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The paper will address the issue of state participation in international institutions. Very frequently, studies of international organisation look at state membership as the most obvious quantitative indicator of state participation in different institutional webs. However, state participation in international institutions varies significantly, although there are several methodological dilemmas as to how it would be possible to account for such variation. The paper will attempt to analyse what will be termed as institutional participation and what will be referred to as normative participation. It will seek to map the criteria that can be used for identifying various degrees of state participation in international institutions. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some foreign policy votes in Congress are partisan while others are bipartisan. This paper argues that apart from electoral connections and party ideology, international political situations drive partisanship in congressional foreign policy voting. American foreign policy towards India if analyzed during different periods has generally been policies that are bipartisan in nature. Analyses of various crucial policy decisions relating to India in the US Congress after the Cold War indicate that decisions were mostly taken in a collective manner according to apparent predictions. This paper traces the changing contours of U.S. foreign policy towards India from the latter part of the Clinton administration to 2008, to that of the administration of George W. Bush and Obama by analyzing the interactions between the two parties in the Congress to evaluate the determinants that influence policy. Some of the questions posed are: how much of a say do these actors actually have? What is the significance of a bipartisan consensus in the congress that explains decision making in the US with regard to India? This paper also demonstrates a transformation of views on India within the US Congress. The evolution and passage of the Indo-US Civil Nuclear Cooperation Agreement, illustrates the argument that foreign policy interests and goals especially in the case of India, modifies partisanship which may continue on other issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Questions relating to the legitimacy of NGOs as actors in global governance have been widely debated in recent years. In this paper, I propose and apply an approach to the question of NGO legitimacy which, rather than seeking to gauge the extent to which NGOs' involvement in global governance conforms to democratic principles or moral criteria, looks at how certain forms of subjectivity are elicited and treated as legitimate in the spaces of interaction through which NGOs participate in global governance. I focus on the case of the World Trade Organisation, and the processes of subjectification and forms of subjectivity that are promoted in the formal and informal spaces in which interaction takes place between representatives of the WTO and of civil society. I argue that only individuals who successfully perform one of a number of legitimate subject positions are accepted as legitimate representatives of (global) civil society by Secretariat officials and national delegates to the WTO, and other NGOs. The paper thus draws attention to the ways in which legitimacy is situational, i.e. it is constructed, interpreted and enacted differently in different social contexts and different fields of activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The power of audience costs to tie a leader's hands relies on a reliable punishment mechanism. Punishment by an audience, in turn, requires two related but distinct judgments by the audience: 1) a policy preference against breaking a commitment; 2) an appraisal that the leader is blameworthy for the broken commitment. We know a good deal about the first but little about the second. Both formal models (e.g. Fearon 1994) and empirical tests (e.g. Tomz 2007) assume away or confound this second stage, yet modern democratic politics offers many cases where policy reversals and failures have not damaged a national leader. This paper presents findings from a survey experiment conducted on a nationally representative sample that specifically investigates blame dynamics in public commitment scenarios associated with audience cost theory. Domestic blame targets appear to be largely ineffective while embedding a public commitment in a multilateral context permits leaders to re-direct blame when backing down and suffer almost no audience costs. The paper then uses psychological and legal theories of blame appraisal to explain this difference and develops a surprising implication: rather than boosting the credibility of military threats and uses of force, multilateralism may multiply potential blame targets and loosen rather than tighten the hands of leaders issuing public promises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of world politics increasingly recognize the Eurocentric nature of theorizing in International Relations (IR). Yet they continue to lament the impossibility of any "inter-civilizational dialogue" taking place, not to mention the transformative impact it could have. Obstacles range from issues of language to translation to terms of debate to the unequal power relations that frame these exchanges. This paper argues that "inter-civilizational dialogue" occurs daily, intimately, substantively, and self-consciously. Fashion offers one such site. A sure sign of "modernization" for non-Western peoples, for example, is to change from "traditional" to "European" dress. Similarly, postcolonial revolution compels the reverse, as Gandhi and Nehru "disrobed" from Europe when they decided to fight for India's independence. Indeed, any area key to human relations (e.g., eating, speaking, singing, courting, and so on) demonstrates easily what scholars who fixate on "discourse" seem to have such a hard time grappling with: that is, the fluidity of border crossings from one civilizational domain to the next, and back again. Specifically, this paper will examine Karl Lagerfeld's 2009 fashion exhibit in China accompanied by his short film, "Paris-Shanghai: A Fantasy.". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A decade after it was established the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation has evolved into a well-known figure in international development cooperation, especially in global health. Similar to the Rockefeller Foundation which was actively involved in shaping health as an international policy field in the first half of the 20th century, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation is looked upon as an "influential" actor in global health today. The examples of the Rockefeller and Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation invite to look into how the two philanthropic foundations could become political actors and "agents of change". Therefore the paper concentrates on the question of what makes an actor "influential". The answer to that question usually starts with power. Power as empirical phenomenon always rests on a range of resources, both material and immaterial. But "power over" is not equivalent to "power to". Consequently, the paper focuses on how to conceptualize the translation of power into influence, i.e. into an (observable) outcome or impact. The historical comparison of two instances of institutional innovation in international/global health governance, which are attributed to the influence of the Rockefeller and Gates Foundation, allows us to determine various factors which may contribute to creating influential policy actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a great need for international problem-solving that can meet the challenge to find cooperative policy solutions for complex problems that cross functional, geographic and political boundaries, such as deforestation. This paper explores the institutional architecture in which the mechanism of Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation of forests (REDD) has begun to materialize. Drawing on the literature of institutional interplay and institutional