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As China faces a rising tide of separatist movements and terrorist activities within its own borders, Beijing has sought closer cooperation with the governments of the Central Asian republics. In June 2001, China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan declared the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) with anti-terrorism, extremism, and separatism being its central task. The September 11 terrorist attacks against the US further enhance the need for close collaboration among these countries. Indeed, the SCO will a critical part of Chinese efforts to stem and eradicate external links to domestic separatist and terrorist cells. While the immediate focus of the SCO would be to fight terrorism, the larger issue for the longer term would whether the organization could evolve into a sub-regional arrangement that would contribute to peace, stability, and prosperity. Beijing has already suggested the organization’s uniqueness in promoting common goals and indeed has great interest in seeing it succeed as a counter model to US-led military alliances. However, the path to success may not be smooth and problem-free as is hoped. This paper will seek to examine both the prospects for and the potential obstacles in achieving key objectives sought by SCO member states: management of ethnic and religious unrest, including the fight against terrorism and separatism; maintenance of stable borders; development of energy resources; nuclear nonproliferation; and promotion of economic prosperity. Within this broader context, the paper will examine whether or not China can extend its influence to Central Asia using SCO as a vehicle and the implications for US interests in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After fifty years of Cold War division, East Asia has gained greater coherence and substance as an emerging economic, even political, entity. This paper examines the role of hegemony in East Asia’s ongoing post-Cold War reorganization. In particular, where the US and Japan once claimed much of East Asia?s economic and political attention, long-term trends suggest an ongoing reorientation on the part of East Asian states around China?s growing economic and political presence and that China will increasingly become the center of gravity for East Asia I focus on the US, Japan, and China as the three powers that have or are most likely to assume the hegemonic organizing role detailed in international relations theory. The paper examines these major powers, with a particular focus on their shifting relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Though a coalition of weaker powers, ASEAN has played an important, if not unusual, role in defining and at times, leading regional processes. This was especially the case for much of the 1990s; however, financial crises, as well as ASEAN?s political and economic limitations, have also forced the organization to look outside itself for additional economic and political leadership. The paper begins with a brief discussion of the 1990-1997 period, a period characterized by much uncertainty about the post-Cold War priorities and policies of major powers. In particular, I describe how the United States as retrenching hegemon, Japan as reluctant hegemon, and China as rising hegemon set the stage for new thinking about intra-East Asian relations. Their shifting relations underscore political and economic interdependencies between Northeast and Southeast Asia that had been less apparent during much of the Cold War. It is during this period that we find ASEAN playing the important role of facilitator in negotiating changing relations. The second part of the paper then turns to a discussion of developments since 1997, addressing the roles played by 1) the 1997-9 financial crisis and 2) the US war on terrorism in shaping East Asia’s reorganization. This period is characterized by notable Chinese activity and Beijing?s intensified engagement of Southeast Asian states, individually and collectively. Taken together, the paper shows that major powers have shaped in critical ways the contours and organization of an evolving East Asia. East Asia has become more organized ? formally and informally, politically and economically ? but thus far, that process has been defined more by market forces and competitive dynamics between the major powers. In other words, if East Asia is becoming more coherent and organized, it is becoming so more by accident than necessarily by hegemonic design. Recent Chinese policies suggest that China may wish to assume a larger leadership role; however, the question remains whether the United States or Japan would accept China in such a role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminist studies of Filipina domestic workers in various contexts has resulted in an extensive literature that has advanced considerably our understanding of this phenomenon. The great majority of this work has, rightly, focused on the gender effects of this sort of work. Regrettably, scholars of International Political Economy (IPE) have largely ignored these contributions. IPE has much to learn from this literature, and concomitantly, I argue that feminist studies of migrant domestic workers have too often overlooked aspects that are traditionally the domain of IPE. My paper attempts to bridge these differences in two ways. First, I demonstrate that the familiar understanding of this forced migration must be understood in terms of the explicit strategy of exporting governments adapting to changes in the global political economy. From a critical IPE perspective I argue that the focus on gender too often elides questions of class which can more fully inform our study of domestic workers. The second argument I present is based on a more pronounced focus on class. Utilizing Marx’s dual freedom thesis I demonstrate that while the conditions of employment for these women are indeed exploitative the dual movement from non-wage to wage labor and from domestic to overseas work produces surprising effects. Among these effects are a more pronounced sense of consciousness as women, workers, and agents of social change. My paper is based on research conducted in Hong Kong, including interviews with domestic workers, union activists, and NGOs involved in furthering the interests of domestic workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper describes the key developmental features of IR studies in three East Asian countries, Japan, Korea and China in terms of graduate training, academic professionalism and targeted audience. The comparison is sociological rather than directly relating the development of the discipline to the degree of feedom and democracy. Although the comparative description and analysis will be made of the three IR studies, the implicit object of comparison is the the development of IR studies in the United States. Major books and articles in local languages as well as in English will be used for this comparison. The time span that the paper covers is the last quarter of the last century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is diplomacy an art of compromise or enterprise? This is the main challenge towards today’s Chinese foreign policy especially its American policy. The paper argues that the key to this question is how to manage the two basic goals: security and development. During the Iraq war, China focused on development factor more than security one. For the development means oil supply and Iraq market demand; the security factor has three basic meanings of state-power-will. Based on a survey on How Chinese View the Iraq War, one can see that China won the hard power in the short term and lost its soft power in the long term. The paper argues in the second part that from the Iraq war we can see that China considers the U.S. both as opportunities (which focus on America’s investment and export market) and challenges (America’s anti-terrorism campaign makes pressures on China’s strategic security environment) and explores what this means to the future Chinese-American relationship and international politics? