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The United States has long represented one of Canada's primary international allies. This partnership has remained strong despite turbulent times in the relationship, such as the one brought forth by the Trump presidency. Our article seeks to understand the sources of such continuity through the lens of continentalism. While historical accounts of continentalism have portrayed it as a passive force stemming from Canada's material self-interest, scholars have recently identified the emergence of an evolved form of continentalism that represents a dominant idea and a coherent analytical framework in Canadian foreign policy. Has this new form of continentalism indeed gained widespread acceptance among Canadians? We answer this question by considering continentalism in the ideational realm. Using novel public opinion data, our analysis investigates whether continentalist attitudes have become embedded in Canadians' national identity and foster closer alignment preferences vis-à-vis the United States. We find significant and robust evidence of such effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Academic and policy debates on alliances are yet to incorporate insights from foreign policy analysis (FPA) literature. Generally, bilateral relations between allies are either analyzed with insights from traditional IR theories (such as realism) or with policy-oriented work that does not engage any scholarly literature (focusing on only the day-to-day issues of international politics). I argue that FPA theories that make linkages between scholarly work and policy-oriented questions in an evidence-based and analytical fashion are capable of accounting for the most significant policy questions of modern international politics. This article analyzes US–Turkey relations in, arguably, their worst decade, with a role theoretic outlook. I claim that despite being close political and military allies since the 1940s, US–Turkey bilateral relations are witnessing their worst decade since the Arab uprisings in the MENA, due mostly to ideational factors that shape foreign policy. The conflictual relations originate from a change in US and Turkish foreign policy-makers' role conceptualizations vis-à-vis their countries' roles in the MENA region after the Arab uprisings and the role conflict this has caused with one another. Misaligned interests during the Arab uprisings, especially after 2014 in the Syrian civil war, have exacerbated the bilateral ties further. Drawing insights from elite interviews conducted in Turkey (2014–2016), Washington DC, and Ankara (2018–2020), I explain the sources of conflict in US–Turkey relations with a role theory perspective and offer policy prescriptions in conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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La diplomatie étant la mise en œuvre de la politique étrangère d’un Etat, est soumise à l’évolution de son environnement interne et externe, au regard des objectifs et des stratégies définis. Depuis la fin de la guerre froide entre les deux blocs idéologiques capitaliste et communiste, qui ont modelé le monde post deuxième guerre mondiale, les mutations qui en ont suivies, notamment le passage d’un monde bipolaire à un monde monopolaire peinent à s’imposer et présagent la multipolarité qui conditionne les relations internationales du 21ième siècle. Face à cette réalité et l’enjeu que représente la République dans le concert des nations, la faiblesse de la diplomatie congolaise dans un environnement mondialisé est le manque de partenariats stratégiques avec les grandes puissances, qui a toujours été marqué par l’isolation diplomatique à chaque changement intérieur important et remet la machine à zéro. Cependant, la force de la diplomatie congolaise, sera dans le cadre de sa refondation de conclure le plus vite que possible des partenariats stratégiques, notamment avec la Belgique comme puissance coloniale, pour de raison historique.

This article discusses Sino-African relations within the framework of comparative analysis of foreign policies. It offers a constructivist analysis of the diplomatic strategies of Niger and Burkina Faso in their relations with the PRC and Taïwan since the sixties. Drawing inspiration from an eclectic approach combining, on the one hand, agents and structures and, on the other, domestic and systemic factors, it explains the fluctuating strategies of diplomatic recognition of the two States with regard to the two "China" by the social construction of the national interest. The results corroborate the postulates of constructivism on the weight of ideas and contexts in the making of the national interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article finds that states can use street renaming as an act of retaliation against other international actors (states and international organizations). Specifically, it shows how states can employ street renaming to symbolically insult and thus diminish their opponent's sense of self. After situating the practice of retaliatory street renaming within the study of emotions in international relations (IR), and symbolic insults in diplomacy, in particular, the article surveys a multitude of cases in which states used street renaming to humiliate and defy other international actors. To further substantiate this thesis, the article then delves into one illustrative case: Israel's 1975 decision to rename all streets carrying the name of the United Nations 'Zionism Street' in response to UN General Assembly Resolution 3379, which determined that 'Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination'. The article concludes by calling for more scholarly attention to street renaming and other symbolic acts in IR. La dénomination des rues comme insulte symbolique et gifle diplomatique en relations internationales [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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La politique étrangère est définie différemment par les auteurs et partant des éléments que chacun d’eux a avancé, nous avons donné notre point de vue là-dessus. Aussi, avions-nous constater que la politique étrangère, branche des Relations Internationales, est entouré d’une part par la science politique et l’anthropologie politique et de l’autre par la géopolitique et la géostratégie. Mais, elle a su se démarquer pour être suffisamment autonome en dépit de sa connexité avec la diplomatie, le droit international et l’économie internationale et cela est perceptible compte tenu de l’orientation de ses études à travers plusieurs approches notamment, environnementale et psychologique.

