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Copyright of Revista MAD is the property of Revista MAD and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Aportes Para la Integración Latinoamericana is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Las teorías de la dependencia constituyen unas de las conceptualizaciones más sistemáticas y originales para el análisis de la posición de América Latina en el capitalismo mundial. No obstante, en la década del 70, paralelamente a su desarrollo, un conjunto de autores marxistas cuestionaron el nacionalismo y/o regionalismo teórico que se encontraba presupuesto en los análisis dependentistas al considerarlo inadecuado, tanto para el análisis del capitalismo, en general, como de su especificidad regional. Aquí retomamos los planteos críticos elaborados por Aníbal Quijano, Francisco Weffort y Agustín Cueva. El propósito de este artículo es reconstruir estas críticas mostrando el modo en cómo se deriva de ellas una concepción alternativa del sistema mundial y, por tanto, del problema de la desigualdad regional.

In the article I move forward with the development of a new theory of World Society, and in particular of a theory of capitalism rooted in the history of the 20th Century, which follows from a proposal for paradigmatic renewal that I call the "World Paradigm". To this end, I engage in a selective dialogue with Marx's work. I start from the assumption that the World Society is created in the middle of the 20th century and, along with it, that the economy is only at that time mundialised, generating a new capitalist formation which I call the "Intercapital System". In this paper I assimilate Marx's methodological contributions to the study of social change and focus on two decisive aspects of the Marxian vision: the genesis and the historical evolution of capitalism. Attention to this last point allows me to analyse - among other aspects - the way in which Marx approaches the "colonial question". Each section of the paper is preceded by my preliminary view of the issue, and the conclusions seek to highlight the value of this proposal for renewal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a reflection on the concept of "world society" by Esteban Torres (2021). First, the articulation between the different social spheres that constitute, according to the author, the world society is problematized through the figure of the Borromean knot. It is argued that this figure gives theoretical support to the properties that define the interaction between those spheres: their irreducibility and inseparability; and at the same time, it allows capturing the triadic movement that this concept involves. Then, this nodal logic is transferred to the problem of dependence to suggest that the type of causality that explains the processes of social change in world society is better understood if it is thought of in terms of Althusserian overdetermination. Finally, the future horizon of what is called dependentista realism -the Latin American translation that Torres suggests of the "capitalist realism" of Mark Fisher- is questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article I develop some components of a new theory of World Society, rooted in a non-Eurocentric history of the planet, which broadly takes into account the social transformations of the last centuries. This proposal builds on the guiding principles of the "World Paradigm" that I have been developing. Among other issues, here I propose to move from the idea of national society to the notion of "Intersociety". I then present the systems that make up contemporary World Society and that were created through a long historical succession: the Natural system, the Patriarchal system, the Interracial system, the Interstate system, the Intercapital system and the Intercommunication system. I then discuss, on an abstract level, the question of the social determination of all of them. Finally, I concentrate on the conceptual development and analysis of the "Intercapital system", in order to offer a new interpretation of the history of capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista MAD is the property of Revista MAD and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

English School accounts of international relations always stressed some degree of interaction between political international society and ideational world society. Yet, English School research, relying on agential and structural premises, often misses how and where international society and world society interact. If intermediation between the two societies is identified, it often remains abstract. I argue that identifying agents and the standards defining their practices helps to understand intermediation between international society and world society. I suggest that likely candidates that practice intermediation are rooted in both international society and world society. This is because practices rooted in both realms are also defined by the standards of both realms. I argue that the Pope and the United Nations Secretary-General are likely intermediation instances between international society and world society. Both are equally footed in international society and world society. Given their organizational embedding in international society, both rely on practices informed by international society standards such as diplomacy. Yet, both also rely on world society standards such as their concern for humanity. Focusing on the sanctity of the individual rather than only on state-based interests and agendas of international society marks their concern and caring for refugees. I illustrate this argument with advocacy, an intermediation practice. Deprived of membership in a community, solutions for refugees in international society require political and moral theory from world society, relying on concepts such as humanity. Advocating for refugees on the grounds of world society's common humanity, the Pope and the United Nations Secretary-General are intermediation instances between world society and international society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing scholarship documents large worldwide increases in women's participation in the public sphere over recent decades, for example, in education, politics, and the labor force. Some scholars have argued that these changes follow broader trends in world society, especially its growing liberalism, which increasingly has reconfigured social life around the choices of empowered and rights-bearing individuals, regardless of gender. Very recently, however, a variety of populisms and nationalisms have emerged to present alternatives to liberalism, including in the international arena. We explore here their implications for women's participation in public life. We use cross-national data to analyze changes in women's participation in higher education, the polity, and the economy 1970–2017. We find that women's participation on average continues to expand over this period, but there is evidence of a growing cross-national divergence. In most domains, women's participation tends to be lower in countries linked to illiberal international organizations, especially in the recent-most period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La crisis socio-sanitaria generada por la proliferación acelerada del Covid-19 está produciendo una recentralización del estado en la sociedad mundial. El mismo movimiento está recreando dos formas estatales novedosas: la del estado protector y la del estado agresor. La expansión de la función protectora, a su vez, está co-produciendo en tiempo récord una nueva legitimidad política de excepción. Esta última tiende a alterar en algún grado las dinámicas de legitimación de los órdenes estatales que venían progresando de modo tendencial en la gran mayoría de las sociedades de occidente desde la década de 1980. A partir del empleo de fuentes secundarias, el presente trabajo se propone avanzar en el análisis sociológico de este proceso general de transformación del estado y de la legitimidad política en la presente coyuntura, tanto en América Latina como en el conjunto de la sociedad mundial. El artículo se orienta a la identificación de las líneas centrales de progresión futura de los procesos sociales involucrados.