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article will discuss China?s attempt to use the instrument of intellectual property protection in dealing with Western companies to promote its interests demands our attention. China is the first country in the world that demands a share of IP rights in its exported human genetic resources (HGR) . It used the language and the instrument of (neo)liberalism to promote its national interests and state control over exports of its HGR, an action equating to a subversion of liberal norms. This paper examines this phenomenon, before going on to examine the factors that came together to produce such subversion. In the second part of the paper, Chinese nationalism and state theory will be examined, to highlight the interaction between a fraction of society (here mainly Chinese geneticists) and the state in the process of science and technology reforms that led to the subversion of the liberal order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will use the example of Greater China to question the stability and legitimacy of the international norms of sovereignty and the nation-state. While most IR texts look to the high politics of diplomatic influence and military power, Greater China is interesting because, though it is seen by many as central to the international politics of the 21st century, it does not exist as a legal or an institutional body. The paper will use the examples of SARS, the Chinese diaspora, and the underclass of hooligans in urban China to highlight how Greater China is produced by transnational flows of economic and cultural capital. The paper will also expand the methodology and sources of East Asian IR analysis by using ethnographic approaches and films such as ‘Beijing Bastards’ and ‘A Confucian Confusion’ to chart out the contingent transnational flows of Greater China. The paper thus argues that Greater China presents challenges not only to economic and political order, but also to international relations theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper identifies and examines a number of long-term trends reshaping the security environment in the Taiwan Strait in ways that might produce a military conflict. Focusing on long-term trends is a useful analytical approach that highlights the possibility that political leaders may knowingly take risky actions in response to perceptions that adverse trends are eroding their security. Taiwan?s democratic transition and growing sense of a separate Taiwan identity have changed the political considerations governing Taiwan?s policy toward the mainland. China worries about growing pro-independence sentiment in Taiwan, but lacks the political tools to build support for unification. As a result, China has sought to deter movement toward Taiwan independence while developing the military capabilities to deter U.S. intervention in support of Taiwan. China?s goal is to force the United States to choose between continuing its support for Taiwan or sacrificing Chinese cooperation on economic and security issues. The perceived Chinese military threat to Taiwan has caused the United States to increase its support for Taiwan, included increased security cooperation. These trends are gradually undercutting the basis for the ?one China? framework that has served U.S. interests effectively for the past thirty years. The paper examines these long-term trends and assesses their implications for the stability of the security environment in the Taiwan Strait. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do private entrepreneurs in China support democracy? This paper finds that in general private entrepreneurs find democracy desirable, but their concerns with the feasibility of democracy predispose them toward maintaining the status quo. This research employs a mixed method. On one hand, it draws on a national survey to show that Chinese private entrepreneurs are more likely to have democratic values than the non-entrepreneurial middle class and working class, controlling the effects of relevant political, regional and demographic factors. In-depth interviews, on the other hand, suggest that capitalists who demonstrate democratic values tend to argue that democracy is infeasible in China, at least in the near future. As a result, they adopt a pro-government stance in their economic, social and political activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the EU's use of strategic diplomacy as a means of positioning itself in the world arena and of managing relationships with major powers within the arena. The first part of the paper develops an argument about the place of strategic diplomacy in EU external policy, identifying key elements and proposing a framework for analysis. The second part looks at the record of EU diplomacy towards China since the mid-1990s, evaluating key phases in the evolution of the EU-China 'strategic partnership', and assesses the negotiations for an EU-China Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. The conclusions revisit and reassess the arguments, and ask whether it is possible to identify 'value added' through the pursuit of EU strategic diplomacy in this case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper represents the early stages of a new project that explores China's search for 'responsible' great power status through the case study of Sino-African aid relations. China has become less hesitant about its intentions of attaining the status of a 'responsible great power' in recent years, and it is often argued that part of its desire to play a more prominent role is manifest in its aid policies to the developing world. In the context of Sino-African relations, China's quest for natural resources and propping up of autocratic regimes has been subject to much scrutiny. It is, however, important to keep in mind that China is also under pressure to provide assistance to the developing world in a 'responsible' manner which befits the status of a 'responsible' great power as defined by the Western powers which continue to dominate International Society to this day. In this paper, I seek to analyse Chinese policy discussions on international aid and explore how Western norms of 'responsible' aid have made inroads into China. Its findings will help us better understand how the Chinese leadership conceptualises what a 'responsible' great power should do, and the extent to which such thinking is influenced by Western discourses. This, in turn generates interesting implications on debates of legitimacy in contemporary International Society, as well as who (especially in China's eyes) is bestowed with the moral authority to bestow recognition of a 'responsible' great power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, China has been under frequent attacks by nature. Due to high population, low economic development, wide climate range and vulnerable environment, China would adopt appropriate adaptive and reduction actions according to the basic situation of the country and under the framework of sustainable development. the PRC government released its first policy report on climate change in June 2007, China's National Plan for Climate Change. In 2008 and 2009, China followed up with the release of a white paper titled China's Policies and Actions on Climate Change, which points out that "as a responsible developing country, China is fully aware of the importance and urgency of addressing climate change and has adopted a series of policies and measures in this regard." This essay addresses China's policy responses towards climate change. This paper discusses China's policy response to climate change. The discussion begins with the influences of climate change on China's environment and then moves on to discuss China's concern, guiding principle, goal and policy action in reaction to the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the evolution of the bi-lateral relations of China, India and the United States with Burma over the past two decades. It analyses the growth of Chinese influence in Burma and how the Chinese have effectively utilised soft power to gain significant political and economic penetration within Burma. It also looks at the shifts in Indian policy formation in its relations with Burma to counteract this growing Chinese presence. It examines the Indian security concerns which prompted this policy shift and analyses the soft power sources and limitations which keep it from effectively competing with China in Burma. Furthermore this paper looks at the United States' hard line policy of economic sanctions and political isolation. It explores why this policy has been to date unsuccessful and how the incorporation of soft power into US Burmese policy could be crucial in beginning the reform process in Burma. Finally this paper also examines the potential to develop a "third way" of dealing with the Burmese Military Junta. This new way forward focuses on a cooperative strategy for dealing with Burma which incorporates beneficial common goals between all relevant actors to begin a unified international dialogue with the Burmese government. It also utilises the effective