design, the paper investigates the institutional architecture and how its features matter for the creation of an additional institutional mechanism. By investigating gaps and overlaps, the paper shows that the institutional context mattered in creating REDD in overcoming a collective action problem. The paper suggests that institutional architectures are of vital importance and to understand how cooperation could be pursued and what obstacles there are in an increasingly complex setting for international cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship has found that domestic politics affects foreign aid provision and that the US uses foreign aid to attract coalition partners in its uses of force abroad. The goal of this paper is to synthesize these two research agendas. It argues that under certain conditions the US pays' for multilateralism by rewarding states for being coalition partners. These conditions are rooted in American domestic politics. When different parties control the executive and legislative branches of the US government, the US president is under greater pressure to demonstrate that actions taken abroad do not serve narrow interests. This is because divided government can hinder the viability of the mission by posing added constraints on the use of force. One mechanism for making use of force more credible is to gain international support. To generate that international support, the US political leadership makes coalition participation an attractive option for states by such positive inducements as foreign aid. Though any provision of foreign assistance is ultimately subject to the approval of Congress, the President still is able to overcome these concerns in using these instruments. This is especially true for the provision of military grants because Congress members do not have electoral incentives to vote against legislation that produces very uncertain distribution outcomes. This paper thus shows that American domestic politics matters for the level of aid weaker states are able to gain as coalition members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Security studies have expanded their actor perspective from state to human security, and embrace international organizations, business corporations, private militaries, civil society, individuals, and others among the actors relevant to analysis of different security contexts. These actors may be addressing the same empirical domain, such as when private military companies work for intervening states and cooperate with local security agencies in Afghanistan. Expanding the constructivist perspective in international relations, the notion of field from Pierre Bourdieu's work has inspired analyses that integrate multiple actors into distinct fields of security. This paper examines the use of the concept of field to distinguish particular empirical fields of security. Studies of border control in Europe, private security companies, NATO, and violence against women are examples where multiple actors are involved and a field is defined in a manner aimed to ensure that the logic of security practices can be explained. This methodological principle of drawing the boundaries of a field is basic to Bourdieu's theory, and opens for variety in the understandings and boundarydrawings of fields in international security studies depending on context. The way fields are separated analytically affects the way security is understood and explained, and the question is whether and which comparative elements fields of security have. This paper discusses fields of security by examining (1) the methodological explanation for distinguishing a field, (2) analytical results, and (3) the power relations identified across fields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly and policy interest in the involvement of religion in international relations has increased in recent years, often with a focus on various kinds of transnational religious actors - including the Roman Catholic Church, al Qaeda and Shii networks in the Middle East. Some transnational religious actors affect international order, especially networks of Islamic extremists and terrorists. This paper has several objectives. First, it examines the nature of transnational religious actors. Second, it looks at transnational religious soft power. Third, it discusses how transnational religious soft power can influence international outcomes. Fourth, it focuses on Iran's influence in Iraq in relation to Shii transnational religious networks. To be successful it appears necessary for transnational religious actors to be successful in maintaining and disseminating their global message while adapting to the local. The Roman Catholic Church was able to do this in relation to democratisation and human rights in the 1980s and 1990s and al Qaeda was able to do it for a while following the USSR's ejection from Afghanistan until its brutal methods dramatically undermined popular support. The paper contends that Shii transnational networks involving Iran and Iraq show the relatively limited capacity of Shii transnational religious actors, as they are find it very difficult to forge collective goals. Instead, such collective goals are undermined by resolutely nationalist concerns. This is not to allege that nationalism necessarily trumps religious collective goals although it seems likely that in most cases this will indeed be the case. Further work is needed on religious transnationalism actors to determine whether this is likely to be the case but the very limited evidence presented in this paper suggests that we underestimate the power of nationalism and locality at our peril when seeking to understand what religious transnationalism can accomplish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper recognizes that emerging military technologies in the 21st century are being innovated, adapted and used at an unprecedented rate in a culture of technological uncertainty which provides very little time for introspection and minimal governance. Even a cursory review of the contemporary governance architecture regarding these technologies reveals a disturbing lack of consensus regarding the necessity for governance and the methodologies to be utilized to achieve it. There is, however, considerable professional, national and international infrastructure upon which to hang a regime of articulated goals and proscriptions, if the political will could be energized to engage in such a project. This paper reviews that infrastructure and suggests that it provides an appropriate starting point for technology governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an attempt to bridge the approaches of two fields of study - international relations and science and technology studies - in order to explore the nature of the science-policy interactions in global governance. It first reviews existing theorizations in the two fields on how scientific expertise is utilized in addressing issues and problems of global significance. The paper goes on to suggest future research topics for studying the use of scientific expertise in global governance - (i) organizational diversity of global scientific advisory bodies, (ii) tradeoffs among the attributes of effective global scientific advice, (iii) differential impacts of scientific input on different stages of global policymaking, (iv) accountability problem in the global context, and (v) degree of knowledge synthesis as opposed to knowledge generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How is space governed? The increasingly popular notion of "global governance" implies the development of collaborative transnational and multi-actor networks transcending sovereign boundaries, particularly emphasizing the growth of private authority. The politics of outer space on the other hand - "the final frontier" - has often been depicted as a domain of state-centrism, whether competitive or collaborative. By contrast, this paper discusses how transnational corporate networks, quasi-governmental agencies, and public-private partnerships play crucial roles in governing the extraterrestrial. These developments do not merely concern the commercialization of space, but notably