Search

Şer’iyye sicilleri idari, siyasi, iktisadi ve hukuki alanlarda birçok bilgiyi ihtiva etmesi açısından önemli bir kaynak grubunu oluşturmaktadır. Osmanlı Devleti’nde bilhassa Tanzimat Dönemi’ne kadar şer’i mahkemelerde tutulan bu kayıtların birçoğu günümüze kadar intikal etmiştir. Böylelikle Osmanlı Devleti bünyesinde bulunan birçok kazaya ait değerli bilgilere ulaşılmıştır. Şer’iyye sicilleri vasıtasıyla hakkında birçok yeni bilginin öğrenildiği kazalardan bir tanesi de Amasya’dır. Amasya’ya ait birçok şer’iyye sicili transkripsiyon edilmiştir. Yapılan bu çevirilerden istifade edilerek farklı alanlarda birçok yeni çalışma ortaya koyulmuştur. Ancak yayınlanan çalışmaların çoğu iktisadi alanla sınırlı kalmıştır. Bilhassa şer’iyye sicilleri çerçevesinde, Amasya’da dinî hayatı konu edinen herhangi bir çalışma tespit edilememiştir. Bu sebeple belli bir dönem aralığında, dinî hayata dair bazı bilgilerin sunulması, çalışmanın ayırıcı özelliğini oluşturmaktadır. Nitekim dinî kurumlara birçok müslim-gayrimüslim tayini yapılmış, ihtida edenler ve ölmeden önce İslâmi usullere göre mallarını bağışlayanlar olmuştur. Ortaya koyulan çalışma, bu gibi birçok bilgiyi ihtiva etmektedir. Ele alınan bu çalışmanın ana kaynağını 71 ve 72 numaralı Amasya Şer’iyye Sicillerinin orijinal belgeleri ve bu sicillerin transkripsiyon edilerek hazırlanan tez çalışmaları oluşturmaktadır. Ayrıca bazı bölümlerde Osmanlı arşiv vesikalarından da istifade edilmiştir. Bu kaynaklar vasıtasıyla Amasya’da 1818-1827 yılları arasında, dinî hayata dair nelerin yaşandığını ortaya koymak amaçlanmıştır. Böylelikle şer’iyye sicillerinde dinî hayat ile ilgili ne gibi bilgilerin bulunabildiği görülmüş olacaktır. Ayrıca Amasya’da dinî hayatın ne şekilde yaşandığı, gayrimüslimlerin genel durumu ve müslim-gayrimüslim ilişkileri gibi hususlarda yeni bilgilerin ortaya konması hem Amasya hem de İslâm tarihi açısından büyük bir öneme sahip olduğu kanaatindeyiz.

The third expansion of the Islamic Caliphate (AD950–1450) produced the need for formalising an ethical framework to create an institutionalised approach to market regulations. During these times significant contribution to the literature was made regarding the modelling of the ethical premise of the duty to subscribe good and prohibit wrongs. It ranged from the formation of vigilante-styled civil duties to the institutionalisation of ethics in the form of the institution of hisbah, which is broadly understood as a quasi-autonomous non-governmental organisation (quango) designed to establish the ethical mandate within the medieval Muslim world. Our investigation maps the development of thoughts on embedding ethical rules in markets and within society between AD950–1450. This study explores and conceptualises the models for market regulations proposed by Al-Mawardi (d.AD1058), Al-Ghazali (d.AD1111), Ibn Taymiyya (d.AD1328), and Ibn Khaldun (d.AD1406). We formulate and compare the ethical models of these scholars in the context of their political–social positionings. The rationale for choosing these four scholars is the wide articulation and recognition of their logical ideas throughout Islamic history. This research examines the historic–ethical patterns within the corpus of Islamic thoughts that provide a discourse deixis for constructing regulatory models as conceptualised by these scholars for the institutionalised governance of markets and society in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Islamic Civilization Studies / İslam Medeniyeti Araştırmaları Dergisi (IMAD) is the property of Islam Medeniyeti Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article focuses on the Council (Divan) of Amid in Diyarbekir Province as a petition-receiving institution throughout the eighteenth century. By drawing on the court records of the city of Harput, one of the sub-districts of Diyarbekir, and the tax farming registers of the larger province, the article discusses the role of the provincial governor in legal procedures. It argues that the Provincial Council had an important function in the operative field of law as it made it possible for the petitioning subjects in Harput to obtain judgments reviewed in the court of Harput in the form of 'trial de novo '. While situating the emergence of the Council in the political-economic context of the time, the article also argues that the Provincial Council was an early modern institution which, in part, paved the way to the constitution of the nineteenth century provincial administration of the Tanzimat state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accurate spatiotemporal data on avalanches is crucial for the development and safety of the Central Tianshan Mountains. However, the existing inventory has problems such as low spatial resolution and limited usability. To gather high precision avalanche distribution data and analyze their spatiotemporal distribution patterns, a collaborative ‘air-space-ground’ sensing network, was employed alongside a ‘snow field-terrain’ filter to construct an avalanche inventory database. The study found that avalanche has lower reflectivity and a rougher textured surface in contrast to undisturbed snow. This led to the identification of 639 avalanches in winter and 1,083 in spring from SuperView-1 images, with accuracy exceeding 0.91, while the QADI (Quantity and Allocation Disagreement Index) remained below 0.08. The results revealed that almost all avalanches are distributed in mountainous terrain with low relief, on sunny and semi-sunny slopes with an altitude of 2,662–3,346 m and a slope of 16°–48°, as well as in grassland and bare land. New avalanches in spring are mainly distributed where the increase in solar radiation is moderate and the snow depth increases by 0.44–0.59 m. The high-precision avalanche inventory offers spatial information service function, aiding decision-makers to seize development opportunities.

The article examines the historical experience of regulation of the issues of spiritual authorities of Muslim communities in 1880s by the authorities of the Kuban region, as well as appointment of aul mullahs, increasing the role of qadis in mountain verbal courts. The issue of spiritual governance of Muslim communities is important for understanding the process of Russian civil governance formation in the North Caucasus, which was associated with overcoming both the biased attitude of officials towards the Caucasian peoples and fears, for example, of the Adyghs (Circassians) of losing their ethnic identity and connection with the Muslim the world. Such a negative state of the Circassian population of the Kuban region manifested itself in their permanent desire to move to Turkey for permanent residence. And in the context of examining the Russian-Caucasian relations, it is relevant to study such a positive experience in regulating the issues of spiritual governance of the Muslim communities of the North Caucasus. In the article the author followed scientific principles in conducting the research and used a wide range of references on the history of the Adyghs (Circassians), which also included a large amount of archival material, suggesting a comprehensive coverage of historical facts on the issue. The author’s adherence to the principle of historicism made it possible to examine the activities of the civil authorities of the Kuban region in dynamics from actual events in specific historical conditions to reasoning about their causes and consequences. The author concludes that the Russian authorities raised the issue of improving the organization of the activities of the Muslim clergy, while trying not to create an overloaded bureaucratic apparatus. The Muslim clergy in the districts of the Kuban region that needed control spiritual power, obtained it in the person of qadi of the district Gorsky verbal courts.