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Political Science Review is the property of Canadian Political Science Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper criticizes the epistemic foundations of democratic state-building, which are derived from a model of political transitions according to which liberal democratic institutions will transform a hitherto authoritarian and troubled country into a more prosperous and stable society and, therefore, foreign interventions to establish these institutions are realistic and worthy investments, provided they are properly planned based on knowledge of what has worked elsewhere. This expectation is based upon two epistemological premises. The first premise, linearity , is that social and institutional change exhibits identifiable input–output relations connecting socioeconomic conditions and outcomes. The second premise, ergodicity , is that these relations, inferred from past samples, provide reliable probabilistic projections about future outcomes, which can guide the focus of policy interventions. Drawing from the study of complex systems, the paper indicates why these two premises offer a flawed conception of political transitions and why radical and large-scale interventions, such as state-building, will tend to generate unintended consequences rather than the planned effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Depuis son élection en 2019, le président ukrainien Volodymyr Zelensky travaille pour l’intégration de l’Ukraine à l’Union Européenne ainsi que son adhésion à l’OTAN. Ceci impliquerait l’intervention des pays membres de l’OTAN en faveur de l’Ukraine en cas d’agression militaire. Cependant, la Russie s’oppose à cette perspective étant donné l’impact géopolitique d’une telle décision. Elle craint donc une éventuelle adhésion ukrainienne à l’OTAN, qu’elle voit comme une organisation concurrente menaçant sa sécurité, ainsi que le rapprochement des anciennes républiques soviétiques d’Europe avec l’Union Européenne. Ainsi, pour faire face à la persistance de l’Ukraine, la Russie a depuis le 24 février dernier, lancé une série d’opérations militaires de grande envergure sur le territoire ukrainien. Aux yeux de l’Union Européenne qui a une politique étrangère et de la sécurité commune instituée par le Traité de Maastricht de 1992, l’intervention militaire russe en Ukraine déstabilise profondément l’ordre de sécurité international et européen. En réaction, le Conseil Européen a pris une multitude des sanctions à l’endroit de la Russie, en dépit desquelles la crise s’intensifie provoquant beaucoup de dégâts matériels et des lourdes pertes en vies humaines. C’est pourquoi l’objectif de notre recherche est d’analyser les forces et faiblesses de l’ONU dans le conflit russo-ukrainien.

Depuis son élection en 2019, le président ukrainien Volodymyr Zelensky travaille pour l’intégration de l’Ukraine à l’Union Européenne ainsi que son adhésion à l’OTAN. Ceci impliquerait l’intervention des pays membres de l’OTAN en faveur de l’Ukraine en cas d’agression militaire. Cependant, la Russie s’oppose à cette perspective étant donné l’impact géopolitique d’une telle décision. Elle craint donc une éventuelle adhésion ukrainienne à l’OTAN, qu’elle voit comme une organisation concurrente menaçant sa sécurité, ainsi que le rapprochement des anciennes républiques soviétiques d’Europe avec l’Union Européenne. Ainsi, pour faire face à la persistance de l’Ukraine, la Russie a depuis le 24 février dernier, lancé une série d’opérations militaires de grande envergure sur le territoire ukrainien. Aux yeux de l’Union Européenne qui a une politique étrangère et de la sécurité commune instituée par le Traité de Maastricht de 1992, l’intervention militaire russe en Ukraine déstabilise profondément l’ordre de sécurité international et européen. En réaction, le Conseil Européen a pris une multitude des sanctions à l’endroit de la Russie, en dépit desquelles la crise s’intensifie provoquant beaucoup de dégâts matériels et des lourdes pertes en vies humaines. C’est pourquoi l’objectif de notre recherche est d’analyser les forces et faiblesses de l’ONU dans le conflit russo-ukrainien.

