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The study examines cooperation between Russia and China in the field of ensuring the state defense and security in the context of contemporary military threats. The authors paid particular attention to the joint practical measures that allow developing Russian-Chinese cooperation in the military-political sphere and military-technical interaction. The authors analyze the managerial aspects of interaction and cooperation between the two countries in the field of state defense and security. The authors conclude that cooperation between Russia and China is becoming increasingly credible in the contemporary turbulent world, and determines the stability of Russian-Chinese relations, which indicates a high level of interaction.

The article is devoted to the current problem of the effectiveness of the Lublin Triangle Alliance as a multilateral security cooperative format between Poland, Ukraine and Lithuania in the military-political, economic, cultural and social spheres. The strategies and directions of activity of the Lublin triangle are analyzed in the context of modern geopolitical and security challenges, including Russian expansion and aggression. The decisive role of the Alliance in the development of the European security system, the provision of military-technical, financial-economic, and humanitarian aid to Ukraine during the full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war is substantiated. The role of the Lublin triangle in maintaining the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Ukrainian state has been studied; the de-occupation of the territories captured by Russia, as well as the realization of Ukraine's European and Euro-Atlantic integration aspirations, including membership in the EU and NATO. The article analyzes the dynamics of transformations of partnership strategies and interactions of Poland-Lithuania-Ukraine in the context of security threats from Russia during the full-scale war. The priority areas of cooperation for 2022-2024 have been outlined and characterized. The effectiveness of cooperation between the states of the Lublin Triangle in the field of security and defense is substantiated; cybersecurity; energy security; strategic communications, comma and countering hybrid threats. It was emphasized that in the conditions of modern geopolitical challenges and threats, security strategies in the activity and foreign policy of the «Lublin Triangle» are a priority.

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the implementation of military-technical cooperation in world politics. The role and scale of this aspect of international interaction is growing today, which is caused by the increased turbulence and conflictogenicity of international relations. The author emphasizes that, on the one hand, military transfers can be considered as a tool for implementing foreign policy, strengthening national security and boosting the economic progress of a certain state. On the other hand, MTC acts as a specific sphere of international relations, which is characterized by a high degree of sensitivity due to the fact that it directly affects the geopolitical balance of forces and the course of armed conflicts of any nature, and therefore determines the direction of the transformation of the world order. Among other factors that influence MTC, the actualization of programs for the modernization of the armed forces by a wide range of states, the possibility of exporting dual-use items, the existence in many countries of powerful lobbies related to the military industry, the interest of certain financial institutions in the growth of military transfers, the increase in the technology of weapons and, accordingly, their prices. The emergence of new players on the international market and, as a result, the growth of competition between exporting countries, the desire of leading exporters to maintain dominant positions, especially in terms of technological superiority, the transformation of the arms market into a market that functions at the request of importers, the active use of MTC by importers to create their own military industrial complex, strengthening of interstate cooperation in the field of weapons production, the growth of financial value from after-sales service of sold weapons, the continuation of the active functioning of the illegal market of military equipment and technologies are among the trends that currently characterize international MTC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article has been attempted to consider the position of the Russian Supply Committee in America, the problems and the state of its structural units during the significant 1917 year of last active cooperation with the Allied powers in military procurement during the First World War. As the Russian Supply Committee is currently presented fragmentally in the scientific historical literature, the author has identified the following purpose of this article — to reduce and expand the available material on the activities of the Russian Supply Committee into a unified picture, paying special attention to the perception of its activities in the American press, the problem of transportation, the issue of the introduction of liquidation policy in relation to purchase order, efforts to purchase transport property. The article is written on the basis of unpublished sources (materials of the office work of the Russian Supply Committee, correspondence of General N. M. Khrabrov with the Main Directorate for Foreign Supply and the authorized Ambassador from the Russian government B. A. Bakhmetyev, orders and instructions of the Main Directorate for Foreign Supply, materials of the Special Investigative Commission) identified in the funds of the Russian State Historical Archive. As a result, the author concluded that in the conditions of political instability and stagnant organizational and structural problems, the Russian Supply Committee could not properly resolve the issue of purchasing military property on the American market.

Book review: Essa A. 2023. Hostile Homelands: The New Alliance Between Israel and India. London. Pluto Press.