This is the little-known story about an Australian sheikh, Ishak Imamovic, a qadi (Sharia judge) of Bosnian Muslim ethnic origin (Bosniak), and his forgotten pioneering book, the Outlines of Islamic Doctrine, which was published in Australia. The article comprises three parts: Ishak settling in Australia, his community engagement and a review of his book. It links Ishak's ethnic background, adjustment to a new homeland and Muslim Australianness through his contributions to the Bosnian ethnic and multi-ethnic Muslim communities in Queensland, and his scholarly book. This article considers Ishak as a first qadi and Muslim book author, especially after the Second World War in Australia. However, his scholarly legacy is still unknown among Australian Muslim and non-Muslim scholars and students. The article is an "Ishak's call" for better understanding of Islamic ideals and social virtues in the context of his legal considerations. It is primarily based on my discovery of his book, remarks from his descendants, friends and scholars, and the available archival data I read during my field trips to Brisbane in 1997, 2017 and 2023. By doing so, this article recommends reading Ishak's 1971 magnum opus against scholarly ignorance and oblivion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cloud cover effects make it difficult to evaluate the mangrove ecosystem in tropical locations using solely optical satellite data. Therefore, it is essential to conduct a more precise evaluation using data from several sources and appropriate models in order to manage the mangrove ecosystem as effectively as feasible. In this study, the status of the mangrove ecosystem and its potential contribution to coastal resilience were evaluated using the Google Earth Engine (GEE) and the InVEST model. The GEE was used to map changes in mangrove and other land cover types for the years 2009 and 2019 by integrating both optical and radar data. The quantity allocation disagreement index (QADI) was used to assess the classification accuracy. Mangrove height and aboveground biomass density were estimated using GEE by extracting their values from radar image clipped with a digital elevation model and mangrove vector file. A universal allometric equation that relates canopy height to aboveground biomass was applied. The InVEST model was used to calculate a hazard index of every 250 m of the shoreline with and without mangrove ecosystem. Our result showed that about 16.9% and 21% of mangrove and other vegetation cover were lost between 2009 and 2019. However, water body and bare land/built‐up areas increased by 7% and 45%, respectively. The overall accuracy of 2009 and 2019 classifications was 99.6% (QADI = 0.00794) and 99.1% (QADI = 0.00529), respectively. Mangrove height and aboveground biomass generally decreased from 12.7 to 6.3 m and from 105 to 88 Mg/ha on average. The vulnerability index showed that 23%, 51% and 26% of the coastal segment in the presence of mangrove fall under very low/low, moderate and high risks, respectively. Whereas in the absence of mangrove, 8%, 38%, 39% and 15% fall under low, moderate, high and very high‐risk zones, respectively. This study will among other things help the stakeholders in coastal management and marine spatial planning to identify the need to focus on conservation practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Osmanlı Devleti’nin hukuk sistemi içerisinde önemli bir yer teşkil eden kadılık müessesesi ,adli ve mülki işlemleri yürütmekle sorumlu bir memuriyet olarak kabul edilmiştir. Osmanlı Devleti’nin kuruluşundan son anına kadar bu görev devam etmiş ve medreseler kadı yetiştiren en önemli eğitim kurumları olmak gibi bir işlev üstlenmiştir. Osmanlı Devleti’nde kadılar devletin resmi mezhebi olan Hanefî fıkhına göre hüküm verirlerdi. Kadılık vazifesi idari olarak kaza, sancak ve eyalet gibi birimlere göre farklılık göstermekteydi. Kaza kadıları Rumeli, Anadolu ve Mısır gibi üç farklı bölgeye göre sınıflandırılırdı. Rumeli kadıları bu bölgenin kazalarında görev yapardı. Anadolu ve Mısır kadıları da kendi bölgelerinde kadılık görevlerini ifa ederdi. Rumeli bölgesinin kadılarından sorumlu olan kişi Rumeli kazaskeri, Anadolu ve Mısırdaki kazalardan sorumlu olan kişi de Anadolu kazaskeriydi. Her iki kazasker de kendi bölgelerinin idari işlerine bakar ve kadıların atanmasından sorumlu olurdu. Sancak veya eyaletlerde kadılık yapanlara mevali denir, nihai terfi sonucunda İstanbul kadılığına kadar yükselmek mümkün olurdu. Ancak payitahtta kadı olabilmek için Bursa ve Edirne gibi bölgelerde kadılık payesini aldıktan sonra fiilen kadılık yapmak gerekirdi. İstanbul kadılığının akabinde Anadolu ve Rumeli kazaskeri olma imkanı da oluşmaktaydı. Osmanlı Devleti’nin idari taksimatında şeyhülislamlar kazaskerlerin üzerinde yer almaya başlayınca 40 akçeden fazla maaş alan müderrislerin ve kadıların atanmasından da onlar sorumlu olmaya başladı. Kadılar şerʿî ve hukuki davalara ilaveten halkın ihtiyacı olan işlere, alışverişlere, asgari ve sabit fiyat uygulamalarının usulüne, memleket dışına çıkarılabilecek eşyalara, yasak eşyaların ise engellenmesine, savaş alet ve edevatının teminine, askeri işlerin dışında kendi bölgelerinde temizliğin sağlanmasına ve bunun gibi diğer işlere de bakar ve zabıta ile beraber bu işlerin tamamını yerine getirmeye çalışırlardı. Kadıların bu görevlerini yerine getirmesinde naipler onlara vekalet edebilirler, kadı namına iş yaparak hüküm verebilirlerdi. Türkiye’deki yazma eser kütüphanelerinde mevcut birçok âlime ait icâzetnâme bilimsel açıdan araştırılmaya ihtiyaç duymaktadır. Bu çalışmada aslen Çanakkale’nin Babakale köyünde doğan ve başkent İstanbul’a yerleşen, ilmî kariyerini bu şehirde devam ettiren Babakaleli Ahmed Abdülaziz Efendi’nin eğitim sürecini kısmen de olsa takip etme imkânı tanıyan, talebelerine vermek üzere hazırladığı bir icâzetnâme taslağı neşredilecektir. 19. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında Osmanlı Devleti’nin sınırları içerisinde kalan Şam ve Mekke gibi şehirlerin dışında İstanbul’da da Tophane ve Galata gibi gayrımüslimlerin yoğun olduğu semtlerde kadılık yapan (1277/1860) Babakaleli Ahmed Abdülaziz Efendi, Bursalı Mehmed Tahir’in ifadesiyle ulemâ-i kuzâttan bir zâttır. Eserinde kendisini Babakaleli Ahmed Abdülaziz b. Hüseyin Efendi b. Hafız Halil Efendi olarak tanıtmaktadır. Abdülaziz Efendi, 1265/1848 ilâ 1278/1861 seneleri arasında padişahın huzurunda Ramazan aylarında tertip edilen tefsir sohbetlerine, yani Huzur Dersleri’ne on üç yıl süre zarfınca muhatap olarak iştirak etmiş; hem müderrislik hem de mollalık ünvanlarına sahip olmuştur. Bu da Abdülaziz Efendi’nin payitaht İstanbul’un mühim ilim adamları arasında yer aldığına işaret etmektedir. Mekke-i Mükerreme kadısı payesine de nail olan Abdülaziz Efendi’nin Sicill-i Osmani’de 1297/1879 yılına doğru dâr-ı bekâya irtihal eylediği bildirildiğinden 1296/1878 yılında vefat ettiği söylenebilir. Makalede, Babakaleli Abdülaziz Ahmed Efendi’nin hayatı ve eserleri hakkında kısaca bilgi verildikten sonra Süleymaniye Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi kayıtlarında adına kayıtlı olan icâzetnâmenin neşri gerçekleştirilecek ve bu neşir üzerinden bir Osmanlı kadısının eğitimi, hocaları ve okuduğu kitapların tespiti yapılacaktır. Bu vesileyle Osmanlı’da kadılık yapan bir âlimin eğitim ve öğrenim süreci hakkında bazı tespitlerde bulunulacak ve bir vesika olarak addedilebilecek yazma hâlindeki tek nüsha icâzetnâme kütüphanedeki mevcut hâli esas alınarak neşredilecektir.