also the military and security dimensions of space programs. Our study shows that the recent framing of space as "critical infrastructure" has been pertinent to the emergence of private authority in space politics. This paper expands the applicability of the global governance literature, which has hitherto paid scant attention to "high politics" in general, and space politics in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the declining Austro-Hungarian Empire, Otto Bauer's work "The Nationalities Question and Social Democracy" (1907) appeared, within the Marxist political thought about the concept of nation, as a theoretical proposal about the issue of peripheral nationalisms. On the eve of the First World War, the Habsburg monarchy was facing a crisis of identity, in which Czechs, Croats, Poles and others were aspiring to more autonomy, and in some cases, to independence. It was in this context that Bauer presented socialism as a solution to the question of nationalities, particularly in Austro-Hungarian Empire. It is the aim of this paper to analyse Bauer's theory of nation, not merely within Austro-Marxism thinking and the political context of the Habsburg Empire in early 20th century, but more particularly with the aspiration of highlighting constructive ideas of multiculturalism presented by this author, applied to potentially explosive situations in terms of ethnic or nationalist conflict. Furthermore, which features of his theory can be linked to political and institutional nation-building processes? Does Bauer's theory can still have interest for the study of the national question? These are the questions to which this paper will try to give an answer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of UN peacebuilding efforts in post-conflict countries has grown dramatically in recent years. However the politics of contributing peacekeeping forces to these UN operations still tends to be taken for granted. Where do peacekeepers come from, and what is the politics involved in countries contributing armed forces to the UN? These are some of the questions that this paper sets out to answer. As the global deployment of UN peacekeepers is now famously second only to that of American armed forces, understanding the dynamics of peacekeeping contribution has become a necessity. This paper sets out to understand UN peacekeeping contribution in the aggregate, and to understand the place of such contributions in the context of global governance. This paper also offers a critique of existing theories of peacekeeping contribution. The implications of these massive new deployments of military personnel are sketched out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Article 73 of the UN Charter protects the interests of the inhabitants of non-self-governing territories. It requires states to "accept as a sacred trust the obligation to promote to the utmost ... the well-being of the inhabitants of these territories". This paper examines these principles in the case of East Timor, which was illegally invaded by Indonesia and occupied for 24 years while it was a non-self-governing territory. It shows that international civil society and key UN officials and bodies played a critical role in upholding the right of East Timor to be independent and the interests of its inhabitants. This paper then examines the contemporary situation to show how the global governance project affects the cause of justice for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the Indonesian military against the people of East Timor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses and analyzes European security from the perspective of Eastern Europe. The main argument is that in the region the EU is faced and has to deal with three different paradigms of European security simultaneously: cooperation, competition and conflict. The problem and challenge for the EU is that as a consensual winwin actor it is not equally or necessarily at all well prepared to play all of them. The paper introduces the main policies and instruments the EU has developed for the region and discusses the main developments/operations the EU has undertaken. The paper ends with some conclusions pondering the relative weight the three paradigms can be expected to have as well as discussing the role of the EU in the region in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines a crucial historical period (1939-1940) when political authority around the world was in serious transition. Given the possibility of a Nazified Europe, this paper explores a forgotten chapter of World War II: the shipments nearly all of Britain's liquid assets to Canada and the US. Congressional legislation at the time required Allies to pay for military and civilian goods with cash. Thus, before Lend-Lease, Britain was forced to undertake the risky enterprise of ferrying gold and dollarbased securities to North America to pay for both civilian goods and war materiel. This episode in the war highlights the value of counterfactual analysis. If the ships had been sunk or captured, Britain's precarious stance against Germany could have collapsed, and with it the hopes of the rest of the Allies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Cold War Nordic cooperation blossomed and Nordic identity was strong but defence was left outside of the Nordic framework. After the end of the Cold War, Nordic cooperation waned and it was largely replaced by cooperation within the EU framework. During the past couple of years, however, the Nordic defence cooperation has been boosted by a number of initiatives and common projects. The paper tries to analyse this recent rise of Nordic defence cooperation. Theoretically the article revolves around the question of how material and identity factors explain security cooperation in today's Europe. During the Cold War it was easy to explain that identity was important in low politics cooperation between the Nordic countries but geostrategic factors and national interests based upon them determined (the lack of) defence cooperation. Even today, Nordic defence cooperation is justified more by costefficiency and geographical proximity than by common identity. The argument of the paper is that Nordic identity nevertheless plays an important role in motivating defence cooperation. It is not driven by pure cost-efficiency or strategic calculation. The role of identity needs however to be understood not as a kind of independent force but as part of the political process. Nordic identity explains the rise of Nordic defence cooperation in three ways: it facilitates informal cooperation between defence officials at various levels, it is easy to sell it politically to domestic audiences and it is not seen as contradicting European or NATO cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious actors are important players in international development. As part of global civil society, they influence political decision-making in both national and supranational arenas. This paper makes a case for exploring the discursive power of religious actors in global governance and specifically the conditions for a successful exercise of this power. In a first step, the paper delineates the relevance of an inquiry into the discursive power of religious actors in global governance and defines the necessary concepts for such an inquiry. In a second step, the paper presents two cases plausibilizing the importance of religious actors' discursive power in development governance and allowing us to formulate preliminary insights on the conditions of a successful exercise of this power: the Jubilee 2000 campaign for debt relief and the role of Buddhist NGOs as actors in development governance in postconflict Cambodia. Most interestingly, our cases reveal that the discursive conversion of economic exchange systems into moral ones is a crucial part of the success story. With such a conversion, development is incorporated into a larger totality of transactions, i.e. becomes part of the reproduction of social and ideological systems concerned with a time-scale far longer than the individual human life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tis paper discusses the role that