The authors analyze the forms of interaction between the United States and Latin America in the military sphere. The relevance of studying this issue is due to the aggravation of relations between the collective West and Russia, as well as between the United States and China, within the framework of which Latin America acts as a zone of competition between the world powers. In this regard, the analysis of Latin American vector of US policy in the military aspect from the point of view of Russia’s strategic interests is particularly important. The lack of domestic scientific research on this problem greatly adds to its relevance. As for the novelty, based on the review of the world market of arms and military equipment (AME), this article determines the dynamics and the share of the American producer in the total volume of arms trade. In the context of military-technical cooperation (MTC), the authors also consider the peculiarities of the American military power projection on Latin America, which is a zone of exclusive interests of the United States. Among the key formats of interaction and projection of influence, the authors include the following: arms and military-technical supplies to the armies and security services of the states of the region; training of military personnel in Latin American countries; financing of armies and military units; cooperation programs to optimize the managerial and organizational functions of the Latin American armed forces, establishment and maintenance of various types of military bases, conducting joint military exercises. Using new factual material, we examine each of the listed forms and show the systematic and geostrategic nature of the US influence on the Latin American region in the military aspect. As for military trade, the authors identify the main partners of the United States in South America.

The article analyzes the changes in Russia’s relations with African countries caused by the special military operation (SMO) in Ukraine. From the mid2010s until the beginning of the SMO, these relations were strengthened, which became especially noticeable after the Russia-Africa summit (2019). In addition to the growth of trade and the expansion of military-technical cooperation, a new significant factor in the Russian presence in Africa was the deployment of the activity of private military companies (the “Wagner Group”). In the context of the SMO, cooperation with African states in the areas of trade and economy will go through a stage of painful transformation caused by Western sanctions. A key issue is food security and famine prevention in many countries of the Global South. The modalities of the Russian presence on the African continent will inevitably be determined by the general confrontation between Russia and the countries of the West. In the longer term, African countries may become the beneficiaries of the transformation of the US-centric world order, sufficiently accelerated by the SMO.

The article analyzes the cooperation between China and Central Asian countries in the military and military-technical spheres which is developing dynamically lately and is of priority importance for China’s foreign policy. The growth of China’s national power and its correlation with foreign policy attitudes are revealed. In foreign policy China adheres to the policy of activating military diplomacy as an integral element of state policy. Traditionally, China is considered a key economic and investment partner of the Central Asian countries but against the background of global transformation processes it is also actively trying to position itself as a guarantor of regional security. The reasons for China’s interest in intensifying military cooperation with all countries of the region in bilateral and multilateral formats are revealed. China is striving to contribute to strengthening the defense capabilities of the countries of the region. In order to stop regional challenges and threats China is increasing arms supplies to the countries of the region, conducting joint military exercises and training military personnel from the countries of the region in its educational institutions. The article focuses on such multilateral mechanisms of China’s cooperation with Central Asian countries as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the “Quadrilateral Mechanism for Cooperation and Coordination” (QMCC). It is predicted that in the conditions of the formation of a new world order as well as the interest of the countries of the region themselves military cooperation between China and the countries of Central Asia will only increase.

The article presents the history, the current state and the prospects of the Indo-Russian cooperation in the military and technical sphere as well as the impact of the trends in the defense industry of India and international political factors, which directly or indirectly affect the Indian arms market. Russia historically holds a strong position in the Indian arms market and remains the main India’s partner in the military and technical field. However, recently there has been a decline in the sale of the Russian arms to India. On the one hand it is related to the increased competition in the Indian arms market. Оn the other hand, it is the desire of India to develop its own defense industry and to transform from being an importer to be an exporter of the arms. What is more, in the future the international political factors can influence the Indian arms market. This refers primarily to the tensions between China and India and the rapprochement between India and the countries that together with India form the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad).

The current global market for armaments and military equipment in the second half of the 20th century has went through several transformative stages of its development and has now reached a qualitatively new evolution level. The aim of the study is to analyse the key trends in changing Russia’s positions in the global arms trade, including an assessment of its export and investment potential in defence industry, and opportunities for cooperation with key regional and global partners. It has been shown, that the international competitiveness of the Russian defence industry and the development of its military-technical cooperation with foreign countries continue to be affected by the specific conditions of the industry, in particular: weak susceptibility to major changes in the arms trade; high role of state protectionism; international technology transfer; globalisation of the world economy as a whole. An important role in shaping the current image of the military-technical cooperation is played by the dynamic and constant rearmament of the army, offset services and the partnerships cooperative networks’ formation, on which the flexibility and adaptability of the external economic component of defence industry operations depend. At present, the development of Russia’s armaments and military equipment trade will be mainly driven by the restoration of its lost positions on the global market.

