He insisted that our state is the only Turkish state that cannot be divided and broken up. He said that the name of our nation is only the Turkish nation. He gathered all our citizens under the roof of the Turkish nation. He revealed Turkish history as a whole. Turkish nationalism has become a determinant in all types of art such as music, painting, architecture, theater, literature. He made the interests of the Turkish nation the sole determinant in foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to analyze the nationalist discourses used in the reproduction of national identity through the representation of athletes in the press within the framework of the relationship between sports and nationalism. In this context, the study focuses on the defection of weightlifting athlete Naim Süleymanoğlu to Turkey and the nationalist discourses in the press before, during and after the 1988 Seoul Summer Olympics in South Korea. The theoretical framework of the research was formed based on the literature on the relationship sports, nationalism, and media. In the qualitative research design, qualitative content analysis technique was used. The sample of the study consists of news articles and columns in the online archive of Milliyet Newspaper between 1984 and 2000. As a result of the content analysis, the findings revealed three main themes: The first is the theme of “Bulgarian persecution”, which was prominent in the first period of the athlete’s defection to Turkey. This theme stands out with the discourse of “anti-communism” and “negative/enemy/other”, one of the mainstays of Turkish nationalism. The second theme is in line with the “strong state” and “positive/we/Turkish” discourse, which is one of the triangulation points of Turkish nationalism. The second theme is in line with the “strong state” “positive/we/Turkish” discourse, which is one of the triangulation points of Turkish nationalism. The third theme is the “positive/national pride” theme that became prominent in the media discourse after the athlete’s performance success in the Olympics. The results of the research show that the nationalist discourse in the press has a content compatible with the “Turkish-Islamic synthesis” of the period and that national identity is reproduced within the framework of this content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Orientalism views non-Western societies as entities to be managed and also marginalizes these societies. Therefore, Orientalism can be seen as a way of thought that legitimizes colonialism and helps colonizers to otherize their colonies. This insulting mentality has had significant psychological consequences on the societies being humiliated and researchers such as F. Fanon, Malik bin Nebi, and A. Cesaire have attempted to reveal the psychology of all oppressed societies. The current study examines the psychology of Turks in the first periods of the Turkish Republic, who'd been exposed to the Orientalist perspective for centuries, based on the studies of F. Fanon. The article uses the discourse analysis method to look at the Cumhuriyet newspaper's 1930 Vocal Queen Contest, which was held in the early Republic's Westernisation period as a case study. Therefore, the research question of the article is as follows: "Can a correlation be established between the psychological factors behind Turkish modernization and Fanon's findings?". This study can be said to reach some important evaluations about the intellectuals, nationalist feelings, Westernization, and Turkish modernization during the Republican period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food and food culture are formed by being influenced by the origin of the culture. Food culture creates a cultural belonging and identity. Thus, food and the culture it creates differ between societies. These differences are reflected in the character of societies and this character determines the nationalist ideologies of the society. Today, anti-refugee is one of the issues that nationalist ideologies have made a major problem. In this direction, the main purpose of the study is to examine the comments made on the news about refugee foods on the YouTube channels of news agencies operating in Turkey in the context of nationalist ideology. In the study, qualitative content analysis method was applied. In the findings of the study, it has been seen that it has become a medium where the anti-refugee discourse is reproduced and disseminated intensively. Besides, it has been determined that anti-refugee sentiment is not based on food culture, but directly based on nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Erol Güngör (1938-1983) is one of the important figures of nationalist-conservative thought. Since the 1970s, he started to draw attention among the Turkish intelligentsia with his writings. He analyzed the modernization process, which he comprehended on the axis of the intellectual-people conflict, in terms of the failure to establish the unity of national culture. He evaluated Turkey's issues in a historical-sociological perspective, with his exceptional personality, who was knowledgeable in both Ottoman and Western cultures. In doing so, although he was politically involved, he did not completely abandon a scientific approach. Although Güngör is a member of the academy, he is a university professor whose intellectual horizon far exceeds the boundaries of this field. He published his works during the Cold War conjuncture (1960-1980) when the right-left polarization was effective. One feature of this period is the rise of leftist ideology and politics in Turkey, and the other is the strengthening of a nationalism that emphasizes anti-communism. Erol Güngör made important criticisms towards the Turkish Left in an effort to raise the intellectual level of the nationalist camp in such conditions. With his writings in Yol and Töre magazine, he expressed the dilemmas of the left. His struggle against the left constitutes one of the main elements of his thought. This article has been written in order to analyze the nature of Erol Güngör's criticisms of the left in the Cold War conjuncture and to clarify the path of intellectual development in the period 1965-1975. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Erol Güngör, who studied nationalism, which was one of the effective ideologies in the political atmosphere of the 1970s, using the social science method with the advantage of being a social psicologist, acquired a different position among the intellectuals who lived in that period. His approach to social issues both historically and by researching from different ideas enabled him to reveal different perspectives and strengthened his critical approach. It has become a necessity to reveal his point of view on concepts such as nationalism, culture, civilization and religion to understand in detail some of the issues that are still current even though he wrote in his lifetime. Thus, it is aimed to contribute to the researches of today's researchers on these issues. While examining Erol Güngör's view of concepts, the text analysis method was used in our study, and its conceptual framework was tried to be revealed through his own works. Erol Güngör did not only deal with topics such as culture, modernization, Islam, religion, nationalism, intellectuals and history, which were the subject of intense debates both in the world and in Turkey at that time. While declaring his ideas or making a statement on another subject, he prioritized and reflected his ideas about these basic concepts. This has led Erol Güngör to not only define but internalize these