Popular preachers and storytellers (quṣṣāṣ; sg. qāṣṣ) appeared towards the middle of the first/seventh century and quickly became the earliest informal historians and exegetes in Islam. Before long, the Umayyad caliphs recognized the political impact of their sermons and institutionalized preaching and storytelling (qaṣaṣ) as a state office. Notwithstanding this fact, informal qaṣaṣ did not vanish altogether, sometimes giving voice to pious discontent with the ruling dynasty. In the present study, I demonstrate that during the Marwānid period qaṣaṣ was combined with judgeship and other official positions. A comparison with documentary sources suggests that during the same period the term qāḍī (judge) was not yet used, and it may have been retroactively grafted onto the Umayyad past by early ʿAbbāsid historical literature. Literary sources also imply the existence of regional hierarchies of quṣṣāṣ. During the second/eighth century, qaṣaṣ lost its significance to the professional collection and transmission of traditions (ḥadīth) for the needs of Islamic jurisprudence and exegesis. Ḥadīth transmitters and critics eventually came to dismiss the quṣṣāṣ with contempt and derision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

District was one of the basic administrative units of the Ottoman provincial administration. It is a term that defines both the administrative region of the qāḍī and the judicial region. At the head of this administrative unit was the qāḍī with wide powers or the naib who was the deputy of the qāḍī. Qāḍī was a judicial officer in charge of all kinds of judicial affairs in the district, as well as being a manager who followed the municipal and administrative affairs. The districts of Meydan and Serkeş, which are located within the boundaries of the town of Kumru today, were also turned into districts in the 17th century in accordance with the classical Ottoman administrative structure. Both districts continued their existence as a judicial-administrative unit under the administration of the qāḍī and the naib, who was the deputy of the qāḍī, until the Tanzimat and were replaced by modern administrative units such as the newly created district directorate with the aim of establishing a centralized administration. In this study, in the light of the information based on archive records, the classical Ottoman district administration and administrators and the change process that started with the Tanzimat will be examined through the example of Meydan and Serkeş districts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ulema held important positions in the main fields of Ottoman state structure. The judicial, administrative and municipal functions performed by the ulama were carried out by qadis, education by muderrises and fatwa by muftis. As in the other ilmiye officials, the appointment of qadis, who performed important services for the state, was subject to certain conditions. In general terms, the qadi offices were divided into central and provincial qadi offices. While the central organization proceeded under the coordination of the Sheikh al-Islam (the grand mufti of Istanbul), the provincial organization was carried out by the kazasker (qadi asker). This study focuses on the appointments of the high-ranking qadis (mevali) appointed by the Sheikh al-Islams at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The high-ranking qadiships, called mawlawiyya, consisted of the ranks of devriye, mahreç, bilâd-ı erbaa, Haremeyn mawlawiyya, Istanbul qadi office, and Anatolian and Rumeli kazasker office. It was expected that a member of the ilmiye members who had passed these ranks would be appointed to the office of Sheikh al-Islam, the highest scholarly authority. Appointments to these offices were recorded by the Sheikh al-Islam in “Tarîk Notebooks”. From these books, it is possible to obtain information about the Ottoman mawlawiyya qadi offices, the qadis appointed to these offices, their terms of office, and their advancement in the profession. Through the 529 appointment records in these tarik notebooks, individual mobility of the qadis has been identified. Through classifying the records of each individual qadi, the individual progress of the qadis in the ilmiye ranks and a general picture of the mobility of the mawalis are obtained, and an evaluation is made on the findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Seljuk Civilizational Studies (JSCS) / Selçuklu Medeniyeti Araştırmaları Dergisi (SEMA) is the property of Journal of Seljuk Civilizational Studies (JSCS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

To readers attention is offered a small fragment from the message of the Mufti of Crimea Musallaf Efendi, which provides brief data of the state of vakuf property of Muslim religious sites for 1785–1786 , prepared by the Qadies (Judges) of 5 kaymakans of the Crimean Khanate: Bakhchisarai, Kezlev, Kefe, Akmesjit and Or-Kapu. The message of Mufti Efendi is presented in Arabic script in the Crimean Tatar language. Part of the message, translated from the Arabic script into Cyrilic alphabet, includes a list of recorded vakuf property belonging at that time to Bakhchisarai: the political and administrative center of the Crimean Khanate. The given information makes it possible to establish the number and names of administrative units of the city–mahalla, the variety and location of the vakuf property, recorded not only within the city limits, but also outside it. The message also contains data on the funds, allocated to the minister of the city`s Muslim religious buildings.