Realizamos en este trabajo una lectura genealógica, y a su vez, una actualización y proyección del criterio ético-político del bien común en el contexto de la sociedad global actual. Para ello, realizamos un diálogo crítico sobre el signijicado de este criterio en autores clásicos de la tradición occidental. y sobre el modo en que han sido empleados y resignijicados en las sucesivas épocas hasta nuestros días. En ese diálogo y para esa reconstrucción, prestamos especial atención al sentido civilizatorio y normativo que juega el bien común en los pensadores jesuitas en el mundo globalizado que surge desde el siglo XVI, como Francisco Suárez (1548-1617), y particularmente desde la conciencia de crisis e insostenibilidad de los dinamismos que rigen en ese mundo global, y que se analiza en la obra de Ignacio Ellacuría (1930-1989). Así, mostramos la pertinencia crítica y ética del criterio del bien común de la humanidad desde nuestros desafíos históricos, como elemento normativo para evaluar, orientar y relanzar éticamente las interacciones y las plurales prácticas e instituciones sociales que operan en la sociedad mundial. Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 155, 2020: 105-129

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Studies of nonviolence have taught us much about what makes nonviolence successful, emphasizing the importance of local circumstance and strategy. Little attention has been given to the effect of ties with international organizations on nonviolence: that is, how the embeddedness of local actors in global networks shapes nonviolent mobilization. In this article, a world society framework is applied with the objective of understanding the transnational factors shaping local nonviolent mobilization. Through global and historical models exploring political, economic, and cultural factors, it is found that: first, the global integration and structure of the nation-state is an important and significant factor in shaping the emergence of nonviolent movements; second, integration into global civil society networks significantly increases the likelihood for large-scale nonviolent resistance; and third, ties to a specialized network of nonviolent organizations significantly shape the path toward nonviolence over violent means of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En los últimos 20 años, aunque de manera esporádica, desde América Latina han surgido ciertas reinterpretaciones del legado luhmanniano respecto de la autopoiesis del derecho. Los trabajos pioneros de Marcelo Neves referidos a la alopoiesis jurídica en los países periféricos son aún escasamente valorados y discutidos. Otro investigador, como Aldo Mascareño, habla de la organización concéntrica de América Latina. No obstante, Mascareño no pone en discusión la existencia real de la diferenciación funcional, como sí lo hace su colega brasileño. Pese a esta diferencia, ambos coinciden en la primacía del código del poder por sobre las operaciones jurídicas. Mascareño, en estos casos, hablará de ‘episodios de desdiferenciación’, mientras que Neves sostendrá, directamente, la ruptura de la clausura operativa del sistema, con la consiguiente disolución de la autopoiesis. El objetivo de este trabajo es confrontar estas diferentes visiones sobre el funcionamiento del sistema jurídico en América Latina, haciendo foco en los argumentos esgrimidos con el fin de sostener la atipicidad de esta región.