concepts in his works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Nazi Era (1933-1945) varied in terms of mass propaganda and mass manipulation activities. The ideological background of these activities is largely based on the "political pseudo-myths" created by Nazi ideologues, especially Adolf Hitler. In our opinion, the term "contemporary myths" used by Roland Barthes for the symbolic tools of modern times is also valid for the artificial mythology produced by the Nazi ideology. Nazi ideologues did not hesitate to include old myths that did not belong to them. Such an attitude they adopt clarifies the term "working of myths", the role (function) they have assumed as a form of discourse in Hans Blumenberg's work titled Arbeit am Mythos. Focusing on the myth of Prometheus, which is seen as a "fundamental myth" for Western culture, later European cultural variants (i.e. co-texts) of an authentic Ancient Greek myth were created. With a similar logic, the Nazi discourse refers to the Siegfried myth with a similar orientation instead of the Prometheus myth. So, in this study, we aim to focus on the Siegfried myth, one of the main elements of Germanic folklore, to reveal how this myth was "processed" by the Nazi ideology, in other words, it was transformed in a new context and instrumentalized in a political discourse. Such an interrogation necessitates recalling some established definitions and functions of myth. Therefore, at the first stage, by referring to some general definitions of the concept of "myth", each mythology was rewritten in one way or another in later periods, made a part of this or that discourse, gained existence through oral or written transmission, updated in another way, that is, its form and we will emphasize that it is a "processed" form of an old mythological narrative that has become stereotyped with its content. These definitions are also intended to draw attention to the fact that there is no myth that has not been "processed", "pure" or "original", in other words, not transformed, as Gilbert Durand, which Kubilay Aktulum discussed in his book İmgelem Çözümlemesine Giriş, expressed in the context of myth analysis. In this way, Nazi ideologists believed that it was an effective way to consider the share of the mythological content that they found ready in their own time and that continued from one period to another in their propaganda discourse, and therefore they believed that it was necessary to use mythical material in their ideological discourses, and they tried to justify this in their discourses. Accordingly, as a requirement of the theoretical determination, it is inevitable to focus on the meaning of the Siegfried myth, which ideologists found ready at the first stage, in German culture. As we shall see, the myth of Siegfried has undergone several 'processes', undergoing a semantic as well as formal transformation. For example, the first stop of the mythical discourses of ideologues is the Nibelungen epic written in the 13th century. The myth of Siegfried was filtered through the feudal culture in this text written in Middle High German. The sub-text of the mythical discourse adopted by the Nazi ideologues is this epic. The second stop is the operations of the German Romantics, who brought about the rebirth of Germanic mythology around 1800; that is, the myth of Siegfried represents the search for a 'national consciousness' for the German romantics. The third important stage is Richard Wagner and Nietzsche's vision of Siegfried (last quarter of the 19th century), which shares his views. Richard Wagner transforms this myth into a symbol of German identity. Nietzsche also makes use of myth in this direction. Similarly, Nazi ideologues (hence the chief ideologue Adolf Hitler) deliberately distorted the Siegfried myth and instrumentalized it in order to manipulate the masses. In Nazi ideology, a parallel is drawn between the betrayal and murder of the figure of Siegfried and the German Empire's defeat (allegedly stabbed in the back) of the First World War. While the Nazis infuse a folklore element into their discourse, they draw parallels between Siegfried's mythological destiny and their own real conditions. In this study, how an old mythological story is transformed and instrumentalized in an ideological context will be analyzed in a thematic perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the policies of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia on the national question between 1918-1941 will be examined. After the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (the Kingdom of Yugoslavia since 1929), which united the Southern Slavs under a single state in 1918, the most important political conflict in the country was between the pro-centralist Serbs and the pro-federal Croats. When the Communist Party of Yugoslavia was founded in Belgrade in April 1919, it accepted the idea that Serbs, Croats and Slovenes formed a single Yugoslav nation, and also set a goal of overthrowing the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. After 1934, the communist party accepted the existence of Slovene, Croat and Serbian nations separately and adopted a political program for the establishment of a federal Yugoslav state on the basis of equality of nations. The decisions of the Comintern played a major role in changing the party's view on the national question. In this study, the transition process from the view of the existence of a single Yugoslav nation, which was adopted by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia when it was first established, to the view of federalist Yugoslavia, which recognizes the existence of different nations, will be explained. It will be argued also that the transformation of this ideological-political attitude was decisive to the establishment of Second Yugoslavia (1945-1991) as a federal state by the communists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, I aim to find the impact of social values and demographic characteristics on attitudes toward immigrants in Turkey. For the empirical analysis, wave 7 data from the World Values Survey (WVS) is used. Individual-level data from 2018 shows that religion and nationalism play a key role in increasing negative attitudes toward immigrants. As individuals' social class improves, their anti-immigrant sentiments tend to decrease. However, when there is concern about potential competition for scarce jobs in the labor market, social class jumps result in discrimination against immigrants. The logit regression coefficients for political opinion, education, age and marital status do not show robust results in different models using different measures of negative attitudes. Thus, demographic characteristics do not systematically influence opinions toward immigration in Turkey. Rather, values and socioeconomic position in society have an impact on opinions toward immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, it was aimed to determine the effect of the intention to buy domestic products on consumer ethnocentrism. For this purpose, data were collected by conducting a survey with 600 people in Türkiye between February and May 2022. Descriptive statistics were used in the analysis of the data. In addition, the Structural Equation Model (SEM) was used to measure the effect of domestic product purchase intention on consumer ethnocentrism. As a result of the study, it was determined that very few of the consumers knew the concept of consumer ethnocentrism (11.83%). The consumers' 30.17% reported that they always show consumer ethnocentrism, while 36.67% sometimes show consumer