The goal of this paper is to study the legal status of Turkestan's Muslim women before, during, and after the transition to Russian Imperial rule. In particular, it will analyze changes to the rights of women in the divorce process and in widowhood over this period. Through examination of various cases concerning family practices among sedentary and nomadic people over time, the author argues that Muslim women retained financial and other rights in divorce proceedings typical of the pre-Imperial period, and extending into the period of Imperial rule. This article further argues that Muslim women had the continuing right to demand a divorce if their husbands would not comply with the terms of their marriage contracts. Also, Muslim women could claim financial support from their husbands after divorce in the period of the Russian empire as in the period of the Central Asian khanates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Qadis were representatives of judicial branch in Ottoman Empire. The origin of this legal institute comes from the early development phase of islamic state – Omeyyad dinasty when the first rulers and later caliphs apointed qadis for solving disputes. For their appointment in Ottoman Empire qadiasker (military judges) were competent. Each of these judges appointed qadis and religious scolars (muderis) in their area of administration: Rumelian or Anatolian. As members of ulema (religious scolars) qadis enjoyed huge reputation in Ottoman Empire with high degree of independence and integrity in their work. The area under qadis jurisdiction was called kadiluk (or kaza). One sanjak (bigger administrative unit in Ottoman Empire) could be divided in more kadiluks depending on density of muslim population. Qadis were engaged in solving marriage, family and other disputes, regulating prices on the market, securing the public order, control over mosques, religious schools, public bathrooms, orphanages, roads and other legal duties. Together with muhtesibs they controlled the procurement in cities where they served and also in giving the waqf land into lease (mukat). Qadis were educated in medresas (seymaniye schools) and depending on their competence and knowledge they could go further on higher positions in Ottoman legal and administrative system. Beside the implementation of Sharia Law, functions of Qadi was alsospecific due to the judicial procedure. Ottoman criminal law made a difference between criminal offences against the rights of individuals (murder, theft) and the one against God – so called Hadd offences (consumation of alcohol, apostasy, slander, illicit sexual intercourses, robbery, rebellion). According to the type of offence the procedure could be started by the impaired person, his relatives or any member of the community since the Ottoman law did not know the institute of public prosecutor. When it comes to the inaction of punishments, the principle of legality was important as also the minimum degree of doubt that the person perpetrated the crime for which he was charged so in cases of incompatibility between offence and sharia law no other legal actions were taken. During the procedure qadis used the principle of justice and fairness (arabic: hukm, adl, mizan, insaf) where every Muslim had to follow and achieve it in his life. On the other side there was injustice (Zulm). Connected with the justice there was istihsan as a subsidiary source of law. The judging on basis of fairness was inspired by reasons of conciousness which allowed to divert from the current law if it led towards unfair solution. Istihsan was not superior over Sharia law but it represented its constitutive part. Its impelementation allowed Sharia Law to be flexible and to adjust itself to current needs. Qadis who used istihsan could in concrete case retreat from the legal norm, which according to their legal opinion was legally either too narrow or wide, in order to find fair solution. In order to protect other involved parties in procedure different procedural principles (principle of legality, right to defence, prohibition of retroactive application of law) were created where a lot of them are part of todays modern legal systems.

The article is devoted to the development of the classical judgeship (qadiship) in Arab-Muslim culture from the perspective of the literacy theory. The premise of the article states that qadiship developed owing to the presence of writing. Judgeship is not a consequence of writing sensu stricto, but a consequence of the interaction of writing with the social structures and practices. The methodology of the present research takes two orders into consideration: the anthropological order (of the anthropology of cultural media) and the historical order. The considerations which are conducted in a diachronic sequence stop at about the middle of the third century AH/the middle of the ninth century, when the qadiship reached its maturity structurally and functionally. The article indicates the specific transformations which occurred in the context of the office under the influence of writing, at the same time presenting “the logic of writing”. Despite the co-occurring orality in Arab-Muslim culture, the identity of qadiship was constructed on the basis of a perception of the world formed by the oral-literary communicative order. In other words, the extent of the contribution of the medium of writing in specific practices of the qadi varied, although the institutional dimension of the office itself was attained as a result of the gradual textualisation of culture, including the legal culture and the law itself.

XIX. yüzyılda Osmanlı Devleti birçok alanda değişimlere tanık olmuştur. Tanzimat ile başlayan süreçte vaz’ edilen gerek 1840 tarihli gerekse 1851 tarihli ceza kanunlarının içeriğine bakıldığında, muhakeme, adliye teşkilatı, idârî alanlardaki değişimin ceza kanunları ile yerleştirilmeye çalışıldığı görülür. Bu çalışmanın amacı, 19. Yüzyılda özellikle 1858 Ceza Kanunu ile başlayan süreçte Osmanlı Devleti ceza hukukunun nasıl değiştiği sorusuna tazir suçu ve daha da özelde katl suçu ve suçun özel işleniş şekillerinden biri olan suça iştirâkkonusu kapsamında cevap aramaktır. Dönemin ceza hukuku alimlerinin, suça iştirak ilgili 1858 tarihli Ceza Kanununda yer alan 45. maddenin mahiyetine dair tartışmaları ve çözüm arayışları, süreç içerisinde ihtiyaca binaen nasıl yeni kaide geliştirdikleri, bu noktada Avrupa ceza kanunlarından, şerhlerinden, hukukçularından nasıl faydalandıkları gösterilmeye çalışılacaktır. Daha da önemlisi, Osmanlı kadılarının kanun maddesini uygularken zihinlerindeki klasik öğretiyi nasıl kullandıklarına tanık olunacaktır. Ancak büyük resme bakıldığında, Osmanlı’nın 1858 ceza kanunu ile dahil olduğu Klasik Hukuk Ekolü’nün,Fransa’nın suç siyasetinin ve Fransa ceza kanunun, Osmanlı ceza hukukunu nasıl etkilediği anlaşılmaya çalışılacaktır.

In the XIX. century, Ottoman State has witnessed changes in many areas. Looking at the content of both the dated 1840 and the dated 1851 Penal Codes legislated in Tanzimat Era, it has seen that the transformation in criminal procedure, the judicial system, administrative fields were attempted to be accommodated with penal codes. The aim of this study is to seek answers to the question of how the criminal law of the Ottoman State changed in the period starting with the 1858 Penal Code in the nineteenth century within scope of ta‘zir (discretionary punishment) and more particularly, crime of murder and complicity as one of special forms of crime. The discussions of the criminal law scholars of the period about the nature of Article 45 regarding complicity in the 1858 Penal Code and their seeking solutions and how they developed new rules due to need in the process and at this point how they benefited from European penal codes, commentaries and their scholars will be attempted to demonstrate. More importantly, it will be witnessed how Ottoman judges used the classical principles in their minds when implementing the article of code. However, when looking from a broad perspective, we will see how the Classical Law School, in which Ottoman State was included through it’s 1858 Penal Code, and the crime policy of France and the French Penal Code have influenced Ottoman Criminal Law.