El análisis planteado en el presente artículo parte con una revisión del origen del estado moderno y la relación que desde ahí establece con el derecho internacional público, poniendo especial énfasis en cómo para este último la noción de soberanía, más que constituir un problema para su desarrollo, ha pasado a ser una de las condiciones que le han favorecido. Posteriormente, en la misma línea de análisis se revisa la dimensión normativa del derecho internacional público y cómo esta posee una capacidad vinculante capaz de abordar las exigencias y demandas de una sociedad compleja. Se ligarán tales potencialidades a la posibilidad de despliegue de un nuevo modelo democrático universalizado para finalizar con una revisión crítica de las condiciones requeridas para la constitucionalización del derecho internacional público.

Este artículo tiene por objetivo reflexionar críticamente sobre la integración social de los pueblos originarios en el contexto de la globalización sistémica y de la mundialización de los vínculos sociales. Para ello se realiza un análisis crítico respecto de la teoría social de la modernidad, la cual hoy no provee de las categorías necesarias y suficientes para realizar la reflexión crítica señalada. Se propone como alternativa un marco categorial praxeológico que nos permite acceder a una comprensión del vínculo social no etnocéntrica para desde ella articular una breve reflexión sobre la conceptualización de los actuales problemas de integración social, cultural y política del pueblo MapucheThe article reflects critically upon the social integration of original people in the context of the systematic globalization of social bonds. The principal argument proposes that existing social theories on modernity actually do not provide the necessary categories to sufficiently develop the proposed critical reflection. As an alternative, the article presents a conceptual framework based upon a praxis logic that permits access to non ethnocentric social bonds. Within this framework the article reflects upon the present problem of the social, cultural and political integration of the Mapuche people