ethnocentrism. According to the SEM model, on the intention to purchase domestic products; nationalism, domestic product and country of origin factors were found to be effective, consumer ethnocentrism was determined by the intention to purchase domestic products, domestic product and country of origin factor. This study is of significant importance in determining the purchasing behavior of consumers in Türkiye regarding domestic products and their levels of ethnocentrism. It serves as a guiding tool for actors operating in national and international markets to identify the necessary policies and marketing strategies to be followed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research was carried out on the establishment, development, intellectual line, declaration and especially the program of The Turkish National Society, which was established during the armistice period. No comprehensive scientific studies have been conducted on The Turkish National Society until today. This society was established on November 23, 1918, after the signing of the Armistice of Mudros on October 30, 1918, and emerged under the leadership of the educational intellectuals of the period. The founders of the society are Halil Nimetullah (Öztürk), Mehmet Sadi, Halit Fahri (Ozansoy), Servet, Hıfzı Tevfik (Gönensay) and Rıza İzzet. These educator intellectuals defended the idea of Turkish nationalism in an intellectual sense. Two main factors are effective in the emergence of The Turkish National Society. The first of these is to defend this feature of the Turkish nation, which has civilized qualifications, against the entire civilized world with its evidence and documents. The second important factor is to re-establish solidarity in the country by gathering the society, which was on the verge of disintegration after the armistice, around the idea of Turkish nationalism. When The Turkish National Society was founded, it published a society program consisting of twenty-four articles. Since all the founders of the society were educators, one of the important issues focused on is the issue of education and training. Accordingly, the society aims to spread its educational activities throughout the country and to increase the quality of education as much as possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There have been many important personalities in Turkish political life, but very few of these personalities have been able to transfer their ideas, world of thought and feelings to the future. One of these figures who could transfer their ideas, thoughts and feelings to the future was Alparslan Türkeş. Türkeş, a politician of military origin, is recognised as a rare figure who was able to shape Turkish political life even after his death. Especially after the 1960 coup d'etat, he was able to unite nationalism around the notion of Turkism and ossify the notion of Turkism with the political party he founded. Afterwards, he came to the forefront as a politician who played an active role in many political developments due to his specific weight in Turkish political life. For this reason, in this study, Türkeş's philosophy and thoughts as a leader who shaped and transformed the concept of nationalism will be discussed in the context of political psychology and a framework will be tried to be put forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Identity as a word comes from the Latin root “idem” (Özdil, 2017). When we look at Turkish, we see that the concept of “identity” is derived from the word “who” (Dalbay, 2018). According to Erikson (1959; Demir, 2011), identity must be consistent, similar and continuous over time (Demir, 2011). The aim of this study is to examine the perception of national identity and feelings of belonging of TRNC citizens living in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). The sample of the study consists of TRNC citizens living in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. Socio-demographic information form, identity scale (Coşkun, 2004), general belonging scale (Duru, 2015) and national identity perception scale (Gelişli, 2014) were used in the research. The SPSS program was used for statistical analysis of the data. T-test was used to investigate whether there was significant difference in the cases where demographic variables were divided into two subgroups, and variance analysis was used to investigate whether there was significant difference in the cases where there were more than two subgroups. The identity scale was found to differ significantly according to gender, political views and how TRNC citizens perceive the Republic of Turkey (TC). The overall belonging scale differs significantly with the gender variable. The scale of national identity perception was found to differ significantly with the political opinion, how the TRNC perceives the Republic of Turkey and the national identity variable. While male citizens in the TRNC give more importance to their nation and the places where they grew up, the loyalty of women is manifested within the framework of social commitment and life satisfaction compared to men. It was found that the level of Education had no effect on the national identity perceptions and feelings of belonging of the TRNC citizens. The majority of TRNC citizens see themselves as Turkish Cypriots, and their connection with the Republic of Turkey as that of homeland and motherland. It has been found that individuals who have experienced migration within Cyprus place more importance on their land and nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first half of the article, social movements which were shaped by a variety of ideological identities will be analyzed. Then, the article will evaluate the end of the ideology thesis which became popular in the 1960s. This theory suggests that different ideological perspectives developed a common economic policy. In the second half, the article will focus on Turkey as a case study and examine to what extent ideologies like nationalism, Islamism and Westernism had an impact on Turkish foreign policy. The article will argue that different identities shared a similar viewpoint not in economics but when the foreign interests of the state were at stake. The article will make an evaluation of this difference and suggest that Cold War politics played a role because especially following the Second World War, different political ideologies started following a similar trend in their foreign policy visions. The article will underline that this picture contradicts with the expectations of the end of the ideology thesis for the contemporary underdeveloped countries. This analysis will present a pluralist perspective which may allow to evaluate Turkish foreign policy making process through both realist, liberal and constructivist perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Boycotts, one of the important forms of political consumerism, are democratic actions in which consumers show their sensitivity to social issues via consumer protests. These actions are seen as more peaceful forms of opposition, separated from other politically motivated forms of opposition, and seen as citizen practices that reinforce democracy. However, in some cases, boycotts can threaten political and social equality, support undemocratic ideologies, and turn into hostile actions when these peaceful collective movements are shaped by consumer ethnocentrism fed by nationalism and religiosity. This study examines the factors affecting the participation of individuals in boycotts within the framework of political consumerism, and in particular, the