This Article Informs About The Sources Containing Legal Documents Such As Shurut, Mahdar, And Sijill Documents Used In The Central Activity Cities Of Movarounnakhr Such As Bukhara And Samarkand Qadi Courts In The X-Xiii Centuries. Moreover, The Way Of Registering The Other Documents In Qadi Court. The Author Tried To Analyze Them From A New Point Of View. This Article Is An Introduction To The Practice Of Khanafi Judicial Courts In Bukhara And Samarkand, The Central Cities Of Movarounnakhr In The X-Xiii Centuries, As Well As Shurut (Bilateral Legal Agreements Concluded In Judicial Courts), Mahdar (Court Protocols), Sijil (Copies Of Court Cases), Provides Valuable Information Through Manuscript Sources And Research On Islamic Studies Written In The West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Great Seljuqs period, the qadis, who were the main officials of the justice organization, had a wide scope of duties and activities within their judicial, political, administrative, military, religious, social, etc. powers and responsibilities. Thus, in this period, as a result of a large task union, office of the qadi went beyond merely being an office of judiciary and fulfillment of legal affairs. The qadis received a salary for the judicial duty they fulfilled, as well as earning income from the duties and activities they performed outside of their main duties. In addition to the income earned from the salary for the judicial duty and additional duties, the qadis could also gain various allowances and grants that would lead them to wealth rather than a certain quality of life. However, legal discussions about whether the qadis could receive a salary and accept donations as gifts had continued since the early periods of Islam, including the considerations of the scholars and ideologues of the Great Seljuk period. On the other hand, despite the administrative, religious and moral pressure, there were also those who made illegal profit, especially bribery, among the qadis. Among the Seljuk qadis, there were also the qadis who lived a luxurious life in wealth, as well as living in poverty and barely maintaining their lives. In this study, salaries, income sources and financial situations of the qadis in the Great Seljuqs period are going to be examined. By doing this, the subject is going to be discussed within its theoretical perspective and practical processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Turkic states began to have religious sensitivities after the adoption of Islam among the Turks. As one of the medieval Turkish-Islamic states, the Khwarazmshah Empire (1097-1231) applied the Islamic rules from political and social perspectives. Khwarazmshah monarchs were well-educated not only on military, sciences and arts but also on religion. The prevalence of religious discourse was visible on political and military realms in the country dominated by Sunni Islam. Moreover, religious life seemed to prevail on societal realm as well. Religious connotations were also highlighted in the campaigns against the non-Muslims. Concerning the relations with Muslim states, the Khwarazmshahs adopted certain roles including the protection and promotion of religion. The activities of this period were evaluated on the basis of Islamic Principles and these processes were done with fatwas. Khwarazmshahs, like other Turkish-Islamic empires, applied both religious law and traditional law as legal system. The judicial system was implemented via qadis and the qadi al qudat was the highest judicial authority. This study focuses on these religious principles of the Khwarazmshah Empire under the light of the sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bu çalışmada Osmanlı tefsir ulemâsından Molla Gürânî’nin (ö. 813/1488), Kādî (ö. 685/1286) ve Zemahşerî’ye (ö. 538/1144) yaptığı eleştiriler konu edinildi. Onun bu eleştirilerinde, yazdığı “Ġāyetü’l-emânî” adlı elyazması tefsirindeki Fâtiha ve Bakara sûreleri örnek olarak seçildi. Gürânî’nin bu iki müfessire eleştirileri çoğunlukla dil, kıraat, kavramsal anlamlar konularında ve âyet te’villerinde katılmadığı görüşlerde yoğunlaşır. Gürânî’nin bu iki müfessire yönelttiği eleştirilerin çoğu Kādî’ye yöneliktir. Çünkü Kādî’nin tefsiri Osmanlı medreselerinde okutulan en gözde tefsirlerindendi. Gürânî, yazdığı tefsirde hem Kādî’nin tefsirini kendisine örnek almış hem de eleştirmiş görünmektedir. Çünkü onun bu tefsirinin Kādî’nin yazdığı tefsirin bir özeti olduğu söylenebilir. Gürânî’nin bu iki müfessirin yanında Teftâzânî ve Kevâşî’yi de eleştirmesi onu araştırmacı ve karşılaştırmacı kişiliğini ortaya koymaktadır. Eleştirilerinde Ehl-i sünnet’e bağlı olduğu, âyetlerin yorumunda hadisleri önemsediği ve âlimlerin ittifak ettiği konuların dışına çıkmamaya özen gösterdiği göze çarpmaktadır.