the Catholic Church has played as a Global Governance institution before and after the Peace of Westphalia. Te Catholic Church is in the unusual situation of having been the sole worldly international institution to function as a de facto world government. Moreover, the system of modern sovereignty was constructed in direct opposition to the rule of the Church. Unlike other institutions one must explain how the Catholic Church has survived as an institution given the changes within the international order, as opposed to accounting for how it came into being in a system of competitive sovereign states. Tis paper employs Foucauldian ideas of governmentality and bio-power to understand the survival and performance of the Catholic Church as an international regime. I contend that the biopolitics employed is better understood as psychepower: the infuence of the Church goes beyond disciplining bodily and political behaviours and seeks to strike at something far more normative, ideological, and ideational than other international institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper suggests a theory of international politics in light of Niklas Luhmann's systems theory. Traditionally, the discourse of global governance is based on the differentiation between state and non-state (or supranational). International politics is the realm in which states compete for the power of agenda-setting (influence). Simultaneously, states develop arbitrative international organizations to control their competition. The differentiation of state/non-state or competition/control is not proper to explain the possibility and limitation of political action in the world society. Such differentiation either retreats to realist mystification of power, or expects to form a normative communication that is difficult to achieve. This paper argues that we can better explain the possibility and limitation of political action in the world society with a cognitive realist theory of international politics based on Luhmann's systems theory than scientific realism and social constructivism, because it suggests a practical dynamic theory, dissolves the agent-structure problem, and contains higher explanatory flexibility rather than merely a conservative analytical framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While today many would argue that diasporas can be non-state actors as well as interest groups, there is still limited research on the topic. After all, it was only in the past decade that significant scholarly research into the international activities of diasporas was done; similarly, research on the rise of non-state actors is a relatively recent phenomenon. This paper seeks to combine these two areas of research by looking at how diasporas as non-state actors affect politics in their 'homelands'. Specifically, the paper seeks to analyze diasporas in the framework of non-state actors. Drawing on an in-depth, multi-country research project that looks at how the Lebanese Diaspora in three countries (Australia, Canada and the U.S.) participates in the "homeland", the paper will focus on how and when the Lebanese Diaspora has acted and acts in lieu of the state. Tentative conclusions include that the Lebanese Diaspora acts when the state is absent as well as because the various political factions do not want a state built and because sect divisions inside of Lebanon are mirrored in the Diaspora. Whether or not one can generalize beyond the Lebanese case will also be discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses effective multilateralism in the light of the cooperation of the European Union (EU) and the United Nations (UN) in crisis management and in the United Nations Security Council Reform. In the first part of the paper, I will focus on effective multilateralism and in which terms the EU puts into practice the recognition of the UN as the core of the multilateral order. In the second part, I will focus on crisis management and the United Nations Security Council Reform as tools for effective multilateralism. In the third part I will draw some conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This very short paper is a "first cut" of a "work in progress," based on a summary prepared at the request of the U.S. State Department Policy Planning Staff in October 2010. It will be the basis for the paper I originally intended to prepare for the panel on Positive IR: New Creative Approaches for Studying International Relations in Times of Uncertainty and Change, Annual Convention of the International Studies Association, Montreal, Québec, Canada, 15-19 March, 2011. A first version was presented as a keynote address at the conference of the Central and East European International Studies Association (CEE-ISA), St. Petersburg, Russia, 2-4 September, 2009, and various versions have been orally presented since then. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign Policy Belief Systems of Political Islamists: An Operational Code Approach. Political Islam has become a strong movement in the second half of the twentieth century. Built on the classic Islamic sources such as the Quran and the Sunna, political Islam has also been influenced by modern political ideologies (such as socialism or nationalism) as well as the Muslim history. With the end of Cold War, the political movement re-asserted itself both in democratic politics (such as in Turkey with the Refah Partisi or AKP) and also via terrorist or resistance groups in the MENA and the rest of the world. All these diverse movements, however, have been influenced by similar intellectual sources. In addition to the classic, followers of political Islam have read Muslim authors and scholars such as Seyd Qutb, Ali Shariati, Mohammed al-Ghazali, Said Nursi as well as politicians like Ruhollah Khomeini. These thinkers theorized the "ideal" Islamic state and its domestic and foreign affairs. The aim of this paper is to search for patterns of political Islam's conceptualization of foreign policy. The cognitivist literature suggests beliefs as ""subjective representations of reality" matter in the explanation of world politics in several ways not addressed very well by general international relations theories" (Tetlock 1998, 876; Schafer and Walker 2006, 4; Simon 1957). By using the operational-code construct (Leites 1951, 1953; George 1969) this paper attempts to find and analyze conceptions of political strategies and characteristics of Islamists' belief systems about contexts of action and tactics for achieving goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of how to overcome the democratic deficits of global forms of governance has lead to a pretentious academic debate which has successfully borrowed from related disciplines. To proceed in theory-building, we need to systematically assign the theory-driven assumptions on legitimate forms of governance beyond the nation-state with the various, already observable forms of global governance. Thereto, the paper is aiming at a systematic comparative appraisal of the legitimatory quality of different patterns of governance by applying suitable indicators for their measurement. The innovative potential of this paper is the application of a structured, focused comparison which interconnects a multi-dimensional concept of legitimacy (input-, throughput- and output-dimension) with the triad of international, transnational and private forms of governance. The systematic and comparative review of until now quite unrelated hypotheses in the context of different governance arrangements constitute a new quality for a plausibility test. As far as the chosen indicators show a legitimizing effect, they should serve as a standard for upcoming research studies and, by this, contribute to further systematization of studies on global governance. The results with regard to the correlation between certain forms of global governance and, respectively, their legitimacy and acceptance within the international system form the pre-stage for the formulation of a theoretical explanation of corresponding causalities. At least, the analysis of the constitutive criteria of cross-border governance arrangements in a legitimacy-based theoretical perspective