relationship between important concepts for ethnocentrism such as nationalism and religiosity, and participation in boycotts within the context of Turkey. In this study, which was conducted using survey data collected from a representative sample in Turkey in 2020, a statistically significant relationship is found between "nationalism", "religiosity", "education level", "full-time employment" and the frequency of boycotts. Our quantitative analysis in the context of ethnocentrism, which is the main focus of the research, shows that the level of religiosity in Turkey is more effective in participating in boycotts than the level of nationalism. While this study contributes to the understanding of consumer behavior in the context of political participation, an important field of study in communication studies, it is also important for the development of new policies and communication strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, it is aimed to examine the Japanese national language textbooks in the context of collective memory. Secondary school 1st, 2nd and 3rd grade Japanese national language textbooks published by Sanseidō Publishing House were used as the main material of the study, and the textbooks were analyzed by document analysis method. Firstly, it was mentioned how the education system was shaped after World War 2 in Japan and the formation process of the textbooks was examined. Then, the curriculum was analyzed in the focus of its aims and objectives. In conclusion, the content of the Japanese national language textbooks was analyzed and the common elements of the Japanese society were evaluated in the context of collective memory. In the light of the findings, the collective memory created through textbooks in Japan; It has emerged that it tends to increase the awareness of "being Japanese" by developing the Japanese national consciousness focused on historical and cultural elements. In addition, it has been demonstrated by this study that Japanese national language textbooks are a functional tool in the field of education in terms of recalling the past, transferring the culture to the future by keeping it alive and contributing to the formation of the collective memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to evaluate the development of nationalism academic literature in the world through bibliometric analysis. The absence of a similar study -a bibliometric study on the nationalism literature in Turkey-, which seeks to answer the question of how the development of nationalism is shaped in academic literature, makes this study more meaningful. In this context, contributing to the Turkish political science literature constitutes another goal of this study. This study examines 9175 articles between 1975-2021 on nationalism and related concepts and theories according to the development of the literature in the Web of Science database. There were discussed through co-author analysis on country basis, co-citation analysis on country basis, co-author analysis, co-entity analysis, and bibliometric mapping. According to the results of this study, it has been determined that the concepts of nationalism, racism, ethnicity and modernism have been studied intensively in the nationalism literature, which has a multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary nature, today as well as in the past, and that nationalism continues its potential existence as a field of study in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the French Revolution that took place in 1789, the France, which presented new social and political concepts such as Nationalism and Nation-state to the world political literature, liquidated the Ancient regime (Kingdom) as a result of this revolution. The old regime (Ancient Regime) was replaced by the Republic government. This new government led to the establishment of a centralized state structure and the establishment of a centralized bureaucratic system. As a result of this new government model that emerged in the country, the nation-state and the society caused another set of concepts to come to the fore. These concepts are minorities and assimilation. France, which claims to be a consolidated democracy, has followed a harsh and uncompromising policy to assimilate different ethnic elements within its country and to create a homogeneous society as a result of its new government mentality. This policy, from time to time has become more intolerant with support from the French society. The killing of the leaders of the Breton national movement by the French resistance movement during the Second World War was a graphic example to that intolerant attitude. Of course, the oppressive and assimilating attitude towards minorities in France is not limited to the Bretons. The Basques, Corsicans and the people of the Langeudoc-Roussillon region could be the other examples for this oppressive attitude. However, due to its connections with Celtic nationalism and its more well-known nature, the Breton National Movement is chosen as an case study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The destinies of the Turkish and Arabic peoples were intertwined for the last time during the reign of the Ottoman Empire. However, the problems that arose in the Ottoman Empire's final two centuries determined the destiny of these two nations. Some Arab tribes revolted against the Ottoman Empire because of the weakened central authority, economic difficulties, the charm of the nationalism trend, the Islamic caliphate, and European states' benefiting from these challenges. The claim to the Caliphate can be viewed as another significant reason for these revolts, in addition to economic reasons. The revolting Arabic leaders, who took the Committee of Union and Progress' alliance with Germany into account, wanted to conquer the Caliphate status, which belonged to the Ottoman Empire and guided people towards this by benefiting from the alliance with a Christian government. The European states, which sought to control the oil reservoirs in the Middle East and maintain the roads to the Indian colonial territories, are remembered in history as the power that provided financial benefits in the revolts. And these states conducted several operations through various psychological warfare techniques and espionage. The Arabic revolts and the events that preceded and followed them played a significant role in Turkish literature. The authors discussed the backdrop, causes, and results of these riots. The present study will examine the reflections of Arabic revolts on Turkish novels as well as the authors' periodical approaches to the revolts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political changes demanded by the countries with a colonial past in their independence processes are shaped in line with their historical realities. Demands for political change have intensified as the change of domination apparatuses and ideologies have been determinant in achieving political demands, and nationalism has an important place among them. Nationalism is a concept that has modern characteristics and carries functional elements with its ideological modernity in terms of its capacity to meet demands. Nationalism is one of the tools used especially to realize the demands for political power. Another tool is political violence, which is used to implement the practices preferred within the framework of the said ideology. In terms of their instrumental relations, nationalism and political violence are phenomena that form clusters of mutual interests and feed each other. Sri Lanka was one of the places where these phenomena were experienced together. The study aims to examine the nationalism used in the politicization tendencies of the Sinhala ethnicity and Tamil ethnicity trying to make room for itself on the island after independence, and the political violence that emerged after its instrumentalization, with an instrumentalist approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