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Krakow International Studies / Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe is the property of Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University, AFM Publishing Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article addresses second-wave feminist interventions in Canadian foreign policy debate with reference to two analytic streams: (1) political science and international relations (IR) perspectives since the late 1990s that stress the formal decisional aims of advocacy and the role of transnational networks in pressuring reluctant governments and (2) sociological approaches that underline movements' cultural as well as statist dimensions and the significance of their domestic political strategies. Examining engagement by the Voice of Women (VOW) in nuclear weapons debates and National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC) in free trade controversies confirms sociological expectations of campaigners' varied claims and contributions and the importance of their political rootedness in Canada. Consistent with political science and IR arguments, the study finds NAC paid growing attention to international political opportunities in 1990 and following. The conclusion considers implications of the analysis and directions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin d'Histoire Politique is the property of L'Association Quebecoise d'Histoire Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How do intellectual leaders of professional schools of international affairs, whose institutions primarily educate and train master's students for careers in government, the non-governmental sector, and the private sector, differ from academic administrators in disciplinary departments, whose primary raison d'être is producing the next generation of scholars whose primary task is to conduct basic research, in terms of how they see the academic enterprise and their expectations of faculty research and writing? The results of our recent survey of deans of the Association of Professional Schools of International Affairs (APSIA), the leading professional body for international relations-oriented policy schools, and chairs of Top-50 political science departments, reveal some predictable differences but also some surprising overlap. Specifically, we find a clear convergence between disciplinary departments and APSIA schools on the core requirements for promotion and tenure: Peer-reviewed publications in high-impact scholarly journals and leading university presses. But rather than relax demands for other activities by their faculty as they hold them to the expectations of their disciplines, APSIA deans still expect significant policy and broader public engagement from them. In other words, policy schools' faculties face a greater array of professional demands than their disciplinary colleagues. APSIA schools simultaneously embrace the disciplinary criteria for excellence and still try to maintain a close policy focus as they seek to bridge the gap between these two worlds. How feasible this effort will turn out to be hinges on whether policy school faculty can indeed do it all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article offers an alternative explanation for the processes by which foreign policy is made. It does so across three different countries, across different governments, across issues that had real "blood and treasure" at stake, across different domestic and international contexts, and while holding the target of policy, the United States, constant. Available theories argue that formal political institutions or norms determine who will influence the making of policy and how they will do so. However, Argentina, Brazil, and Chile—countries with strikingly similar formal rules for making foreign policy—have been following, for decades, fundamentally different foreign policymaking processes, and they have been doing so without resorting to any normative justifications. The article contrasts the theoretical expectations of rational choice institutionalism and norm-based arguments on foreign policymaking with a logic of habit not captured by the logics of consequences or appropriateness of rational choice institutionalism and norm-based explanations. The article makes two contributions. First, it furthers the theoretical development of the concept of habit in international relations and offers a means of studying habits empirically. Second, it challenges the assumption that the power of domestic actors in foreign policy is a function of formal institutions or prevailing norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that efforts to strengthen the theoretical foundations for foreign policy analysis (FPA) should take as a vantage point the smallest social unit—the human being. It advocates far-reaching engagement with psychology and the life sciences for insights on the individual in the social context. Research on emotion, as a general human phenomenon and one that has been extensively researched across disciplines, is thought to offer a particularly promising conceptual lens on foreign policy. For cues on how to incorporate scientific findings with historical analysis and situate resulting hypotheses in relation to prevailing theoretical paradigms, the article draws on classical realism. Especially mid-twentieth century realists such as Hans Morgenthau expressed a nuanced conception of human agency and the interplay between emotion and cognition. Substantial aspects of their theories, based largely on experience and intuition, have been corroborated by recent scientific research. This review is structured around four central issues. These have been both the loci of much criticism levelled at classical realism and remain a challenge to IR as a whole: the levels of analysis problem, the "scaling up" of emotion, the classification and choice of emotion(s), and the accessibility of the political world to scientific method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1999, Canada participated in NATO's Operation Allied Force, a seventy- eight-day bombing campaign against Yugoslavia meant to end the ethnic cleansing of Kosovar Albanians. Officially, Canada's interests in developing its foreign policy toward Kosovo were humanitarian and regional stability considerations. These were shared with the rest of its NATO allies. Thus, on the surface, it would seem that Canada and its NATO allies had similar concerns during the decision-making process around Kosovo. Digging deeper, an analysis of the primary sources available suggests that Canada did, in fact, have additional and unique considerations during the Kosovo crisis, namely national unity. This analysis amply illustrates the close interconnection between domestic issues and Canadian foreign policy. During the Kosovo War, Canada had to balance sovereignty sensitivities with humanitarian concerns. From the first time Kosovo was mentioned in Parliament on 18 November 1991 to the end of the Kosovo War on 11 June 1999, Canadian parliamentarians attempted to distinguish what Canada's views on Kosovo were. Historians have likewise been occupied with the same task: distinguishing the Canadian contribution and position. Like the parliamentarians, not one of the Canadian historians who has written on the topic has questioned the official government version of what motivated Canada's policy in Kosovo. They all credit a combination of humanitarian and regional concerns. Therefore, there was consensus at the time, and has been since, about what motivated Canada's policy toward Kosovo. However, an analysis of the primary sources reveals that Canada did in fact have an additional and unique consideration during the Kosovo crisis: national unity. Canada's domestic national unity issue influenced Canadian foreign policy toward Kosovo at every stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin d'Histoire Politique is the property of L'Association Quebecoise d'Histoire Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)