shall also help to identify their discrete potential for legitimacy and indicate ways for their institutional safeguard and transformation to other arrangements. The conceptual outline will be completed by a case study on Internet Governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines democracy as an international norm of governance in international political theory and seeks to establish a connection between democratic governance and prevention of conflicts. It is the purpose of this paper to determine how significant the democratic governance as a source of global norm is for preventing international conflicts. The degree of the relationship between democratic governance and peace is tested on an analysis of democratic peace theory with its relationship to Finnemore and Sikkink.s (1998) framework of norm internationalization in order to analyze how democracy, global governance and peace have evolved to be accepted as an international norm. Democracy, the theoretical justifications for democracy, democratic peace and the historical onsets of democratic internationalism are investigated. It is proposed that the application and/or the misapplication of the international model of democracy onto those non-democratic states can lead to armed conflicts. This investigation leads to a discussion of internationalization of democratic norm and its impact on the structures of global governance. It is concluded that the efforts of the international community to foster democracy in the globe have led to a divide between Western (core) civilization and non-Western (peripheral) ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the emerging threat to the Arctic region as the ice continues to melt and new areas are opened up to foreign penetration. It examines the current international political conditions, particularly in terms of territorial, maritime, and economic issues. With the growing search for new energy resources and the rise of China, the emergence of the Northwest Passage will create a new region of potential security threats and economic opportunities to both Canada and the United States. Trillions of dollars worth of natural resources are now becoming accessible with the melting of the Arctic ice. Thousands of new miles may have to be defended, both militarily and economically, above and below the surface. Will Canada be able to protect its claim to the region and be able and willing to increase its military capabilities to meet future foreign challenges? Can the U.S. stand by and watch others penetrate and threaten the region, especially if Russia and China do so? With its economy in serious trouble for the foreseeable future, the U.S. will be extremely pressed to increase its military forces to adequately protect the Arctic region. Will Canada be able to make up the difference and/or help finance the new U.S. effort? This paper analyzes and evaluates the issue and then makes recommendations on how best to proceed. It concludes with a proposal for an Arctic Regime to stabilize and secure the region for the long term, and it makes a number of suggestions on how to structure this new international organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explain recent dramatic changes in US policy toward multilateral arms export control standards and explore its arms export practices with regard to conflict, democracy, and human rights over time. In late 2009, the United States surprised many diplomats, activists, and experts by announcing its support for the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) process, the popular UN initiative that seeks to limit conventional arms transfers to human rights violators and conflict zones. I argue that the Obama administration's sharp reversal of US opposition serves as a relatively low-cost part of its attempt to improve US image abroad through multilateral reengagement. In addition, the paper introduces new data on US small and major conventional arms transfer practices from 1981 to 2004. It finds that although the United States may set what many consider the international gold standard for national arms export policy, its export practice - like that of many other arms exporters - is often inattentive to the conflict and human rights records of its arms trade partners. Whether such trends, if continued to the present day, would detract from the United States' search for renewed status through international cooperation and "responsible" foreign policy may depend as much on its own policies and practice as on those of its peers in the international community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A change in water availability is frequently cited as a primary mechanism linking climate change to conflict. Despite the need for more systematic research on the factors that enable societies to mitigate such patterns, however, there is little comparative empirical evidence for water-related conflict or cooperation at a domestic level. From an empirical lens, one major obstacle on this issue is the lack of systematically compiled data - in particular event data on water-related intrastate conflict and cooperation. This paper reports on the construction of such a dataset for 35 Mediterranean, Middle East, and Sahel countries for the period 1997-2009. The authors offer an overview of the data collection process and the coding procedures. They discuss key challenges as well as advantages and disadvantages of particular solutions to these, which pertain to information source analyses, sampling, and intercoder reliability. The paper also presents a new scale, the Water Events Scale (WES), which records the intensity of water-related conflictive and cooperative events, and, finally, provides descriptive statistics demonstrating the utility of the new data for the study of intrastate conflict and cooperation over water resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the different meanings of "multilateralism" in both policy and scholary circles. It argues that there is no coherent concept or convergence of opinion on the meaning of "multilateraltism," which poses a major challenge in ongoing efforts to reform international instititutions and make them more accountable, legitimate, and representative. The paper argues that ironically at a time when the United States appears more committed--at least rhetorically--to working with others in advancing its foreign policy and security interests, there less consensus in the international community as to what forms such cooperation should take. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper departs from the working assumption that one way in which bilateral relations between states are organized in international politics today, is by way of special relationships founded on imperial remnants. In exploring the validity of this claim, the paper forms part of a greater research effort to theorise the concept of special relationships between states in contemporary international politics, and identify different underlying logics according to which such relationships might be structured. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to present a heuristically useful model to analyse the European political cooperation. It is observed that the convergence between the theoretical fields of European Studies and International Relations since the 1990's enabled a greater understanding of political integration not only in Europe. This progressive theoretical convergence in both fields allows the ontological generalization of premises to the development of an analytical model for the study of political integration. In this sense, by outlining a heuristically model to analyse the European political cooperation, this paper offers the first step to observe similarities and differences between political integration processes beyond Europe. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discussion on global governance in IR implies the perception that IGOs fulfil important functions in world politics. They do not merely facilitate cooperation among states but develop global rules and norms, establish a frame for states' behaviour, monitor agreements, settle disputes etc. Although some approaches highlight that IGOs become partially autonomous actors, relatively little is known if and to what extent their status is legitimized respectively how they can actively increase their legitimacy or even lose legitimacy. In order to explore these problems the paper is divided in four steps. First, the paper concentrates on IGOs as actors and describes how they can establish a certain level of world order. Second, the paper deals with the notion of legitimacy and how it can be applied to IGOs. Against this background the paper uses in the third step a system-theoretical approach from Organizational Studies perceiving (international) organizations as social systems that consist of decisions. Emancipation from states' couplings occurs if IGOs are able to construct and reconstruct their component, e.g. their decisions, identities, borders, in self-referential circles. This understanding can be applied to IGOs and can be exhausted to analyze their legitimacy. In this respect IGOs can increase legitimacy to the extent they link their decisions to law-like rules und institutionalized procedures. The theoretical concept will be illustrated by focussing on the dispute settlement mechanism within the WTO. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Meaningful global governance is hardly possible without at least some consensus on the pattern of values that necessarily underpin existing international society. Although much discussion on global governance has often been reduced to "technical" problems, such as the analysis of possible solutions to identified collective problems, this paper argues that future theories of global governance need to be placed it in a broader framework of international society. Assuming there is an inherent conflict between values in any international society, who are the main dramatis personae? This discussion inevitably leads to the issue of the structure of international society considered in its empirical, legal and political dimensions. The important question is however, how this structure is related to the theoretical and paradigmatic framework of international law. Is contemporary international law prepared to accommodate the new agents of order. This paper, by providing insight into the structure of contemporary international society, explores the role of non-state actors and their relationship with international law and draws some conclusions as well as preliminary answers to these fundamental questions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global climate change raises profound questions for political theorists. The human impacts of climate change are sufficiently broad, and generally adverse, to threaten the rights and freedoms of existing and future members of all countries; and they will almost certainly exacerbate inequalities between rich and poor countries despite the limited role of the latter in their origins. This article focuses on the question of how the burdens associated with selecting and implementing a robust global climate response ought to be distributed. This problem has two key features: identifying the nature and extent of the burdens; and identifying the agents who should shoulder these burdens. Identifying in a fair and transparent fashion the agents that should take the lead in combating climate change, as well as the precise burdens they must bear in terms of mitigation, adaptation or compensation, will be a key feature of the next generation of global climate policies. The paper argues that only a principled and philosophically robust reconciliation of three approaches to burden sharing ('contribution to problem', 'ability to pay' and 'beneficiary pays') can generate a satisfactory mix of theoretical coherence and practical application. At the time of writing, no proposal designed to replace the existing, Kyoto-based, climate architecture on its expiry in 2012 appears to meet this challenge. The paper considers, however, three climate proposals that offer some useful insights as to how the burden-sharing problem might be solved in future proposals. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the EU-China strategic partnership, signed in 2003, closer security cooperation is envisaged, but progress in this field has been little in this field. If the two security strategies - the ESS and the Chinese Paper on the New Security Concept, as well as the papers of the three major Member States of the EU, are compared, a lot of common terminology can be found.However, the connotation of these terms differ due to the differences in paradigms regarding the nature of governance of their national entities and of the international system, including the role for the US. Cooperation will therefore be most likely in the new fields of security cooperation such as pandemics, environmental threats and disaster relief. Based on this analysis, the paper will outline the opportunities and limits for EU-China security cooperation, in particular in an US-China-EU triangle ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the end of the Cold War, member states increasingly asked the UN to resolve civil wars through mediation, peacekeeping and post-conflict peacebuilding. As widely noted in the literature, the UN's peacemaking record has been positive but marked by some notable failures, usually the result of mandates imposed by the member states that greatly exceeded the resources that the organization could bring to bear. A central question for the UN Secretariat is how it can act more strategically - that is, achieve an effective fit between goals and available capacity. Both the academic literature on peacemaking and policy discourse within the UN tend to favor "multidimensional" missions as these are empirically associated with better outcomes and also conform to the UN doctrinal emphasis on addressing "root causes." But are comprehensive missions and mandates appropriate where the UN's political leverage is very limited? The peace process in Guatemala presented the UN secretariat with this problem. On one hand, the Guatemalan civil war had effectively ended even before a final peace agreement was signed, making basic peacemaking success very likely. On the other hand, Guatemala suffered from very serious institutional problems, and gross social and economic inequities, that rendered its political system prone to violence and instability. The UN mission's mandate called on it to verify and support all aspects of the peace accords, but provided little leverage to ensure compliance. This paper examines the approaches adopted by the UN at various stages of the Guatemalan peace process, and demonstrates that key decision makers chose to approach the strategic problem in Guatemala by reaching out directly to civil society rather than depending upon (limited) international political leverage vis-a-vis the government. The paper proposes alternative strategies and considers the limitations of each. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes a comparative stance in exploring different explanations for corporate behavior in conflict zones. Traditionally the state is perceived and analyzed as the central actor for the provision of public goods, especially security. Over the past few years business has gained increased attention as contributors to governance. At the same time, their contribution to security has remained remarkably under-researched. Existing research and literature on business behavior in conflict zones has often been policy-oriented and has mainly focused on how corporations contribute to violence, highlighting the extractive industries. Starting from the view that private actors play an increasing role in global governance, this paper analyses whether, how and under which conditions corporations contribute to the provision of public goods, such as economic development, political order and (even) security, in conflict zones.The authors draw insights from heuristic case studies of companies from different industries operating in four countries or regions currently or previously marked by violent conflict (Angola, African Great Lakes Region, Israel/Palestine, Northern Ireland). To describe and explain the variance in behavior of companies (i.e. their different contributions to governance), a shared analytical framework will be used by the authors. The analytical framework offers different ‘variable clusters’ (actor characteristics of companies, product and production characteristics, political and social environment of home and host state, conflict dynamics) and working hypotheses developed from existing literature and research. The heuristic case studies will provide an empirical foundation to comparatively strengthen and / or weaken (discard) variables for explaining corporate behavior. The case studies draw on interviews at corporate headquarters and local branches, analysis of corporate and third party documents, as well as field research. With this paper the authors intend to generate systematic empirical knowledge of corporate behavior and to contribute to the explanation of the role of businesses in conflict zones. As the explanation of corporate governance contributions is not core to any one theoretical domain we draw on various theoretical concepts and thereby contribute to building bridges between various disciplines (IR, peace and conflict studies, organization studies, business ethics). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a heuristic model for the international development of nonproliferation education programs. The paper draws on the examples of five nonproliferation education programs at U.S. universities, plus a program currently being developed at Fudan University in Shanghai, China. Three phases of the developmental process are studied for both international and domestic programs: program development, curriculum development, and sustainability. Lessons learned from each of the three phases are combined into a developmental model, intended to serve as a guide to the further development of these programs by practitioners. The factors that contribute to program development, where the focus is on creating a viable institution of learning, are much the same for domestic and international programs alike. The factors that contribute to curriculum development are different for domestic and international programs. For domestic programs, the locus of development is the organization. For international programs, the center of gravity is a collaborative network. In the latter, the central challenge is maintaining the commitment of multiple participants, all in the pursuit of a shared intellectual enterprise. As a curriculum matures and comes to be recognized as the hallmark of a program, the need for a robust international collaborative network diminishes. Domestic and international programs eventually converge in their developmental paths, with each facing similar sustainability issues. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper forms part of a research proposal looking at the politics of resistance and its links to the prevailing neo-liberal paradigm of world order. Even within critical theorising in International Relations there have often been only limited attempts to analyse the poor in a 'bottom-up' fashion. This paper seeks to use Robert W. Cox's and Jeffrey Harrod's (1987) concepts of 'patterns of social relations of production' and 'unprotected worker' as a vantage point to reveal the linkages between resistance and neo-liberalism. It proposes that a pilot study focusing on the European Union's Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) with South Africa is a critical case in this regard. It seeks to test the claim that rather than promoting good governance and development, the TDCA is exacerbating an environment that is increasingly hostile to liberal democracy. Since the end of apartheid, a hegemonic project of neo-liberalism has been in progress within South Africa. What this paper adds to the current literature is a discussion of the agency of social forces that may provide resistance to this project. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on various well-established theories of regime formation. In particular, it analyzes the main assumptions and parameters of realism, institutionalism, (and their offshoot theories of) legalization, and rational design by examining the role of rational utility, institutional design, consensus building through cooperation, the effects of rules and norms on state behavior, and the anarchical features of state non-cooperation. It then applies these theories to explain the parameters and implications of the recent cases referred to by the Ugandan and Congolese governments. As the relevance of these theories suggests, the ICC cannot escape the implications of power politics. Indeed, it is a global institution borne out of Realpolitik, but also capable of dealing with the effects of power politics though the implementation of its own rules, or by its own institutional design. Still, the purpose of the paper is not to advocate the transcendence of power politics, nor to defend the exclusive application of the above theories themselves, but simply to test their relevance against the recent ICC cases. Only through such an objective, the paper claims, can scholars accept or deny the relevance of these traditional theoretical perspectives. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the relevance of the institutionalization process of ad hoc multilateral conferences and their follow-up conferences. This process resulted in organizations characterized by such elements as continuity, rational-legal authority, hierarchy, independence and entrepreneurship.Under certain conditions (which refer to both the internal functioning of an international organization and its external environment) the international secretariat may develop leadership which allows international organizations to play roles that go beyond what the founders had in mind and also go beyond their means of control (constitution, regulations, bodies).The paperdiscusses relevant internal aspects of the policy cycle, such as agenda setting, a participative subsystem, decision-making arrangements, an international secretariat, international law, monitoring and feedback mechanisms as well as bureaucratic pathologies. The paper uses examples from the history of international organizations in the 19th and 20th century, which highlight the relevant mechanisms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to answer the following questions: Do states provide more foreign aid to those nations from which they can import oil? What is the relationship between foreign aid and imports/exports of oil? The current literature offers many of foreign aid determinants but little of this literature has explored the effect of oil imports on the amount of foreign aid received by the oil exporter. This paper's working hypothesis is that if state A buys oil from state B, state A will be inclined to give less foreign aid to state B. From the point of view of state A, the logic behind the inverse relationship is that the exporter's oil revenues in a sense finance the exporter's economy, so there is less need for foreign aid from state A to state B. The demand for oil and its byproducts is highly inelastic, and the revenues earned by oil exporters are substantially large. Importers consequently reduce their commitment of foreign aid to oil exporters. On the other hand, following "resource curse" literature, oil exports are related to the level of democracy in an oil-possessing country that may experience higher levels of corruption and lack of transparency and accountability of the government. Democracy is also correlated with foreign aid as donors tend to reward good governance and democratization. For these reasons, democracy is included in the model as an independent variable.To test this hypothesis, a time-series cross-section regression analysis is employed utilizing panel corrected standard errors and country fixed-effects. The analysis includes 81 countries from 1996 to 2004 for a total of about 700 observations. The states in the sample are all the countries of the Middle East, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the former Soviet Union, regardless of their possession of oil and regardless of whether they receive aid from the United States. The dependent variable is the amount of aid per capita received from the United States. The United States is selected as a donor for this study because of its prominence in provision of foreign and importance in the international system. The results of the regression analysis show that the value of oil imports to the United States has an inverse and statistically significant relationship to the amount of foreign aid the United States provides to an oil exporter. Democracy is positively related to the amounts of foreign aid. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to examine the practice of multisectoral deliberation within the Global Fund and determine whether it has resulted in providing a more deliberative response to global health priorities. In order to test the relationship between deliberative theory and multisectoral institutional practice, this paper will apply the theoretical arguments for deliberative constitutional safeguards to the results of a four year study on the multisectoral organization The Global Fund to Stop AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. By doing so, the paper will examine whether the multisectoral alternative has been able to increase deliberation and sector participation as well as determine whether it has been able to alleviate the undemocratic power imbalances and G8 centric responses associated with traditional multilateral governance. To do so, this paper will start by outlining deliberative theory and to connect these deliberative principles to the constitutional decision-making procedures and safeguards that underwrite the Global Fund Framework Document. From this connection, the paper will argue that the multisectoralism as practiced by the Global Fund continues to suffer from a deliberative deficit and that it has not safeguarded equal stakeholder participation, equal deliberation between stakeholders or alleviate the asymmetric power relationships which are representative of current forms of G8 driven multilateral governance. By making a link between deliberative theory and the practice of global health governance within the Global Fund, this paper will further argue that traditional forms of multilateral power and influence have corrupted and colonized the deliberation process of the Global Fund. In this sense, the traditional forms of multilateral power and wealth have managed to undermine the constitutional safeguards that were meant to protect equal deliberation and the decision-making process of the Global Fund. By locating various deficits between theory and practice, the last section will briefly outline four possible deliberative safeguards that might, if constitutionally enhanced, pull the multisectoral organization closer to its own normative values as well as toward a more genuine practice of deliberative decision-making. From this, the paper will conclude by exploring the implications involved in using deliberative theory to evaluate deliberative practice and to highlight what insights this research may have on future studies that seek to connect deliberative theory to empirical practice. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discussion on global governance in IR implies the perception that IGOs fulfil important functions in world politics. They do not merely facilitate cooperation among states but develop global rules and norms, establish a frame for states’ behaviour, monitor agreements, settle disputes etc. Although some approaches highlight that IGOs become partially autonomous actors relatively little is known if and to what extent their status is legitimized respectively how they can actively increase their legitimacy. In order to explore these problems the paper is divided in four steps.First, the paper briefly describes IGOs and argues that coming from an IR perspective most approaches assume IGOs either as instruments for member states interests, as arenas where states meet and negotiate or as actors carrying out tasks and fulfilling functions that are assigned to them by states. The paper concentrates on IGOs as actors and describes how they can establish a certain level of world order.Second, the paper deals with the notion of legitimacy and how it can be applied to IGOs. In general the concept of legitimacy is linked to states and has to be broadened. Furthermore legitimacy is not perceived as an ‘all or nothing’ concept but as a more comprehensive model that embraces different types of legitimacy. Against this background the paper uses in the third step a system-theoretical approach from Organizational Studies. Against this background organizations are perceived as social systems that consist of decisions. Organization's function is to absorb uncertainty by the production of decisions. That means the source for autonomization lies in the IGO itself and more precisely in their ability to make decisions that are recursively linked to former decisions they have produced. Emancipation from states' couplings occurs if IGOs are able to construct and reconstruct their component, e.g. their decisions, identities, borders, in self-referential circles. This understanding can be applied to IGOs and can be exhausted to analyze their legitimacy. In this respect IGOs can increase legitimacy to the extent they link their decisions to law-like rules und institutionalized procedures. These theoretical ideas are illustrated in the fourth step. The dispute settlement mechanism of the WTO is a good example to depict how it produces decisions and these decisions are legitimized by referring to the constitution, principles and the agreements of the WTO. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) was created to 'contribute to peace and security' by promoting intellectual and ethical collaboration among nations. In order to realize its goals UNESCO has spent 60 years investing in Education For All as a basic human right, the development of all cultures and intercultural dialogue. It is therefore ironic that the terrorist attacks of 9/11 occurred in the year 2001 which was officially being observed as the United Nations Year of Dialogue among Civilizations. UNESCO promptly responded to these attacks by adopting a resolution 'expressing its sorrow and indignation' and asserting that while terrorism can never be justified, the world community requires a global and inclusive vision of development. This paper examines UNESCO's Medium Term Strategy - 2008-2013 which maintains continuities with the past and concern for building a just world order but is also alive to the 21st century condition - the breakdown of trust and dialogue between communities. The paper also attempts to evaluate the practical value of an organization such as UNESCO by examining its proposed Programme and Budget for 2008-2009 and ends with a comment on philosophical debates about the possibility of dialogue among civilizations and how UNESCO can promote shared values. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Principle of local ownership is an established doctrine in international society. It is so in the field of international peace operations or a wider area of international cooperation. However, there are difficulties in achieving the principle in reality. Particularly because recent international peace operations often take place in fragile states, the achievement of local ownership is a highly critical as well as difficult goal. The perspective of “capacity development” is often emphasized in the field of developmental aid and has also been referred to in peacebuilding activities. But as in developmental aid, capacity development programs for peacebuilding also face theoretical as well as practical difficulties. This paper takes the position that international peacebuilders should not and cannot abandon the principle of local ownership and the perspective of capacity development, while it is a matter of course that we need to take into consideration the limits and the difficulties in conducting peacebuilding in accordance with the principle and the perspective. The paper thus identifies and analyzes the nature and predicaments of the principle of local ownership in peacebuilding and then discusses what kind of policy implications for capacity development ought to be found as a result. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]