NATO developed its last concept for deterrence and defence in 1967 to address potential military conflict with the Soviet Union. At the end of the Cold War, the Alliance shifted from its main concept of guiding deterrence and defence actions to supporting military reaction towards various forms of instability. Bases of instability at the time included terrorism, reform problems in post-Soviet Russia, nationalism, authoritarianism, ethnic, sectarian, and local conflicts, economic destabilization, natural disasters, and civil wars. Consequently, Alliance's responses to instability since 1991 were various, each addressing a specific challenge on a case-by-case basis. Instability continues to be persistent and diverse and holds risks for damaging Allies' security. Nowadays, instability continues to risk the security of widely different subjects. Two forms of instability identified in the early 1990s, which are Russia and Terror Groups, have emerged as challenges on a strategic scale with aims and patterns that can weaken and threaten the security of an Ally, a group of Allies, or the Alliance as a whole. These two challenges are strategic in terms of geographic scale and the impact they have on their targets, considering the possible risks they will create for the security of the Alliance and their ability to persist in the long term. A new Euro-Atlantic Area Defence and Deterrence Concept Paper is needed to counter these security risks within NATO's strategic scope and 360-degree range and support the implementation of the Alliance's three main tasks: collective defence, crisis response, and security cooperation. In this research, NATO's latest deterrence and defence studies, which have started to be updated in parallel with the changing security environment, will be analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modernist nationalism, evaluated in nationalism studies between 1945-1990, plays a functional role in the transition from traditional society to modern society. In line with this understanding that emerged through the effect of modernization in post-colonial independent states, the focus lies on the nation-formation processes emphasizing that nationalism is not a ‘given’. The process of ‘nation formation’ through which the concept of ‘us’ is produced, is defined as the symbolic formation of a nation. From this point of view, it is discussed how modernist nationalism functionalizes nationalism through the nation-formation process, and its effect on Persian nationalism is evaluated in this study. In this sense, the fact that Iran was classified on the basis of the concept of tribe/clan until the 20th century but started to undergo processes such as centralization, constitutionalization and modernization from the 20th century onwards, is evaluated within the process of nation formation. In this study, the first wave of Persian nationalism based on modern, secular and pro-Western nationalism is discussed within the scope of modernist nationalism. Moreover, it is argued that the reforms of the first Pahlavi period (1925-1941) can be assessed within the scope of the formation process of the ‘Persian’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are different researches and studies that have appeared regarding nationalism. There are 3 major theories of these studies, these studies are: primary, modernist, and ethno-symbolic hypotheses. Primary hypothesis claims that all nations came from the same race, and they share the same religion, language, culture and history. The modernist hypothesis claims that nationalism is a communal necessity. In this theory, nationalism explains the modernist process that was affected by social, political, and economic parameters. Finally, the ethno-symbolism theory posits that nationalism is mainly based on ethnic origin and culture. The Epic of “Turnalar” by Ozanturk has pushed the Turkish culture forward. There are three sections connected to each other that talk about the Turkish communities in the “Turnalar” Epic. The first section talks about the Turkish people in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, North Cyprus, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Turkey. Second section talks about Turkish tribes who live in Iraq, Iran, East Turkistan, Kirim, Tataristan, Main Kurdistan, Yakutsk, Chuvashia, The Republic of Altai, The Republic of Tuva, etc…The third section details the Turkish people who are struggling to live in eastern European countries such as Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Moldova, Serbia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Albania, Hungary and Macedonia. “Turnalar” is the first work of Bayram Durbilmez who used Ozanturk as a nickname. Bayram Durbilmez used Ozanturk as a nickname for the first time in “Turnalar”. Durbilmez is known by literature studies about love, religious literature, and Turkish national folklore. This scholar defended Turkish nationalism in nongovernmental organizations, some foundations, and associations. He used the Ozanturk nickname in his work which shows us how much of a nationalist he is in the literature world. This thesis aims to study “Turnalar” by Ozanturk from the nationalist aspect. By doing this, this thesis will reference his nationalist academic studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Albania and its around has been a crucial geography in the region with the means of geostrategic position from the archaic history to today and it is understood that will be later. The geographic compound as a base, harbor, a mass and a sanctuary place with its entrance for the Balkans, has been located on critical passing routes. This situation has aroused the interests of Europe and the Balkan states for the region and it seems will be. The geography which was hosted by Albanians 445 years under the protection of Ottoman Empire, was exposed to revolts during the governing of the Commmittee of Union and Progress. The nationalism of Albanian which was started before the second constitutional monarchy and got stronger with the effects of Commmittee of Union and Progress, had been in existence with the problems of taxes, language and the alphabet. The revolts turned into seperatist movement with the effects of nationalism waves in the geography of Balkans and the macroprudential policy of Ottoman Empire on them. The actions of Albanian which were first Müslim seperatist movements on the region, developped differently and forcedly from the other independence aims of Balkan states. The situation which was been the aims of autonomy under the protection of Ottoman Empire at the beginning, had taken the path of independence under the unrest of occupation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