use of soft power to attract the Burmese government into reforms by placating fears and creating opportunities to benefit from openness to reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to close the gap in current literature about China's perception of nuclear threat by reviewing the way in which China dealt with nuclear threats during Cold War. In particular, the paper examines the dynamic interaction between nuclear signaling and China's response to nuclear threats during the three nuclear crises in China's history: the Korean War, the First and Second Taiwan Crises, and Sino-Soviet border crisis in the late 1960s.The analysis shows that during the Korean War although American nuclear signals were inaccurate and had communication problems the Chinese were fully prepared for nuclear threat even before the Volunteer Army marched into North Korea. American nuclear threat did not bring about significant benefit for the U.S. During Taiwan crises in the 1950s, because of general signaling problems, both the U.S. and China seriously misunderstood each other's strategic intentions. China did not really expect nuclear threat from the U.S. and U.S.' nuclear threat helped compel China into concessions. Lastly, in the Sino-Soviet border crisis, the Soviets' nuclear signaling was very effective in raising Chinese concerns about nuclear strikes. China's response to Soviets' nuclear threats was unprecedentedly extensive. Its impact on the development of China's defense strategy and defense industry was deep and long-lasting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an overview of subtle yet significant shifts in Beijing's stance on non-interference and evolving standards of responsible international engagement in humanitarian crises to highlight China's clear, but cautious, support for the responsibility to protect (R2P). Although it is reticent to apply sanctions and objects to nonconsensual force, China has consistently affirmed the R2P principle and issued corresponding statements in favor of bolstering the UN's capacity to avert mass atrocity. China's statements provide a basis for Beijing to play a constructive, if reserved, role in translating the responsibility to protect from principle to practice. This paper argues that the path of most promise and least resistance for consolidating China's support for implementing the responsibility to protect is paved in practical engagement rather than polemics. It concludes with specific measures that may be taken for China to contribute to upholding the global pledge to protect populations from genocide, ethnic cleansing, war crimes and crimes against humanity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the emerging 'triangle' in commercial relations between the EU, China and the United States, using the concepts of 'complex interdependence' and 'bi-multilateralism' as organising and evaluative devices. The paper argues that in the 'triangle' there are important areas of unevenness and variation reflecting differences of power, institutional factors and norms, but that nonetheless there can be discerned important elements of 'complex interdependence' as defined by Keohane and Nye. This can be observed in the bilateral relationships between the three parties; at the same time, however, the EU-China-US relationship is central to power, institutions and norms in the changing multilateral commercial system, centred on the World Trade Organisation. This means that many of the commercial policy negotiations between the three parties are essentially 'bi-multilateral': on the one hand, the management of bilateral relations creates externalities for the multilateral system, and on the other hand the evolution of the multilateral system creates new forces shaping the management of bilateral relationships. The paper explores two cases, China's entry into the WTO and the management of trade disputes over textiles, to illuminate the ways in which 'bi-multilateral' elements enter into the EU-China-US 'triangle'. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines global and national responses to the challenge of HIV/AIDS for young people. With reference to Thailand and China, the paper also introduces an on-going study into HIV/AIDS at community level in Chiang Mai and Kunming. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to understand how and why China has been portrayed as the primary military threat in Taiwanese security discourse through an examination of offence-defence theory. It is based on the premise that those events or factors that one identifies as dangerous come to be ascribed as such only through an interpretation of their various dimensions of dangerousness. The paper first introduces the protracted debate among the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government, the 'Pan-Blue' opposition parties and US officials and analysts over the 2004 Special Defence Budget controversy. In defence of its arms procurement program, the Chen Shui-bian administration resorted to a particular mode of interpreting danger, that is, the military balance across the Taiwan Strait has been shifting in China's favour and thus it is imperative to correct the imbalance through fielding the weapons systems provided by Washington. The paper then explores the underlying assumption of that pervasive interpretation in the official articulation of Chinese military threat in Taiwan and the United States, which holds that offensive advantages make war more likelyâ??a principal hypothesis of offence-defence theory. Rather than questioning the methodological ambiguities about how to define and measure the 'offence-defence balance', the paper argues that it is precisely these ambiguities that make China's threat image in Taiwan possible. The special budget case is indicative as to how Taiwan's defence policy is better understood as a political practice central to the constitution, production, and maintenance of a peace-loving Taiwanese identity contrary to the belligerent Chinese than as an instrument to build and maintain a capable defence posture against potential attacks from the mainland. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that IR has tended to mischaracterise the 'social' basis of international society. States and other actors orient their behaviour towards shared understandings of cooperation not because of a prior common identity but because the provision of public goods provides a high value pay-off in terms of status. In the early part of the paper, we draw on Wittgenstein's ideas on rule indeterminacy to critique the idea of the causal power of norms, a view which animates a great deal of mainstream constructivism. Working with an alternative sociology of norms, it becomes possible to view the international social system as being produced through 'recognition games' played on many different boards. The goal of international social action is recognition of rightful membership of institutions and alliances, an argument familiar to English school writings in IR. China's struggle for status in contemporary international society provides an illustrative case study, one which avoids the stark choice between managing China's imminent threat (realism) or liberal socialization (constructivism). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1975, American foreign policy in Southeast Asia can be characterized as "benign neglect". After the 9/11 attack, the Southeast Asian region has become refuge of Al Qaeda members and a "second front" of US global counter-terrorism operation. The rapid rise of China presents new challenges to US foreign policy. China's growing influence comes at the expense of US power and influence in Southeast Asia, hastening US-China competition in the region and increasing the probability of the outbreak of conflict. In order to prevent the decline of US influence in the region and maintain its sole super power status in the world, the US has sought to enhance and promote its relations with ASEAN countries, this way, the US has taken steps to become re-involved in the region. The purpose of this paper is to clarify expectations of future US strategy towards Southeast Asia by exploring the causes of US re-involvement in Southeast Asia as well as strategies the Bush administration undertook. This paper analyzes US goals and interests in the region, influences of the development of terrorism on the US and the effects of the rapid rise of China. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Growing demand for natural resources has become an issue of primary importance in China's foreign policy, and has led many observers to argue that conflict with the United States and other states in Asia is growing more likely. This paper evaluates the historical record on that question: under what circumstances have the resource needs of previous rising powers led to conflict with other states? I propose two independent variables: the ability to extract natural resources at home and the openness of the international trade system. In cases where the rising power has a large domestic resource base, and can supplement domestic production with easy access to foreign resources through trade, rising powers are less likely to generate conflict. In situations where the rising power has a limited resource base at home and the international trade system is closed, on the other hand, are more likely to lead to war. The paper evaluates three cases. For the United States in the late 19th century, massive domestic reserves and the first great era of globalization led to a "peaceful" rise. For Japan in the 1930s, an extremely poor resource base and rising trade barriers contributed to conflict. Finally, the paper turns its attention to China and argues that this important contemporary case more closely resembles the rise of the United States than that of Japan. China's domestic resource base remains quite large, and the international trade system is unprecedented in its level of openness. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite discussions about China's rise as a global manufacturing titan and the world's third largest trading economy, few notice the unevenness of China's integration into the world economy. While some Chinese export producers have shown signs of climbing up the global value chain, most others are still trapped in a downward spiral of "race to the bottom" competition based on cheap prices. What accounts for this local variation despite the availability of cheap labor throughout coastal areas? Based on comparative case studies, the paper finds that contrary to the expectation of both neoclassical economics and state-led development theory, export upgrading was neither a natural product of market competition nor a sheer outcome of deliberate government promotion of capital-intensive investment. Rather it resulted from the complex interaction between foreign capital on the one hand and local export institutions that took root before the entrance of FDI on the other hand. While local institutions heavily influenced the direction and the magnitude of FDI's impact on local export activities, the influx of FDI at a particular period also revised the institutional arrangements governing the behavior of local governments and export businesses. This produced intended and unintended effects on the likelihood of ruinous competition or export upgrading. The paper concludes that in a transformed eraâ??one in which outsourcing and offshore production has increasingly segregated the source of proprietary knowledge from manufacturing, one should go beyond the pure focus on the amount of capital-intensive exports and high-tech investment, and should devote more attention to the important role of social coordination in overcoming ruinous competition and in nurturing the indigenous capacity for innovation and upgrading. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has highlighted the "peaceful rise (heping jueqi)" in its projection of power, and the slogan will be retained during the second-term of Hu Jintao after the 17th National Party Congress. To corroborate the ideas, the country has been adopting various "soft power (ruan shili)" tools, and, in Asia at least, China's "charm offensive" has been working effectively, according to Joshua Kurlantzick.Recently, however, the ascendancy of China's soft power has been challenged in one of its neighboring countries, South Korea. The perception of South Koreans regarding China has been skewed to be negative for the past couple of years. On the other hand, in China, the "Korean Cultural Wave (hanliu)" has apparently started its ebb and has frequently faced "anti-hanliu" discourses, which are an extension of Chinese nationalism, practically employed by the communist party of China. Against this backdrop, my paper will try to 1) elaborate the current mutual perception between Korea and China; 2) address major factors affecting the mutual perception; and, 3) discuss what is the significance of the changing mutual perception to the current and future relations between Korea and China.For this paper, I will mainly rely on archive research and interview. For example, I will exam Chinese and Korean journal articles, reports, and empirical survey data. Also, I will visit China and Korea this summer to conduct interviews with Korean and Chinese professors and bureaucrats. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1368 and 1841 - almost five centuries - there were only two wars between China, Korea, Vietnam, and Japan. These Sinicized states crafted the stable relations with each other, and the most violence and instability arose between these states and the "nomadic" peoples to the north and west of China and Korea. The nomads and the East Asian states both operated within a unipolar system, but whereas the states accepted Chinese authority, the nomads did not. This distinction is not important if Wohlforth's argument that associates unipolarity with stability prevailed in East Asia. Yet China's relations with the nomads were characterized by war and instability whereas relations with the Sinicized states were characterized by peace and stability. Unipolarity cannot account for both of these outcomes. What this paper demonstrates is that there is a hierarchical relationship in place in the context of China and the East Asian states that was generated by a common culture defined by a Confucian worldview. These Sinic states possessed a shared sense of legitimacy which presupposes, in the context of Confucianism, that relations operate within an accepted hierarchy. The research presented in this paper helps clarify the distinction between an international system based on polarity and an international society based on culture. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractSince 2000, China has a major economic player in Africa. China's role in Africa has manifested not only in trade but in investments in different sectors of the African economy, and in the provision of aid. There has been a significant increase in the flow and stock of China's FDI in Africa since 2000. The increase is largely driven by expansion in China-Africa trade, the search for new energy sources and the need to elevate China's international stature in the world. This paper examines the major policy changes in China which acted as fillip to Chinese firms; the characteristics and patterns of China's FDI; and the salience of Africa. The paper also assesses whether China's FDI is a catalyst to generate industrial development or a Trojan horse that will create a dependent linkage between the African economy and China ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the EU-China strategic partnership, signed in 2003, closer security cooperation is envisaged, but progress in this field has been little in this field. If the two security strategies - the ESS and the Chinese Paper on the New Security Concept, as well as the papers of the three major Member States of the EU, are compared, a lot of common terminology can be found.However, the connotation of these terms differ due to the differences in paradigms regarding the nature of governance of their national entities and of the international system, including the role for the US. Cooperation will therefore be most likely in the new fields of security cooperation such as pandemics, environmental threats and disaster relief. Based on this analysis, the paper will outline the opportunities and limits for EU-China security cooperation, in particular in an US-China-EU triangle ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some leaders choose foreign policies that flout the constraints posed by international structures? This paper argues that leaders possess varying beliefs about their state's proficiency in different areas of foreign policy, or "national efficacy beliefs." When sufficiently strong, these beliefs inspire leaders to act boldly, even when international structures offer incentives for restraint. Strong martial efficacy beliefs inspire leaders to challenge more powerful opponents on the battlefield, while strong moral efficacy beliefs prompt leaders to engage in costly forms of cooperation even when the relevant international institutions are weak. In constrast, weaker senses of martial and moral efficacy produce policies that are much more sensitive to structural constraints. The paper outlines how this framework can explain why the foreign policies of both China and India have become more conservative over the past six decades. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Foucault (1980; 2003) started to work on bio-power - which might be summarized as the maximization of state/national resources, including human resources -- he was clearly linking the state to the rounding out of the population as a whole. The focus on the intimate linkage of sovereign power and bio-power was made even more important since 9/11, when the exercise of sovereign power is used to justify the protection of population at home.The importance of state sovereign power in China is certainly unquestioned, even amidst economic reform. What is new in the governmental reasoning in China is that the full development of the individual now constitutes the source of the strength of the state, and that the full development of the individual involves, among other things, self-steering of the individual. The rationality behind this shifting is that the state realizes the knowledge economy is about competing globally for talents. This might be interpreted in terms of Foucault’s security (sécurité), “the future-oriented management of risk” (Valverde 2007, 172). "Knowledge economy", as a new concept, started to circulate in newspapers, magazines, media and Chinese leaders' speeches in 1998 since it first appeared in the 15th Communist Party Congress report. According to the rationalities of the state, the individual has to improve his/her physical, mental, psychological quality to prepare for and act as integral part of the new knowledge economy. This is fully in line with an emerging global elite consensus that is also evident in popularizers here in the West. Thomas Friedman's latest book The World is Flat (2005), popularizes the stakes in what he describes as a race to the top, one in which human capital/resources are identified as the deciding factor. Although Friedman does not say this, it is thus a global biopolitical race. Friedman pointedly identifies China, together with India and Brazil, as three most important players in the global race to the top.The proposed paper thus argues that China, although not a liberal society, is increasingly using governance techniques that remarkably resemble those used in the liberal society. In Foucault’s notion of governmentality, freedom is necessary to government. Individual's freedom is not a pre-given entity, but is a product of governmental steering through the desires, needs, interests, rights, and choices of individuals (Dean 1999, 149-175). Empirical materials for this paper derive from personal interviews I conducted in China and document analyses. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under Hu Jintao, China has promoted a “harmonious society” domestically and a “harmonious world” internationally. This policy has explicit Confucian overtones in obvious contrast to Maoist policies predicated on contradiction and conflict. The author inquires whether a foreign policy predicated on “harmony” can be theoretically and empirically differentiated from a realist outlook founded on “national interest.” The paper seeks to enrich sociological theories of international relations from non-Western sources and examine the real-world consequences of Chinese foreign policy discourse in an emergent East Asian order.The literature on traditional Chinese law distinguishes adjudication behaviour directed at Confucian notions of harmony from rights-based adjudication oriented towards justice and fairness in the Western legal tradition. The sociological work of Fei Xiaotong also distinguished traditional Chinese human relations from wetern sociological constructs. This paper applies Chinese sociological thought to international relations theory. How do contemporary Chinese views of world order bridge traditional themes with modern international relations theory? In what ways does Chinese pursuit of “harmony” complement or conflict with multilateral views of a liberal internationalism or the “international society” of the English School? The author looks at the Six Party Talks on denuclearizing the Korean Peninsula, China’s engagement of ASEAN and Africa as well as conflictual relations with Taiwan and Japan as evidence to interpret China’s role in constructing regional and world orders. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will posit the argument that the aggravation of the East China Sea disputes since the 1990s between Japan and China are the product of a number of factors specific to both states. Using neo-liberal institutionalism as a theoretical guide in terms of ways out of this impasse, this thesis will contend that the heightened tensions over energy resources and maritime territory since the mid-1990s have developed as a result of a combination of state specific factors that have hindered Sino-Japanese attempts to find binding agreements on joint-developments and designated Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs) in the East China Sea.Four major contributing factors to the East China Sea disputes are identified in this thesis. In the first place, there is the issue of the security structure in North-east Asia, a structure that remains closely related to one suited to a Cold War environment, where Beijing remains cautious of any real or imagined US-Japanese attempts to contain China; a fact that inhibits China's ability to engage in regional security activities. China thus views the security implications of the East China Sea disputes through both a traditional and non-traditional lens where new issues such as maritime piracy and terrorism provide both states with opportunities and challenges for co-operation. Secondly, there is the influence of domestic politics and nationalism in Japan and China on how the respective governments and populations perceive, address and formulate their maritime security policy . Yinan He highlights the importance of this second factor by claiming that the reason why nationalism has a strong role in this evolving era of Sino-Japanese relations is that 'the historically derived mutual antipathy and mistrust can worsen the security concerns generated by the high ambiguity in their current power balance and cause serious mutual threat perception' . A third issue relates to differing Japanese and Chinese interpretations of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) along with the importance of the Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs); factors closely linked to security concerns in the East China Sea. Lastly, another contributing factor is the clear lack of an adequate security management regime in the North-East Asia region . By choosing neo-liberal institutionalism as a theoretical guide and a way forward, this paper will also look at the part played by, distrust, the fear of being cheated on in negotiations, and uncertainties over Japan and China's post-Cold War roles, in contributing to the aggravation of the East China Sea disputes since the 1990s. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the implications of the April 2005 Sino-Indian statement of strtegic partnership on the tripartite relations among Russia, China, and India. Less than a decade after Russian foreign minister Yevgeny Primakov called for a strategic triangle among Russia, China, and India, the three countries have signed bilateral strategic partnerships with one another and regualarly meet in trilateral groups. The paper hypothesizes that the ties that bind these countries are tactical rather than strategic and therefore the long-term health of these partnerships will depend on whether changing identities and self-conceptions of leaders in each of these countries lead to a focus on absolute gains through cooperation versus an emphasis on relative gains leading to competition for influence and status in the Asian/Eurasian region. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a heuristic model for the international development of nonproliferation education programs. The paper draws on the examples of five nonproliferation education programs at U.S. universities, plus a program currently being developed at Fudan University in Shanghai, China. Three phases of the developmental process are studied for both international and domestic programs: program development, curriculum development, and sustainability. Lessons learned from each of the three phases are combined into a developmental model, intended to serve as a guide to the further development of these programs by practitioners. The factors that contribute to program development, where the focus is on creating a viable institution of learning, are much the same for domestic and international programs alike. The factors that contribute to curriculum development are different for domestic and international programs. For domestic programs, the locus of development is the organization. For international programs, the center of gravity is a collaborative network. In the latter, the central challenge is maintaining the commitment of multiple participants, all in the pursuit of a shared intellectual enterprise. As a curriculum matures and comes to be recognized as the hallmark of a program, the need for a robust international collaborative network diminishes. Domestic and international programs eventually converge in their developmental paths, with each facing similar sustainability issues. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is attempted to research domestic changes in affecting China’s commitment to international institutions from international institutions-domestic institutions. It argues that some linkage factors which connect China and international system contribute to China’s strong compliance with international rules and norms. These factors cover coastal economic areas, outward sectors, and the rise of social middle class in China. With the rapid and deep involvement into global political economy system, positive changes happened in China’s domestic area. International institutions have great impacts on Chinese domestic political economy, and similarly, China must reform its domestic political economy system in order to meet global change and challenge. China has good reputation in complying global institutions. This paper concludes that domestic factors play key role in facilitating China’s compliance with international institution. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to answer the basic question of whether or not a civil society has ever come into existence in Macau with a time focus on the 1990s and after. The question is a justified one if the idea of civil society is taken seriously. Civil society is commonly defined as the arena outside of the family, the government and the market where people associate to advance common interests. In terms of composition, it comprises a network of voluntary associations, and informal groups and activities. Recent literature has further distinguished between civil society and political society (where political society is organized to gain political power), and investigated the importance of discursive activities and the internet to the strengthening of civil society. In terms of functions and potentials, civil society represents an autonomous realm, independent of state control, and provides the basis for social movements and political opposition. Macau, although not deprived of associational life, is famous for its patron-client politics and consensual politics until very recently. So, if there is a civil society in Macau, then in what forms has it been articulated? How vibrant and powerful is it? What importance has it had to the democratization in Macau? What dominant political values have been upheld by it, and in what ways are these values conducive to democratization? Overall, the paper sheds light on the developments, potentials and constraints of Macau’s civil society in relation to democratization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are unmistakable signs of rising nationalism in contemporary Japan. It has manifested itself in Prime Minister Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine, the rewriting of history textbooks, Prime Minister Abe'ss denial of the Japanese military's direct involvement in forced prostitution during the Second World War (the so-called "œcomfort women" issue), the recent revision of the basic education law designed to instill patriotism among the nation's youths, and the move to revise Article 9 and other parts of the constitution. Neither domestic opposition to nor foreign criticisms of these developments have had a marked impact on the shift to the right in the discourse on nationalism in Japan. On the contrary, against the backdrop of an increasingly assertive political leadership in Tokyo, the emergence of post-war generations of opinion makers and opinion leaders in Japan, and the growing uncertainty in the nation's security environment, the chorus of foreign critics may be having the opposite effect and strengthening the nationalists' cause. This paper explores this proposition through an examination of the way Japanese nationalists are using Japan's disputes with China, Korea, and Russia and these countries' criticisms of Japan to articulate their cause. The paper concludes that the Japanese nationalists make a selective use of ideas, events, and institutions from the past in reconstructing a post-postwar "Japan" in their image, anchor their arguments around Japan's bilateral disputes with the neighboring countries, and exploit foreign criticisms of Japan regarding those issues to advance their nationalist cause. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to illuminate diverse persepctives and images on China prevalent in contemporary Koreans by analyzing written materials by scholars and experts on the issue of China's Northeast Proejct. Historically, China and Korea have maintained good relationships which always accompany some sensitive tensions. The current China's Northeast Project has provoked national sentiment among contemporary Koreans. The paper is going to analyze the grounds of this Korean national consiousness and diverse images on China. This paper adopts a perspective of self-reflecting on contemproary Korean nationalism to identify its main distinnctions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The People's Republic of China has been the number one target of antidumping actions filed by the U.S. Commerce Department on behalf of various domestic industries. This paper examines U.S. antidumping (AD) actions against China from 1980 to 2004. Specifically, it addresses both the conditions under which U.S. industries apply for protection from regulatory authorities against China and the likelihood of their obtaining an affirmative ruling from the International Trade Commission. While our statistical analysis of U.S. antidumping actions against China affirms the importance of standard political economy explanations of U.S. antidumping decision-making, it also emphasizes how industries characterized by high levels of intra-industry trade has tended to generate more AD actions against China. In addition, the paper assesses the impact of China's membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO) on the pattern of initiation and imposition of AD actions by the United States against that country, postulating that China's WTO membership may not have had the effect of deterring U.S. protectionism via the antidumping instrument as the designation of China as a non-market economy under the WTO has led U.S. AD authorities to apply more stringent criteria in dealing with AD case against that country. This counter-intuitive finding suggests that under certain circumstances, the legal framework of the WTO can facilitate trade protectionism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of Southeast Asia have paid increasing attention to the role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in mediating the relations between the US and China. ASEAN has created a strong reputation for itself as a regional organization that embodies norms promoting respect for sovereignty and non-intervention. ASEAN scholars have argued that ASEAN norms have been adopted by China. This development has afforded ASEAN a more meaningful political institutional role in the region than its relative power merits. ASEAN is exercising a form of normative power in the Asia Pacific.This paper examines this argument from a critical constructivist perspective. ASEAN often does not function as a coherent bloc. The individual states of ASEAN have different perceptions of national interest and their behavior is described by a variety of theories. How do these differences affect the ability of ASEAN, the organization, to act in a coherent way? How is this potential incoherence perceived by the larger powers of the region and what are their respective approaches? China has decided to treat ASEAN as a coherent entity; the US has not. What are the long-term political consequences for these great powers of their respective strategies? This paper is based on field research conducted in the Asia Pacific in 2007. It examines the significance of the regional rhetoric around the ideas of shared norms and values. How credible are these claims and what are their strategic implications? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of a seemingly decline of Pax Americana built upon democracy and free markets, China is expanding its sphere of influence beyond East Asia with growing interdependence with rest of world as well as providing an alternative model of authoritarian power and economic success. Meanwhile, China is encountered with exacerbating huge domestic discrepancies in economic, regional or social domains. Given China’s embeddings in an interpenetrating and complex environment posed by American lingering leadership and its own domestic problems, what is the prospect of its development in circumventing structural constraints? On the other hand, the Taiwan issue has been a leftover problem of Cold War for decades. It becomes even more complicated to be tackled in the context of China’s rise. To be sure, the power of the ascending China was partly augmented through the diffusion of -one China’ policy across many nations, which in many ways has led to the institutionalization of Taiwan as a -non-state actor.’ What are the options Taiwan has now? To what extent is Taiwan able to assert its agency in face with the rise of China and growing institutionalization of cross-Strait/-One China’ status quo? This paper aims to deal with the dual issues of agency and structure in related to China and Taiwan in the world. This requires tracing and outlining the historical development of the dual issues faced by either side of the Taiwan Strait. In the end, the paper will offer some observations on the prospect of development and options opened for both sides. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elaborating on Liu Shih-diing's paper entitled "China 's popular nationalism on the internet: Report on the 2005 anti-Japan network struggles" in Inter-Asia Cultural Studies (2006), this paper studies the anti-Japanese responses of the online public in Hong Kong as a comparison. Postings on four different public forums in Hong Kong, i.e. Hong Kong Discussion Forum, One Forum, Yahoo Blog and Xocat II Forum, will be compared with the Mainland Chinese posting used by Liu. The ideological, strategic and expressive contents of the forums of the two regions will be compared and contrasted in details. Reasons for the existence of such differences â€" such as the remnants of colonial mentality in Hong Kong and the utilization of anti-Japanese slogans to pressure the regime in China â€" will be explained in the conclusion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese relations with Africa have undergone a process of metamorphosis since the late 1950’s. From anti-imperialist posture and support for liberation struggles of the late 1950s and 1960s in Africa, contemporary Chinese foreign policy in Africa is a reflection of neo-liberal realpolitik or the Beijing consensus (BC) which is driven by power and an unprecedented need for resources in a fast competitive global market. As the Cold War petered out, western countries began to concentrate their investments in the transitions economies of Eastern Europe, China began to increase its investment in Africa with renewed policy based on the principles of respect for national sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs resonates with African leaders who are suspicious of motives of former colonial powers and the US. This new Chinese invigoration in Africa was crystallized with the formation in 2000 of the first China â€" Africa Cooperation Forum (CACF). China’s resurgence in Africa has seen tremendous increase in trade, aid, investment, and exchange of human capita and has become the envy of western countries.Critics of China’s resurgence in Africa have questioned China’s motives and characterized Chinese interest in Africa as a form of “new imperialism”, “scramble”, or new colonialism; and some, especially the Human Rights Watch and the World Bank have criticized China as ignoring human rights violations and encouraging corruption among African leaders. The objectives of this paper are twofold: firstly to examine and understand the trajectories of Sino Africa relations from Cold War to present; and secondly to understand the principles and ideological lenses that shaped and continues to shape these relations. In order to bridge the hiatus in our understanding of Sino-Africa relations, this paper examine the evolving history of Sino African relations, the ideological underpinnings for the relations, the patterns and nature of exchanges between Africa and China, and the changes and continuities.By Emmanuel E. Obuah ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s foreign policy makers are under increasing pressure to contribute to global governance. While those responsible for Chinese foreign policy strategic thinking struggle to come to terms with the increased activities of a diverse group of Chinese actors in the international arena, they are simultaneously aware that Beijing is expected to address the challenges and crises that afflict the international order. In Washington and Brussels, China faces rising criticism both for its support for regimes that the United States and European Union shun due to human rights abuses as well as for Beijing’s aid programs “with no political strings attached” in developing countries. The European Commission specifically targeted the need for transparency in China’s aid policies in Africa in the Commission’s unusually straightforwardly worded “Communication” on China in late 2006. In Sudan, in particular, questions regarding China’s credibility as a responsible global actor have become pertinent. As China’s economic, political and military involvement in world affairs expands, other countries’ scrutiny of Beijing’s motives and actions in Africa will deepen. This paper will provide a concise overview of China’s evolving foreign policy toward Africa in recent years, focusing on the Sino-Sudan relationship, with the aim of shedding light on the drivers and constraints of Beijing’s motives and actions. The paper will then assess the implications of Beijing’s policy choices in Africa for its overall international relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study on Japan's informal political actors and networks will not only provide a foundation for us to further understand Japanese politics and foreign policy but will also enable us to get a better idea of how networks function in a larger context, namely between Tokyo, Beijing and Washington. Social network is not only an important part of Japanese policy making but also a crucial factor in the China-Japan-U.S. triangular relationship. Instead of providing equal attention to each parties of this triangle, this paper will focus on Japan's informal political actors and networks by examining the process of normalization in its relations with China. In addition to detailed analysis of political actors in Japanese politics and society, it also provides an account of Beijing's reaction in this significant process. In the concluding part, this paper also provides some preliminary analysis in making international comparisons particularly with the United States. Thus, it will also assist us in understanding the networks between the three powers in the Asia-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's rise as an economic and political power constitutes both an opportunity to promote regional stability as well as a threat to derail regional stability in Asia. One of the major factors effecting China's international role in the coming years will be the management of the so-called Taiwan question. Taiwan's unresolved future, as well as Sino-Japanese relations will, in turn, become increasingly significant issues within Chinese domestic politics. At present, China is doing its best to reassure its neighbors of its peaceful rise to the role of regional power. China wants to be seen as the pragmatic promoter of multilateralism to ensure regional stability, opposed to the China of previous decades, which created instability in numerous Southeast Asian countries by pursuing ideological objectives. On the other hand, when dealing with what Beijing calls a domestic affair, the so-called Taiwan question, China's stance threatens to destabilize the region, a cause of great concern throughout Asia. Increasingly, as Chinese society becomes more pluralistic, the leaders of China could conceivably come under intense pressure from factions within several domestic constituencies to adopt an even tougher stance toward Taiwan, to ensure that the goal of reunification is not nullified