Özet: Bu çalışmada Osmanlı tefsir ulemasından Molla Gürânî’nin (ö. 813/1488), Kādî (ö. 685/1286) ve Zemahşerî’ye (ö. 538/1144) yaptığı eleştiriler ele alındı. Onun bu eleştirilerinde, yazdığı Gāyatü’l-emânî adlı elyazması tefsirindeki Fâtiha ve Bakara sûreleri örnek olarak seçildi. Gürânî’nin el yazması eseri Ġāyetü’l-emânî, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi Damat İbrahim Paşa koleksiyonu 146 numarada kayıtlıdır ve toplam 352 varaktır. Başka nüshaları da bulunan bu tefsirin elimizdeki nüshası en eski nüshalardandır. Hem okunaklı olması hem de kitabın sonunda ferağ kısmında bizzat müellifi tarafından tashih edildiğinin yazılı olması ve kitabın varaklarının kenarlarına düşülen haşiyelerin müellifin el yazısı olduğunun belirtilmesi, bu nüshayı tercih etmemizde önemli sebeplerden olmuştur. Bu nüshayla birlikte onun Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi Hacı Mahmut Efendi kısmında 162 numarada kayıtlı ve toplam 484 varak olan diğer bir nüsha da dikkate alındı. Gürânî, Zemahşerî ve Kādî’ye yaptığı tenkitler, ilgili âyetin tefsirini yaparken sunmaktadır. Onu bu iki müfessire olan eleştirileri bir makale hacmine sığmayacak kadar uzundur. Bu nedenle kimin haklı olduğuna dair bir değerlendirmede bulunmadan tenkitleri olduğu gibi sunmaya çalıştık. Müfessirlerin görüşlerini sunarken ihtiyaç duyulan yerlerde başka kaynaklardan yararlanarak metindeki kapalı ifadeleri açmaya ve müfessirlerin maksatlarını ayrıca belirlemeye gayret ettik. Müfessirlerin görüşlerini aktarırken parantez içi açıklayıcı ifadeleri kullandığımızı da belirtmemiz gerekir.Gürânî’nin eleştirilerinin çoğu Kādî’ye yöneliktir. Çünkü Kādî’nin tefsiri, Osmanlı medreselerinde okutulan en gözde tefsirlerindendi. O yüzden Gürânî yazdığı tefsirde hem Kādî’nin tefsirini kendisine örnek almış hem de eleştiriler yöneltmiştir. İncelediğimiz Fâtiha ve Bakara sûreleri baz alındığında Gürânî’nin “Gāyetu’l-emânî” adlı tefsirinin tefsir metodu olarak Zemahşerî-Kādî çizgisinde bir dirâyet tefsiri olduğu söylenebilir. Gürânî, bu tefsirinde Kādî’yi esas almıştır. Öyle ki, neredeyse Kādî’nin bir muhtasarı gibidir. “Gāyetu’l-emânî” Osmanlı dönemi tefsirinin bir örneği olarak gösteriyor ki, Zemahşerî’den yaklaşık dört asır sonra bile dönemin tefsir metodunda bir değişiklik olmamıştır. Bu tefsirinde Gürânî’nin ince eleyip sık dokuyan bir yaklaşımla Zemahşerî ve Kādî’yi tenkit ettiği belirtilmelidir. Yönelttiği birçok tenkidi tartışılabilir olmasına rağmen onun ibarelere dakik yaklaşımı ve dönemin medreselerinde el üstünde tutulan Kādî’nin tefsirine ve Arap dilinde otoriter olan Zemahşerî’nin tefsirine karşı taklitçi tavır yerine, tenkit cesaretini göstermesi önemlidir. Bu açıdan Gürânî’nin karşılaştırmalı ilmî yöntemi kullandığını ve araştırmacı bir ilmî kişiliğe sahip olduğunu söyleyebiliriz. Onun tefsiri incelendiğinde, Gürânî’nin tenkitçi yönünden Zemahşerî ve Kādî’nin yanı sıra Teftâzânî (ö. 792/1390) ve Kevâşî’nin (ö. 680/1281) de paylarını aldıkları görülecektir. Gürânî’nin tenkitlerinin çoğu Arap dilinin incelikleri konusundadır. Bazen Arap gramerinin kurallarına dayanarak bazen de belâgat ilminin gereklerine göre eleştirilerini yöneltmektedir. Diğer tenkitleri kavramsal anlam, âyetlerin bütünlüğü, kıraat gibi çeşitli konularla beraber âyet te’villerinde katılmadığı bazı görüşlerle ilgilidir. Bu eleştirilerde Gürânî’nin dayandığı yöntem, Kur’ân’ın bütünlüğü, rivâyetler, selefin görüşü ve aklî yönden çelişki bulunup bumaktadır. Gürani’nin kendinden önceki âlimlerin ittifak ettiği konularda ulemâya ve selefe sağlam bir şekilde bağlılığını gösterdiğini belirtmeliyiz. Bu bağlılığı seleften gelen bir kıraatın Arap dili gramerine aykırı olduğu iddiası karşısında tercihini selefin kurrâsından yana koymasından anlıyoruz.Osmanlı dönemi müfessirlerinin tefsir anlayış ve metodları hakkında bir fikir vermek ve kendi alanlarında otoriter olan Zemahşerî ve Kādî gibi iki şöhretli müfessire tenkitler yönelten Gürânî’nin münekkid yönünü araştırmacılara tanıtmaya katkı sunmak bu çalışmanın amaçlarındandır. Daha önce Gürânî’in bu tefsirindeki eleştirileri üzerinde yapılan bir çalışma, Fatiha ve Bakara sûrelerinde sadece Kādî’ye yapılan eleştirilerin bir kısmını kapsamıştır. O nedenle bu çalışmayı yapmaya iten diğer önemli sebep de hem Zemaḫşirî’ye hem de Zemahşerî ve Kādî’nin paylaştığı ortak görüşlere yapılan tenkitlerin tamamını ele almaktır. Böylece bu çalışmamızın, araştırmacılarca yapılacak bir tahkik çalışmasına veya bir tercüme faaliyetine katkı sunacağını umuyoruz.Gürânî’nin eleştirilerinde belirgin bazı özellikler göze çarpmaktadır. Gürânî, eleştirilerinin de işaret ettiği gibi rivâyetin mevcut olduğu konularda ve âyetin zahiri manasının uygun olduğu yerlerde te’vil yolunu tercih etmemektedir. Tenkitlerinde Ehl-i Sünnet anlayışını baz aldığı ve özellikle Eşaʿrîlik’ten ayrılmamaya özen gösterdiği izlenimi edinilmektedir. Gürânî, Arap dili konusunda Kādî’ye karşı Zemahşerî’yle aynı şeyleri paylaşmakta bir sakınca görmemişse de mezhebî görüş ve hadise bağlılık konusunda Zemahşerî’ye daima muhalif olmuştur. Gürânî’nin bâtınî-işarî tefsire de pek sıcak bakmadığını söyleyebiliriz. Gürânî’nin kelâm ilminde de sağlam ve derin malumata sahip olduğunu söyleyebiliriz. Bunu Kādî’nin Muʿtezile’yi eleştirmek için getirdiği argümanları zayıf görmesi ve bazen de Kādî’nin kelamî konularda kullandığı ifadeleri özenle seçmemesini eleştirmesinden anlamak mümkündür. Bu arada bazı konularda Gürânî, Kādî’ye ait olmayan görüşleri de eleştirilerinin hedefi kılmıştır. Mesela zaman zaman Kādî’nin “denildi ki” lafzı ile naklettiği bir görüşü sanki Kādî’ye aitmiş gibi Gürânî’nin eleştirdiğini ve kenarda “Bunu söyleyen Kādî’dir” şeklinde şerh düştüğünü görmekteyiz. Bizce bu tenkitlerin gösterdiği en önemli husus, Gürânî’nin ilmî kişiliğidir ve onun inandığını hiç çekinmeden bir âlime yakışır şekilde, insaf çerçevesinde sunmasıdır. Bu da bize Osmanlı ilim geleneğinde tenkitçi tavırların varlığını devam ettirmiş olduğunu göstermektedir.