International economic relations at the beginning of the 21st century are experiencing a new reality, when many world economy achievements of the globalization era are being reversed, and the entire system of economic cooperation between the countries is undergoing revolutionary changes. In this context, there have been significant shifts in the structure and trends of militarytechnical cooperation between Russia and foreign countries, when the existing strategic approaches to the organization of this process are being radically modified. The article shows that the main narratives of these changes are the unprecedented strengthening of anti-Russian sanctions, which caused a change in the methods of foreign economic policy, which significantly affected the development of the military-industrial complex, the strategy for realizing its export and investment potential. In this regard, the issues of sectoral import substitution, diversification of the defense industry, formation and implementation of the state defense order in this sector of the national economy are becoming highly controversial and complex. The ever-increasing deepening of cooperation and integration ties with partners from developing countries and the actual curtailment of these ties with developed countries is a strategic long-term task designed to ensure both the development of the defense industry and the elimination of existing geopolitical risks. At the same time, within the framework of the defense industry strategy, it is still difficult to call the task of prompt response to new emerging risks solved, and this aspect should underlie the new model of Russia’s military-technical cooperation with foreign countries.

The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela faces a deep political and economic crisis that is exacerbated by severe restrictive measures imposed against it by the United States and their allies. In these circumstances, the availability of external economic support becomes particularly important. In recent years, Russia has become one of the key donors for Venezuela with a wide range of economic diplomacy tools at its disposal. Drawing upon official data, as well as recent findings of Russian and foreign researchers, the present paper examines the evolution of Russian economic diplomacy towards Venezuela during the presidency of H. Chavez (1999–2013) and N. Maduro (2013 — present). The author emphasizes that bilateral economic cooperation was already institutionalized under H. Chavez. The most intense interaction took place in the energy and military-technical fields. The mechanisms of Russian economic diplomacy included primarily public and private loans, investments, and payments for the permission to develop Venezuelan oil deposits. The election N. Maduro was accompanied by a dramatic deterioration of political and economic situation in the country. The crisis was further aggravated by economic sanctions imposed by the US. The latter also affected Russian projects in the republic. However, Russia continued to provide significant support to Venezuela, both through already proven mechanisms of economic diplomacy and a number of new ones, including sovereign debt restructuring and advance delivery of goods. At the same time, the author notes that this assistance remains rather isolated and limited, it affects only specific areas, mainly oil and gas and military-technical cooperation, and its volume is insufficient to effectively address the economic crisis in Venezuela. In this context, the domestic economic policy of the Venezuelan government is of particular importance. Indeed, liberal economic reforms carried out since 2018 were helpful for recovery from the economic crisis. In this connection, the author provides a list of measures and mechanisms Russia could implement in the framework of economic diplomacy to ensure this positive trend.

In the context of international events, the relations between Russia and Turkey remain complex, although they are based on mutual recognition of security and other interests and cooperation that is mutually beneficial. The strained relations between Turkey and the United States, caused by disagreements in Syria and Turkish purchase of the S-400 missile system, have shown Turkey's growing commitment to a more independent foreign policy. Russia is under sanctions due to the annexation of Crimea and is an actor in the crisis over Ukraine due to the NATO threat of expansion to the Russian western borders, which escalated after the Russian recognition of the independence of the People's Republic of Donetsk and Lugansk (Donbas) and launching a "special military operation" in Donbas. In the foreign policy of Russia and Turkey and acting towards the third parties, their conflicting interests and providing direct or indirect support to parties to the conflict, without a direct conflict, are often present, which shapes their specific "competitive cooperation". The engagement of Turkey and Russia in Syria has proven to be effective, both in military operations and in mediating negotiations, which has reduced the influence of the United States and NATO in this area. The crisis management model implemented in Syria has not been successful in the Libyan crisis due to the Russian more passive attitude and greater influence of the Western powers and the UN mission. The common engagement in energy and military projects and technology transfer is an indicator of cooperation focused on the industries of strategic importance. The Russian interests in the NATO non-expansion and Turkey in entering the European Union markets can also have a positive effect on the current economic, political and security position of Serbia and the countries of the region.