The world society/polity perspective developed by John Meyer, his collaborators, and his students has grown tremendously over the past three decades. It is, however, theoretically and conceptually imprecise in one crucial respect: the very terms by which the perspective is called -- 'world polity' and 'world society' -- are used interchangeably and indiscriminately. This article proposes the utility of developing an implicit conceptual distinction between these terms. The world polity and world society describe, respectively, the state-centric and civil society dimensions of the global institutional order. After explicating key differences between the world polity and world society, the author offers suggestions for operationalizing these concepts in empirical research and considers possible avenues of inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The systemic sociological theory developed by Niklas Luhmann states that contemporary society organized on a global scale is the product of the functional differentiation between various (sub)systems such as those of economics, ethics, law, media, politics, science, religion, art and teaching, etc. According to this perspective, it is a society whose functioning is polycentric, formed of different (interdependent) social subsystems that are not structured hierarchically, but rather "heterarchically", as no subsystem enjoys a priori dominance over the rest. Based on the metaphorical matrix to have emerged from biology that facilitated a theorization of such systems as being autopoietic, the legal system was characterized as responsible for the immune function. In the constitutional, national and transnational courts, legal systems merge with the political system, with this fusion able to influence other partial systems, un-differentiating them, and this collapse threatening to liquidate the already debilitated social global system, in producing something similar to the syndromes of autoimmune deficiencies. Autoimmunity is an affix: what aims to protect us is what destroys us. To duly confront it, we suggest examining whether an immunological shift has occurred to the autopoietic paradigm, in which artificial intelligence systems would also be integrated with the biological and social systems, which does in fact appear to be on the rise in global society, in its post-industrial or so-called information phase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current globalization poses serious challenges facing the regulation of conduct of multinational corporations. Specifically, the labor law is being attacked by the forces of neoliberal economic policy, inadequate transnational law and the limited capacity of the nation state to enforce the law, especially in developing countries. This paper enriches the debate about the social and business regulation from the perspective of sociological systems theory. Based on the analysis of Luhmann communications rather than the actions or interactions, the paradigm of reflexive law reconciles social and economic regulatory objectives, contributing to more effective modes of regulatory governance and participatory. However, beyond the industrialized economies, the realities of industrial relations conflict and deep inequality have so far limited the adoption of reflective analytical law, presenting opportunities for additional theoretical and methodological reflections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista MAD is the property of Revista MAD and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Thinking about global social policy can take many paths, ranging from empirical studies to theoretical reflections, from in-depth investigations to conceptual clarifications. This article provides a cultural and constructivist perspective to the debate on how to theorize global social policy. The main argument of this article is that a combination of world society theory and discourse analysis can provide a new and fruitful angle for global social policy research. Such theorizing involves clarifying definitions and conceptualizations, and the development of analytical strategies. The article first points out parallels in the definition of the ‘global’ in global social policy and world society research. Based on these shared understandings, it then introduces the core concepts and assumption of neo-institutionalist world society theory and discusses their implications for global social policy research, with a specific focus on the conceptualization of actors and the debate on homogeneity. Next, it discusses the newly emerging discourse analytical perspective on globalization processes within world society research and its corresponding analytical strategies. The article uses the case of early childhood to exemplify how the formation and transformation of global social policy can be analysed from such a discourse theoretical world society perspective, focusing on the conditions for the formation of statements, the formation of objects and concepts, and the formation of strategies. It concludes by summarizing the theoretical and analytical consequences of this perspective for global social policy research. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Cinta de Moebio is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Ciencas Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the mid-twentieth century it became increasingly evident that traditional analytical tools of the economic, political and sociological theoris were insufficient to explain the new patterns of interaction and the multinational, transnational and supranational phenomena that overflowed the borders of the nation state. New realities constituted a higher plane of an interconnected world a structure of suprastatal interactions, which dynamics and effects demanded the formulation of a unified theory. Three broad approaches: the controversy about the clash of civilizations, the discussion on globalization and the theorists of risk society suggested the possibility of such theory. This paper addresses three attempts of formulation: 1). from an economic perspective (theories of development, dependence and the “world system"); 2). from a political standpoint (the “world polity" of the neo-institutionalists); and 3). from the sociological perspective (the “global society “ of Niklas Luhmann). Our conclusion is that against both the economistic and the political approaches, Niklas Luhmann offers a less unilateral and more complete theoretical solution by transferring to a higher global level the old concept of society whose borders have long been overwhelmed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista MAD is the property of Revista MAD and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Alongside the tradition of social theory, the concept of territory has been widely used but poorly systematized. It is generally employed in an objective sense, namely as a territory which contains social relations and exerts causal efficacy upon the production of the social. On the contrary, from a system-theoretical point of view, this paper holds the hypothesis that the territory is a conceptual construction produced in the social and temporal dimensions of meaning, which in turn reflects the operation of the factual dimension in terms of positions, distances, and limits. In order to substantiate this hypothesis, anthropological, sociological, and political theories drawing upon the concept of territory are revised, their limitations exposed, and some theoretical elements are extracted from aiming to identify the meaning and function of the territory in modern society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extending Hirschman’s ‘Exit—Voice—Loyalty’ framework, the authors distinguish between attitudinal and relational aspects of loyalty. They hypothesize that co-workers’ support for voice will moderate the effect of relational, but not attitudinal loyalty on voice. In line with the study’s hypotheses, multilevel analyses of survey data on 204 voice actions (concerning three issues) of 121 employees in a Dutch public sector organization showed that the effect of relational loyalty (operationalized as social relations) on voice depended on context and issue. When department members perceived serious problems, relational loyalty decreased the likelihood of voice for one of the issues. For another issue, relational loyalty increased the likelihood of voice when department norms encouraged voice. By contrast, attitudinal loyalty (operationalized as organizational commitment) had no effect on voice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article challenges conventional assumptions associating localization with cultural divergence. Based on ethnographic research of the life insurance business in China, it explores how localization may intertwine with homogenization, and why it may not subvert cultural hegemony. The data illustrate how transnational life insurers disseminated new practices and new ideas to the Chinese population; how they localized their practices according to local conditions; and how the newly emerged domestic insurers imitated and deviated from the organizational practices of the transnational firms. Borrowing insights from institutional theories, the article analyses why an initial divergence of product lines and marketing strategies between transnational and domestic life insurers soon disappeared, and why homogenizing dynamics took place. The article argues that localization is by no means a guarantee, nor an indicator, of divergence, and the so-called ‘two-way street’ of cultural flows between the global and the local are far from balanced. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the 19th century, the 'social question' was the central subject of extremely volatile political conflicts between the ruling classes and the working-class movements in Europe, North America and Australia. Are we now on the verge of a new social conflict, this time on a transnational scale? This analysis seeks to clarify main concepts and thus set the stage for future empirical research. The main argument is that various factors discourage one from expecting the establishment of sanctionable global social norms in the form of transnational social rights and social citizenship but that such a conclusion could be altered as a result of the mobilizing force of a politics of rights and obligations. The following five issues are thereby examined. First, what are the origins of the debate on transnational social rights? Second, what theoretical concepts are meaningful for an analysis of the transnational social question? Third, how advanced or fragmentary are social rights and citizenship in the different partial worlds? Fourth, how are existing transnational social standards regulated? Finally, what are the implications for an empirical analysis of the politics of social rights and social standards? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]