Copyright of Dinbilimleri Journal is the property of Dinbilimleri Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article focuses on the role played by the Ottoman qadi in the enforcement of kanunnames and judicial control of administrative acts. The Ottoman rulers dictated the kanunnames to show the rights and responsibilities between the ahl-i 'urf and the ra'aya, and ordered the ahl-i 'urf to apply the kanunnames as required. Top administrative officials in the sanjak and states were charged with hierarchically controlling the enforcement of the kanunnames. However, hierarchical administrative control could not provide justice on its own, as the ahl-i 'urf were inclined to weigh towards oppression and were in solidarity among themselves against the ra'aya. In addition to hierarchical control, judicial control was also necessary due to the principle of balance and control in administration. Given the close relationship of the kanuns with the sharia, the most appropriate official to carry out judicial control was the qadi, the dominant judicial authority. Therefore, Ottoman rulers ordered the qadi to oversee the implementation of the kanuns and to control the administrative acts. Such assignment of the qadis, who traditionally conducted religious judgments and some religious affairs, is seen as an Ottoman innovation. Although it is generally stated in the literature that the classical period Ottoman qadis applied the kanuns as well as the sharia, the role of qadis in the implementation of the kanunnames has not been specifically studied. Therefore, this article analyzes the provisions in the reaya kanunnames enacted from the second half of the fifteenth century to the end of the sixteenth century ordering the qadis to be the regulators of the implementation of the kanuns, and it interprets them in the context of the relevant historical- legal records. A chronological examination of the kanuns ordering the qadi to regulate the acts and actions of the ahl-i 'urf could provide us with new information about the nature and historical development of the qadi's mission concerning judicial control. The ra'aya kanunnames, especially those issued for the sanjaks and the states, are of great value in terms of legal history, social and economic history studies, since they generally contain the ancient customs and traditions of the units they are related to. Many of these documents contain data on the qadi's mission to control the implementation of the kanuns and their relationship with the ahl-i 'urf. The reaya kanunnames dating back to the years following the conquest of Istanbul began to lose importance for several social and economic reasons around the second half of the sixteenth century, and towards the end of the century when they came to the point of breaking away from the real legal life. Therefore, this study is based on the kanunnames enacted from the second half of the fifteenth century to the end of the sixteenth century when they were most in contact with real legal life. Since the ra'aya kanunnames essentially lay down the principles of the collection of taxes for the treasury of the Islamic government, the supervision of the implementation of kanuns by the qadi is ultimately a judicial transaction aiming at protecting the treasury. These codes, which are generally composed of old customs and traditions regarding tax and land law, have been understood to be based upon sultan's orders to maintain social order. These characteristics provide kanunnames to be associated with the sharia on the basis of the 'urf/'ādah and the understanding of obedience to the legitimate ruler in Islamic law and thus include their implementation in the sharia court. In the typical administrative/ political organization of the Ottoman provinces in the form of the county - sanjak - state, the relationship of the qadi with the administrative officials of these units is important in understanding the judicial control mission of the qadi. The main administrative official with whom the qadi competes in terms of jurisdiction and authority in the provinces is the sanjak governor. In many kanunnames, the sanjak governor is described as an officer who is oppressive and therefore must always be checked and balanced by the qadi. The addressing phrases used in the edicts always end with the prayer of the increase/continuation of the qadi's virtue, and the continuation of the dignity of the sanjak governor. It appears the Ottoman rulers aimed to restrain the greatness and power, which the sanjak governor bears by proxy to the ruler in the provinces, through the qadi, who is the representative of virtue and moderation. When the provisions ordering the qadis to control the implementation of kanuns are examined chronologically, it is noted that there are some developments in the way the qadis performed the supervisory duty over time. In the kanunnames that were issued until the first quarter of the sixteenth century, all kinds of administrative acts regarding tax, land, and criminal law are required to be carried out under the supervision of the qadi. The qadi functions as an authority of control and approval. He is responsible for submitting the illegal acts of the ahl-i 'urf to the central government rather than preventing them personally. It is observed from the sources that especially from the first quarter of the sixteenth century, the qadis were indeed given the task of preventing the illegal acts of the ahl-i 'urf and rectifying them when they took place. These kanunnames, which contain provisions that order the qadi to carry out the duty of preventing and rectifying illegal dispositions, show the characteristics of adalatname. The duty of protecting the kanuns that represent the authority of the rulers by using force against the ahl-i 'urf demonstrates who were assigned to dominate this authority but can also be seen to be among the first reflections of the deterioration that took place in the Ottoman military-administrative structure. Increasing deterioration during the sixteenth century caused the qadis to spend more and more time enforcing the kanun. This article tries to base all these findings mostly on the relevant provisions found in the provincial kanunnames and related historical-legal records. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Banjari is the property of Pascasarjana UIN Antasari and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Emirate of Bukhara is the one of the Turkish Khanates in Central Asia, which was ruled by the Mangitian dynasty between 1747-1920 years. It was called as "Khanate of Bukhara" in the periods of the Shaybanid and Ashtarhanid dynasties. By the rule of Mangitian dynasty, the khanate was named as "Emirate of Bukhara". The emirate is named after their capital city, Bukhara that is situated at the heart of Central Asia. The city had become the cradle of Islamic sciences and Islamic civilization, from its conquest by the Umayyads and the Abbasids until its occupation by Chinggis Khan. However, the contribution of the emirate to Islamic civilization by means of a miscellany of works and activities regarding Islamic sciences had been continued until the Russian invasion. Although a number of academical works on the Emirate of Bukhara can be found, there is a dearth of scientific studies on the judical system, particularly the shariah courts in Emirate of Bukhara. Therefore this article deals with the judical system of the emirate, the shariah courts in particular. Based on the data, it attains significant findings and conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé: Cet article propose l'édition-traduction de cinq actes de vente notariés inédits, qui décrivent l'achat de terres au profit du Patriarcat maronite de Qannūbīn au IXe/XVe siècle. Ils attestent la reconnaissance de cette institution ecclésiastique par les autorités mameloukes, si bien que ses représentants pouvaient conclure des transactions pour son compte, ce devant le substitut du cadi shāfi'ite. S'ensuit le respect et l'utilisation par le Patriarcat de la théorie juridique et notariale islamique laquelle règlemente la pratique commerciale entre dhimmī -s mais aussi entre musulmans et non-musulmans. Ces documents fournissent en sus des indications sur le statut et la nature des terres dans cette région et sur le montant du kharāj. L'acte V, établi par une autorité notariale chrétienne, reflète l'autonomie des institutions dhimmī -s sous les Mamelouks ; sa reproduction et conservation montrent également le besoin du Patriarcat d'apporter à tout moment une preuve de propriété de ses biens immeubles. This article presents the edition and translation of five unpublished notarial deeds that describe the purchase of lands for the benefit of the Maronite Patriarchate in the 9th/15th century. They attest the recognition of this ecclesiastical institution by the Mamluk authorities, so that its representatives could conclude transactions on its behalf, before the deputy of the shāfi'ī qadi. The Patriarchate respects and uses the Islamic legal and notarial doctrine which regulates commercial practices between dhimmī -s but also between Muslims and non-Muslims. These documents provide, in addition, information on the status and nature of lands in this area, and on the amount of kharāj. The fifth deed, drawn up by a Christian notarial authority, reflects the autonomy of dhimmī institutions under the Mamluks; its reproduction and preservation also highlight the need of the Patriarchate to provide proof of ownership of its immovable property at any time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the declaration of the Tanzimat Reforms in 1839, the Ottoman State implemented changes in many areas. Among these, law and education were the primary areas. While Sharia law was still in use, new law-making efforts also began to develop. Among these efforts, the Nizamiye Courts were founded as similar to those in the west. It was decided that a specialized school for judges would be established in Istanbul to give sufficient and standardized education to the sharia court judges (Qadis). Here, the Qadis would learn Sharia along with western law and work for the Nizamiye Courts. In 1855, the school was first opened as “Muallimhane-i Nüvvab," and renamed Mekteb-i Nüvvab in 1885. In 1908, it turned into Mekteb-i Kudat and in 1909, got its final and best-known name, Medresetü'l-Kudat (School of Qadis). Along with these changes, the school's education system was also changed and improved throughout its almost seventy-year life. Fiqh (Sharia law) courses were considered the foundation of the school's education and essential to be accepted, to pass the classes, and finally to graduate. Also, along with law courses various writing and practical lessons were included in the curriculum. More than one thousand judges graduated from the school, and some of them were appointed to important administrative positions all over the country. Medresetü'l-Kudat, which was the first and sole judicial school in the Ottoman State, was closed along with other classic madrasah schools in 1924. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The qadi, whose real task was to establish justice according to the shar’i provisions and rulings, represented such positions as religious, financial, administrative in the history of Islam and was also one of the most important elements of the functioning of the state. The authority to whom qadis were attached, the one who appointed and dismissed them and the one who was elected by the caliph / sultan was the chief qadi. Founded in the Abbasids period in the history of Islam, the system of qadis was established over time, providing a very important function to the all of the Islamic states. While qadis were appointed, they were assigned according to the prevailing denomination of the Islamic country. Since many of the Muslims who resided in Egypt and their environment were Shafi, the successors were also Şhafi, and among the qadis they chose as their deputy the Şhafîs had outnumbere other sectarian qadis, which were Hanafi, Maliki and Hanbali. In the Mamluk period, Sultan al-Zahir Baybars appointed a chief qadis for the first time in history from the other three Sunni denominations. But, among the chief qadis who shared the same title, the Şhafi qadi continued to preoccupy others in terms of authority, reputation, and deference to him. There were negative consequences, such as the fact that head of qadi was removed from the monopoly of Şhafi sect (madhhab) and that the appointments of the chief qadi of the other sects had positive results, and the chief qadis belonging to different sects occasionally disagreed with each other. Because many of the Mamluk sultans and emirs belonged to the Hanafi sect, they also sometimes acted with sectarian intent. Sometimes, the sultans and emirs interfered with the functioning of the justice organization, which was not in line with Islamic understanding. In this study, we tried to explain the causes of Sultan Baybars’ reform of institution of chief qadis, the duties and authorities of the Şhafi chief qadi, and the relations of the chief qadis with each other and the influence of the political mechanism on the chief qadis.