That Christian Armenians lived in the geography of Dersim together with Muslims caused this sanjak to have a heterogeneous feature in terms of religion, sect and race. Although these different groups had not had close relations, mass conflicts had not occurred between them. However, since the second half of the 19th century, the Armenians, who were under the influence of the provocations of the states with interests in the region, engaged in nationalist activities and carried out committee actions. The formation of such a political atmosphere was affected by the policy of many states, especially Russia and England, to establish an Armenian state in the Ottoman lands, called Vilayet-i Sitte (The Six Cities), which includes Dersim. Due to the geographical and social characteristics of the sanjak, the Ottoman Empire could not establish complete dominance in Dersim. Tribes, the most effective components of the social structure, continued to carry out extortion and robbery actions through their armed gangs, taking advantage of the authority vacuum. Since the primary purpose of the tribes was to get financial gain, anyone who had property had been the target of attacks. This situation became the main reason why tribal gangs attacked Muslims and Christian Armenians in the region. This study, prepared according to archival documents and based on the cause-and-effect relationship, evaluated the events and effects experienced in connection with the Armenians in the Dersim sanjak at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mehmet Akif Ersoy is an important intellectual who witnessed social change and transformation that took place in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, and included this experience in his poems. At the same time, it opened an indelible page in our history with our National Anthem, which instilled faith, courage and national consciousness in our nation and our army in National Struggle against colonialism. Mehmet Akif draws attention with his role as an intellectual in society, especially in religious education. In many of his articles and poems he wrote, he expressed his views on the right education of the people, especially on religious issues, and tried to shape these views around the handling of aspects of our education system. In this context, one of the important aspects of our study is to reveal the thoughts of the poet that will shed light on the present day, based on his views on education and especially religious education. Thus, it is thought that this article will contribute to better understanding of our society and transfer of ideas of our national poet, Mehmet Akif, who is a true education volunteer and lover of independence, homeland and nation, on religious education to new generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study utilizes Leon Trotsky’s Uneven and Combined Development approach to analyze Syria’s sociopolitical transformation in the post-Arab-Revolts period by focusing on the concept of the “international”. Existing analyses examine Syria’s sociopolitical transformation the in the post-Arab-Revolts period by focusing on the resilience of the authoritarian Bashar Assad regime and the dynamics of neoliberal transformation, due to methodological nationalism and lacking of a holistic framework. In this respect, the main argument of this study is to present the effects of interaction between international and local dynamics on Syria’s sociopolitical transformation. To this end, the study analyzes the outcomes of two distinctive processes - “War Economy” and “Reconstruction” - which are thought to be decisive regarding Syria’s sociopolitical transformation in the post-Arab Revolts period. The conclusion of the study is two-fold. Firstly, the neoliberal political-economic dynamics are effective in understanding Syria’s socio-political transformation - similar to the pre-Arab Revolts period. Secondly, the merging of the dynamics of sociopolitical transformation with the global and regional geopolitical competition process has further exacerbated the social unevenness and repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Mises, the state is a human institution. In the light of this discourse, it is emphasized that the state should exist for the well-being and welfare of people. However, governments that move away from this basic purpose often create dirigiste policies. The ideas and programs of dirigisme are interventionism, socialism, autarky and nationalism. The common goal pursued in these political doctrines is to control the individual with coercion, pressure and threat. Again, according to this view, it is claimed that the state is not a human institution, but that it should have a superior, exalted and powerful aspect. In other words, the state ceases to be a human institution and the state takes on a divine appearance by being abstracted as an excessive power. According to Mises, such abstractions created in these systems cause many concepts such as freedom, demagogy and destruction to be intertwined. After these determinations, Mises mentions liberalism as the progressive and healing power of humanity against the policies of statism and prepares a recipe in this direction. Within this context, aim of this study to show how the political practices and programs of statism expose humanity to unhappiness, fear and assimilation, and how it takes away their freedom, equality and private rights in the light of Mises' views. In addition, we will try to present critical perspectives based on these views or without going beyond the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism as a discourse finds its own place in social practices and is brought to the social sphere through cultural texts. Nationalist ideology, on the other hand, is generally have formed around militarist discourses. Media, which is an important expression transfer tool today, is also an ideological device. Therefore, media take up an important place in the production, transmission of the militarist discourse and thanks to in the construction of their social roles. These social roles are generally constructed through the representation of femininity in the context of gender; however, recently there have been studies on masculinity. In the study, based on the assumption that masculinity in Turkey is reproduced with militaristic discourse and builds militarized masculinity, the TV series "Söz" was analyzed with discourse analysis and it was revealed that masculinities were militarized with nationalist discourse in the military series. In addition, it has been determined that militarism is presented as a dramatic show in this series, the structure of this show is male-dominated and authoritarian, and this mechanism is based on othering and suppression with a militaristic logic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, Hilmi Ziya Ülken's ideas on modernization are discussed with a holistic perspective on certain lines. By making comparisons from place to place, the ground on which Ülken's ideas sit has been tried to be pointed out. Throughout the study, how Ülken's views on modernization were shaped by the analysis he made about the history of ideas is explained. The shortcomings of such an analysis in understanding Turkish modernization have been tried to be pointed out. An hermeneutic methodology was used in the related study. Ülken's demanded modernization method was questioned and it was stated that the form of nationalism, which he claimed was necessary for modernization, could not be explained by general evaluations. At the end of the study, Hilmi Ziya Ülken was defined as a republican conservative portrait. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the audience reception among Turkish viewers of the image of Ottoman-Turkish women in Diriliş Ertuğrul (Resurrection: Ertuğrul), a Turkish soap opera which is popular worldwide. For this study, audience research was conducted to examine the relationship between study participants' views about women and gender, and their thoughts about the representation of early-period Ottoman-Turkish women in Resurrection: Ertuğrul by carrying out in-depth semi-structure interviews. The interviews were conducted with 38 study participants in total (19 female and 19 male). The results evidence that nationalism and gender has a mutually constitutive relationship in the image of the early-period Ottoman-Turkish woman in Resurrection: Ertuğrul, and this relationship appears to be a reference point for the majority of the study participants, regardless of whether they are secular or religious conservative, to evaluate contemporary Turkish women. The evidence also reveals the female participants' desire for power. The female participants who think that female characters in the soap opera can have access to masculine power as the mother or wife of the powerful and desired male characters also want to acquire such power from men in their real lives but they feel they cannot because of the weakening of patriarchical values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central question or the main issue of the Ottoman intellectuals in the 19th century was about the future of the Ottoman state; they tried to find out solutions that would save the Ottoman Empire from the impasse, resulting from the rising economic and political dominance of the West. Unlike traditional ulema of the empire, the Ottoman-Turkish intellectuals sought the solution not in tradition, but in the Western science and technology, both of which are the main dynamics of modernity. In other words, many of the Ottoman intellectuals of this period saw the future of the Ottoman state in modernization, especially in transferring Western science and technology to the Ottoman-Turkish society. However, Gökalp, as one of prominent intellectuals of the era, recognized that the secular dimension of modern Western civilization was rooted in the rising influence of techno-scientific rationalism and individualism. Focusing on the concepts of civilization and culture, he discussed possible solutions to the central question of the Ottoman intellectuals, namely, “how can this state be saved?” in a world where nationalism and secularism had increasingly become widespread in every space, especially in the West. Therefore, this study primarily aims to evaluate Ottoman intellectuals’ views on the problem of modernization. The main purpose of this study is to elucidate Gökalp’s approaches to the modernization of the Ottoman-Turkish society by examining his views based on the concepts of civilization and culture. Therefore, the focus of this study is to scrutinize Gökalp's views on civilization and culture (hars). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Balkans have been on the agenda of international relations and the international community in recent years. Wars and massacres have taken place in this post-Cold War region of the world, and have had a negative impact how people perceive it. Scholars often use the terms "Balkan" and "Balkanization" interchangeably to express the birth of new nations and independence in light of any number of events. Balkanization can also refer to confusion occurring in other parts of the world. We therefore must examine the Serbs, as they are one reason why the region is remembered the way it is after the Cold War, and because they had ignited the wick of the events. Serbian nationalism structurally has the potential to change regional dynamics periodically - hence the need to examine it the conceptual level. This study aims to do exactly that. In order to achieve that aim, we have drawn from various approaches and theories from [academic] literature on nationalism literature, and will thus analyse Serbian nationalism within the frameworks of religion, language, and history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Changes in world politics from the turn of the nineteenth century onward led the major empires of the era to the eventual collapse. Meanwhile, national movements that emerged within these empires started the process of nation-state formation. Each one of the peoples of empires went through their peculiar processes of enlightenment. The principal medium of such an endeavour was publishing activities with a marked emphasis on 'national unity'. Even though the seventeenth-century poet Ehmedê Xanî touched upon the topic of a unity in his Mem û Zîn it was not until the nineteenth-century press that Kurdish intellectuals markedly emphasized the issue of 'national unity' in the modern sense as a central problem. While trying to develop ideas for a solution to the issue, they often formulated the phrase "adaptation to the necessities of the time". This study deals with this issue and the reflection of this approach upon the Kurds and Kurdish press through the analysis of its formative period. The article also examines the discourse of 'national unity' in the context of the discussions of the popular ideas of the time, nationalism and nation-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kurds experienced a national awakening led by intellectuals at the beginning of the 20th century; in the so-called "scholarly interest" phase of this awakening they became curious about language, culture, history, literature and traditions, i.e., the intangible values, of their nation and aspired to conduct research on these. Kurdish intellectuals, bearing a mentality dependent on Ottomanism and the Ummah (Arabic for "community") expressed a kind of "Ottoman Kurdishness" until the World War I. Under the influence of the new historical circumstances which emerged after the war, the color of the cultural and literary activities guided by these intellectuals has become increasingly political. This is the phase in which the discourse of "patriotic agitation" was first witnessed. In this phase, cultural and literary activities began to serve the purposes of the formation of a national consciousness and identity, and they have directed the movement of the national awakening towards "Kurdism for its own sake". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yahya Akengin is a Hisar poet who has witnessed the progress of Turkish poetry for half a century from his first poetry book İstesen (1969) to these days. Born in Bayburt in 1946, Akengin moved to Ankara in 1971 after Erzurum (1959-1967) and Afyon Sultandagi (1967-1971). Among these geographies, Bayburt and Erzurum have become important places that determine the image of nature in his poetry. In addition to being familiar with the aforementioned climate, longing for childhood and youth also has an effect on this. In his poetry, both the past and nature as the space of the past give the opportunity to get rid of the oppression of the present. The seasons that signify the time of nature and the elements of nature are the mirrors of the relationship of poetic subject with life. While Akengin's melancholic disposition is also determinant in the poetry of nature, his familiarity with rural, his moderate attitude towards city and the adventure of modernization gradually brings him closer to nature. Nature falls into a melancholic atmosphere, especially when the past of the poetic subject is mentioned. On the other hand, nature takes a romantic turn in the poems that emphasize national identity and history. This study aims to reveal how Akengin's life and his way of perceiving the age influence the place of nature in his poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The hajj ritual, which can be considered as one of the passage rituals in Turkish folklore, also has a meaning not only because the individuals present there perform similar movements synchronously, but also because it is a multinational ritual. Thanks to the