forever. Moreover, in the event of economic stagnation, a domestic crisis could propel the Chinese leaders to force a settlement in the Taiwan Strait in an attempt to divert public opinion away from problems at home. This paper will focus on Chinese policies in Asia, describing the development of these policies as they become more accommodating, on the one hand, while simultaneously, due to domestic constraints, more uncompromising and hard-line in the Taiwan Strait and vis-à-vis Japan. The paper will attempt to analyze the effect that the diversification of Chinese politics as well as the emphasis on China's century of humiliation have on China's dual-track Asia policy and its effects on stability in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the Global Environment Facility (GEF) and its achievements and challenges in China, the country obtaining most GEF support. This paper relies on Chinese perceptions, and less on views from the implementing agencies (IAs), the World Bank, UNDP and UNEP. Most attention is given to climate change and biodiversity. The paper asks what has been achieved; how effective has the GEF been? The study concludes that GEF funding has been important for China's environmental problems. GEF and its IAs have contributed to raised awareness and technology development and have boosted institutional capacity through participation in project activities and training. Main emphasis has been placed on climate change projects and less on biodiversity. Much has been achieved by the GEF in China, but challenges exist. At the international level, interests and roles of the GEF system, its IAs and recipient countries are not always compatible. GEF projects may suffer as a consequence. Another challenge relates to the seeming difference in effectiveness between World Bank projects and projects of the other IAs. Domestic challenges concern turf battles, problems related to information sharing, and different priorities among actors. The various government institutions' reluctance to co-operate impacts significantly on the performance of GEF projects in China. The IAs should insist on smoother collaboration, and force the institutions to work together. Moreover, severe problems are apparent regarding financing as well as application procedures. Improvements are under way regarding the GEF application procedures. This will have a limited impact unless the Chinese side simplifies and improves procedures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Broad and complicated are the scope and themes of Chinese foreign policy. Most notably, China is seen widely as a unique power when dealing with international relations in general and foreign policy crises in particular. This paper uses the Poliheuristic Theory (PH), which incorporates both psychological and rational choice components in a synthesis of these previously isolated approaches, to explain decision-making in Chinese foreign policy crises. Taken from the authoritative compilation of International Crisis Behavior (ICB) Project, the nine cases in which China is a crisis actor span the period from 1950 to 1996. A controlled comparison of Chinese decision-making in times of crisis is used to test hypotheses derived from the PH. The hypotheses focus on how decisions are anticipated to occur over two stages. Principal expectations are that the noncompensatory rule, which places priority on political considerations, will determine viable alternatives at the first stage, while choices more in line with expected value maximization or lexicographic ordering will characterize the second stage. This study consists of seven sections. After a brief overview, PH is introduced as the theoretical foundation in the second section. The third section reviews the state of the art in studies of Chinese foreign policy-making. Fourth, a controlled comparative case analysis is outlined as the method, along with hypotheses derived from PH that will be tested via nine Chinese foreign policy crises identified by the ICB Project. The fifth section includes an account of the coding procedures for the cases. Sixth, results are presented that generally confirm PH. Implications regarding the differences and similarities of the cases also are discussed. Seventh, and finally, the concluding remarks review the results and identify directions for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Working mainly from historical and sociological version of new institutionalism (NI) divergent from the mainstream IR regime theory and secondarily in line with Gramsci?s idea of hegemony, this paper explores the global dominance of the "one China" order and its discontents. It is argued that the hegemonic ?one China? order in favor of Beijing?s interest, created in a specific historical condition, has been established through the extensive and intensive institutionalization of rules concerned in both fundamental level and detailed policy realms. It is demonstrated that the ?one China? institution functions as a filter that forecloses other possibilities of historical development which were relatively open in the past, that limits Taiwan’s freedom of policy action and marginalize its diplomatic space, and that legitimates the PRC’s action in interfering in Taiwan’s international relations. Meanwhile, Beijing’s interests are embedded and entrenched in the "one China" hegemonic order. Moreover, while the institution shape agents’ organization of interests in a divergent way, its persistence hinges upon continuing practices and reproduction by the PRC or countries concerned. Finally, the state of the "one China" institutionalization was argued to be more influential than its predecessor in light of the coherence of its cultural-cognitive, normative and regulative elements and their consolidation within the hands of the PRC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the basis of the English school concepts of balances of power, great powers and middle powers, the paper argues that the US and China advocate competing concepts of regional order in the Asia-Pacific. The US prefers an order based on the instruments of war, whereas China gravitates towards instruments of diplomacy. Sino-US policies produce an unstable pattern of balancing marked by fluctuating alliance and partnership commitments, a low level of predictability, and considerable freedom of action. This intermediate type of order leaves middle powers such as ASEAN, Russia and South Korea with extraordinary responsibilities for preserving the balance. It is engendered by China’s efforts to postpone agreement on permanent mechanisms of regional order, pending the realization of its development potential allowing it to influence regional order on a par with the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the connection between power, local government policy and changes in absolute rural poverty. Understanding this insufficiently studied relationship will help us to clarify theoretical questions on the power of the state and market actors, to examine hegemonic the role of ideas in poverty reduction (including social, market and state theories), as well as to identify effective policy responses to poverty. Hegemonic and counter-hegemonic ideas and national and global forces have influenced directly the approach and policies taken by China’s increasingly powerful provincial governments. Based on a comparative analysis of two Chinese provinces (Guizhou and Yunnan) selected, one for its unexpected success and one for its unexpected failure in reducing poverty, this study incorporates data collected during fieldwork from Chinese secondary sources, interviews of knowledgeable Chinese government officials and academics, and site visits to local counties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do private entrepreneurs in China support democracy? This paper finds that in general private entrepreneurs find democracy desirable, but their concerns with the feasibility of democracy predispose them toward maintaining the status quo. This research employs a mixed method. On one hand, it draws on a national survey to show that Chinese private entrepreneurs are more likely to have democratic values than the non-entrepreneurial middle class and working class, controlling the effects of relevant political, regional and demographic factors. In-depth interviews, on the other hand, suggest that capitalists who demonstrate democratic values tend to argue that democracy is infeasible in China, at least in the near future. As a result, they adopt a pro-government stance in their economic, social and political activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]