Copyright of Contributions to Oriental Philology / Prilozi za Orijentalnu Filologiju is the property of Orijentalni institut and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Résumé: This article presents the edition of three fragments of a prison register from Fusṭāṭ, preserved in the Michaelides Collection of the Cambridge University Library. They record the arrival of petitions from prisoners, mainly imprisoned for debt, and mention their release. These excerpts provide crucial information on the organization of prisons during the early Abbasid period. They testify to the high frequency of imprisonment for debt, and confirm that the prison system revolved around the qadi's judgeship and the police (shurṭa), which included an administrative service where the petitions of the detainees were examined. These documents allow therefore a better understanding of the process of incarceration and release of debtors. Cet article propose l'édition de trois fragments d'un registre carcéral de Fusṭāṭ conservés dans la collection Michaelidès de la Bibliothèque universitaire de Cambridge. Ils enregistrent l'arrivée de pétitions de détenus, principalement incarcérés pour dette, et mentionnent leur élargissement. Ces extraits offrent des informations capitales sur le fonctionnement des prisons au premier âge abbasside. Ils témoignent de la fréquence des incarcérations pour dette et confirment que le système carcéral s'articulait autour de la judicature cadiale et de la police (šurṭa), qui possédait un service administratif où étaient examinées les pétitions des détenus. Ces documents permettent ainsi de mieux comprendre le processus d'incarcération et de libération des débiteurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beyond the esoteric deliberations of Islamic jurists and their exegesis of criminal and private law doctrines, Iranian law lives a life of its own. It is a life of routine practices of judges, court clerks, lawyers and clients, each of whom is striving to turn the law to their own advantage. It is also a life of contested legality, a relentless struggle over the right to determine the law in a juridical field which is infused with strife and hostility. These conflicts are reproduced daily as two competing conceptions of law, and their corresponding perceptions of legality clash in pursuit of justice. The Iranian judiciary’s concept of law, its reconstruction of Islamic jurisprudence and methods of dispensing justice, which on the surface are reminiscent of Max Weber’s “qādi-justice,” collide with the legal profession’s formal rational understanding thereof. However, Iranian judges are not Weberian qādis, and the legal profession is not a homogenous group of attorneys driven by a collective commitment to the rule of law. To understand their conflict, we need to explore the mundane workings of the legal system in the context of the transformation of Iranian society and the unresolved disputes over the direction of its modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cumhuriyet Ilahiyat Dergisi / Cumhuriyet Theology Journal is the property of Cumhuriyet Universitesi, Ilahiyat Fakultesi / Cumhuriyet University, Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents a case study of A Complaint with the Cadi (Algeria), ca. 1896 - a painting by the French Orientalist artist Marie Lucas-Robiquet (1858-1959). Using cultural and social history as prisms, it explores what Lucas-Robiquet’s visual record communicates to the cultural ‘outsider’ about Muslim social life in French colonial Algeria. Attention is given to this artwork because it depicts the Islamic judiciary system as practised in late nineteenth-century Algeria. This article argues that this painting and its subject matter are rare in the Orientalist canon; that the artist was female, is, I posit, crucial to the ways in which this work can be read. Lucas-Robiquet, a decorated Orientalist, used a Naturalist style of painting which was both nuanced and sensitive to Islamic cultural traditions. I contend that A Complaint with the Cadi (or qāḍī meaning judge) is an important work because it represents a locus of historicised forms of Otherness: the French female artist and the Algerian cultural attribute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Contributions to Oriental Philology / Prilozi za Orijentalnu Filologiju is the property of Orijentalni institut and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Godisnjak / Yearbook is the property of Academy of Sciences & Arts of Bosnia & Herzegovina, Center for Balkan Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Arbitration (taḥkīm) and settlement by mutual agreement achieved through conciliation (ṣulḥ) appear at first glance as forms of justice parallel to state courts. Based on narrative and legal sources, this article explores the articulations of such systems with official institutions and identifies their main judicial and social uses in the Eastern provinces of the caliphate during the first four centuries of Islam. It appears that early on, arbitration was integrated into the general system of conflict resolution, in the form of a lower court, whose binding sentence could be appealed to state courts. Qadis also served as mediators for amicable settlements. Although the legal theory tended to minimize that role, ṣulḥ was part of current strategies enabling litigants to reduce their losses while increasing their symbolic capital.

Since the enactment of Law No. 7 in 1989, religious courts have gained an equal position, in terms of jurisdiction, to other courts in Indonesia, a status that took a considerable time to realize. This article discusses the historical development of religious courts in Indonesia from the early period of Islam in the country to the post-independence period. It particularly highlights internal and external factors which underpin the development of religious courts. Further, this paper examines the develop­ment of religious courts under the auspices of the Supreme Court. In the early period of Islam in Indonesia, there was no explicit dichotomy between Islamic and public courts. Religious courts had sole power in the judiciary. During the colonial period, however, the Dutch and Japanese limited the authority of religious courts. After Indonesian independence, the status and authority of religious courts did not change much until the implementation of the Law in 1989.

The archival documents are completely the most significant sources but Şer‘iyye Records have a special importance or meaning Şer‘iyye Records include interesting and useful information belongs to the time and about the place where it was kept At this study, Şer‘iyye Records of Harput numbered 384 has been introduced and given in an index [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]