international characteristics of the ritual, individuals who have not been able to get out of their village before, go out of the nation, a community far beyond the village, and meet people who are not like them. During this encounter, they discover themselves by weaving the information they have gathered through their observations. The weaving process takes place through narratives whose form is unclear in the socialization processes after the hajj ritual is completed. As a result of the aforementioned formlessness, it is possible to evaluate these products as “discourse”. In this study, in order to reach the basic content of the discourse that has been produced by Turks about strangers, interviews were made with the informants and the qualities that shaped the images about the strangeness in these memories were compiled and analyzed through discourse analysis method. Within the scope of the research, the number of informants whose data have been collected is eight and all of them are selected from Sivas. As a result of in-depth interviews with the designated people, hajj memories have been obtained and sections stating the judgments about strangers in these memories have been reserved for evaluation. As a result of the analysis of the discourse produced, it is identified that the issues the way religious rituals are performed such as praying and reading Quran, loyalty to the behaviors of the Prophet called as circumcision in the tradition, nutrition practices, and privacy thresholds have been determined by Turkish pilgrims while producing images about strangers. In these determinations, it is found that generally the non-ideal qualities of strangers were emphasized and depicted. It is concluded that the position of the stranger, which can be evaluated as negative, is an indirect way of glorifying the society to which the narrator is a member. In addition to these, the informants do not consider strangers as a homogeneous mass. It is understood that the informants, who subject their foreign communities to simple classifications, have a special sympathy especially for Indonesian and Far Eastern Muslims. It is observed that more negative ideas about some groups exist by stereotyping in folklore. Strangers who are marked by positive qualities and strangers who are known for negative qualities serve the same purpose when it comes to the identity awareness of the community that produces the discourse. Both groups ultimately allow the community that produces the discourse to recognize its values and to recognize itself. At some point, it seems possible that the produced discourse also allows the society to sprout on self-critical ideas. It can be suggested that the hajj ritual, ultimately performed as a religious necessity and an important rite of passage in Turkish folklore, contributes to the discovery of national consciousness rather than enabling the development of religious community awareness in Turkish society. The consciousness of the discovered national identity is kept alive with ideas about strangers observed during the hajj ritual. It contributes to the continuity of ideas about national identity through the discursive reproduction of images of strangers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postmodernism emerged as a critical response to the long-established assumptions concerning language, politics, history, culture, arts and literature in the midst of the 20th century, and promptly began to dominate the philosophical and cultural conversation. It was a paradigm shift in the history of philosophy marking an incredulity towards grand narratives on the grounds that they are not objective realities but human constructs, and their claim for reliability and truthfulness is to be put in question. This ground-breaking paradigm shift necessarily altered the ways individuals perceive themselves and the world around them, and motivated them to change their perspective and question their most fragile beliefs and realities. National identity is obviously one of those domains. Inspired by the changing perspectives towards the notion of national identity particularly in Western societies in the postmodern age, this article argues that national identity is a grand narrative constructed within and by language and suited to the interests of the dominant ideology and to the spirit and needs of the age, and folklore which plays a vital role in the construction, legislation and internalization of national identity cannot escape the dominance of language and ideology either. This article elaborates on this idea by interrogating the close affinities between national identity and capitalism in the postmodern age defined by late capitalism, and by depicting how national identity is captured within and by capitalism and is turned into a commodity that can be made, unmade and remade according to its use-value. In so doing, this article narrows down its discussion to the idea of Englishness, poses critical questions on the possibility of making and unmaking Englishness and attempts to answer these questions with references to Julian Barnes’s 1998 novel England England. Barnes’s England England is perhaps the boldest novel written in the postmodern age to picture how the 50 Quintessences of Englishness are literally taken up in a process of making and unmaking the national identity of England and reproduced in the form of a living theme park as a miniature of England. The grim irony of the novel lies in the fact that the capitalist reproduction of the 50 folkloric elements of Englishness as a theme-park rapidly masks the absence of English national identity and England as a profound reality and begins to perform as the reality itself. This replacement perfectly summarises the postmodern condition of the present age which the French philosopher and sociologist Jean Baudrillard associates with “simulation”. Baudrillardian notion of simulation indicates the idea that there is no authentic reality but simply hyperreality in the postmodern age. Barnes’s novel accordingly dethrones national identity as a grand narrative and punctuates its position as a hyperreality by presenting us different versions of Englishness each of which is made, unmade and remade to different ends in his novel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism emerged at the end of the eighteenth century as a doctrine which rendered a decisive influence on the maturation of modern order, modern politics and state-governance. Hence, nationalism can be used to explain the process of nation-building of sovereign nations. Because nationalism explains the transformation of an existing state. In contrast, Miroslav Hroch uses the term national movement instead of nationalism to explain the nation-building processes of small nations. In this study, the last phase of the nation-building process in Tsaristruled Azerbaijan is going to be discussed by using Hroch's A, B, C model of oppressed nations. In this context, I am going to discuss Mehmet Emin Resulzade's national ideal (mefkure) and his debate of Azerbaijanism. Resulzadeh, has provided to contain political demand for the purpose of independence within the framework of the national ideal of the national movement. For this reason, Resulzadeh's thought and nationalism have been shaped as Azerbaijan centred. This study argues that the process of nationalism can only be explained by Horch's A, B, C model, considering the fact that Tsarist-ruled Azerbaijan had no state or national existence before the respective national movement which took place under the Tsarist rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]