The article provides an analysis of Turkish-Venezuelan relations amid Turkey-Latin American ties enhancing. In 2015-2019, this way of intercontinental cooperation has reached a peak. This was reflected in the intensification of trade and economic relations, as well as in the strengthening of diplomatic ties. The author analyzes the causes and international factors of the ongoing rapprochement. The analysis is carried out by tracking the trajectory of the changes in Turkey's foreign policy from the perspective of its gradual departure from the pro-Western course. The main emphasis is placed on the evolution and current stage of the Turkish-Venezuelan relations. After periods of recession and boom by 2016 relations between Venezuela and Turkey had come into a turning point. In recent years, their bilateral partnership has been markedly distinguished on the background of Ankaras relations with other states of the region. Venezuela has a record frequency of interstate official visits and a high degree of mutual understanding with the Turkish leadership on fundamental issues. The author carried out a comparative analysis of the two states political and historical special characteristics. The author comes to the conclusion that the format of Turkish-Venezuelan partnership is built on the basis of responding to common to the two states current external challenges. Both states are under sanctions pressure, although with a varying degrees of severity; both economies are experiencing crisis moments. These factors contribute to the development of economic interaction between the states on a mutually beneficial basis. For Venezuela, its economic cooperation with Turkey is a significant factor mitigating the negative effects of the permanent economic crisis. The supply of Turkish foodstuffs helps to reduce a food shortage, while Ankara's purchases of Venezuelan gold contribute to the replenishment of the Venezuelan budget with currency assets. We can talk about the existing geostrategic partnership, which has, if not long-term, then medium-term potential.

The development of the PRC’s armed forces included three phases when their modernization was carried out through an active introduction of foreign weapons and technologies. The first and the last of these phases (from 1949 to 1961, and from 1992 till present) received wide attention in both Chinese and Western academic literature, whereas the second one — from 1978 to 1989 —when the PRC actively purchased weapons and technologies from the Western countries remains somewhat understudied. This paper is intended to partially fill this gap. The author examines the logic of the military-technical cooperation between the PRC and the United States in the context of complex interactions within the United States — the USSR — China strategic triangle in the last years of the Cold War. The first section covers early contacts between the PRC and the United States in the security field — from the visit of R. Nixon to China till the inauguration of R. Reagan. The author shows that during this period Washington clearly subordinated the US-Chinese cooperation to the development of the US-Soviet relations out of fear to damage the fragile process of detente. The second section focuses on the evolution of the R. Reagan administration’s approaches regarding arms sales to China in the context of a new round of the Cold War. The Soviet factor significantly influenced the development of the US-Chinese military-technical cooperation during that period, which for both parties acquired not only practical, but, most importantly, political importance. It was their mutual desire to undermine strategic positions of the USSR that allowed these two countries to overcome successfully tensions over the US arms sales to Taiwan. However, this dependence of the US-China military-technical cooperation on the Soviet factor had its downside. As the third section shows, with the Soviet threat fading away, the main incentives for the military-technical cooperation between the PRC and the United States also disappeared. As a result, after the Tiananmen Square protests, this cooperation completely ceased. Thus, the author concludes that the US arms sales to China from the very beginning were conditioned by the dynamics of the Soviet-American relations and Beijing’s willingness to play an active role in the policy of containment. In that regard, the very fact of the US arms sales to China was more important than its practical effect, i.e. this cooperation was of political nature, rather than military one.

The article aims to identify the key trends and main areas of development of arms trade and military-technical cooperation between South-East Asian countries and the United States and European Union countries over the past decade (2011–2020). In addition to the direct procurement of weapons and military equipment (with a detailed list of purchased systems for each of the South-East Asian countries), the supply of subsystems and components, the licensed production and other forms of military-technical cooperation are also considered. The growth of military expenditures and arms procurement of the South-East Asian countries over the past decade is analyzed in terms of influence of such drivers as internal instability, the China-US confrontation in the Pacific region and the unresolved disputes between the countries in the South China Sea, the modernization of the armed forces and national defense industries in SouthEast Asia. On this basis, conclusions are made about the prospects for development of military-technical cooperation and arms procurement in the region, as well as how the changes taking place in this sphere affect Russia’s military-technical cooperation with South-East Asian countries.

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The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) was founded in 1992 for military-economic cooperation of member countries and mainly reflects the intention of Russia to maintain its zone of influence on the territory of the former USSR. In continuation of this policy, an agreement was concluded on the foundation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), which began its operation in 2015 and provides a certain freedom of movement of goods (services), capital and labor. These organizations provide effective interaction between the CSTO member states and the EAEU including common space between the countries and their development in a single trajectory, which allows to obtain a synergistic effect on the international arena. Thus, it is necessary to monitor the level of military-economic cooperation between the CSTO and EAEU member states. The purpose of this article was to study the challenges and threats to the Russia of military-economic cooperation of the CSTO and EAEU member states with third countries. To achieve this goal, military-economic cooperation of Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Armenia with third countries was examined and proposals were made for replacing purchases on the arms market with Russian counterparts. Some CSTO and EAEU countries seek to diversify their purchases in the arms market, providing a program of independent military development with the development of military-industrial cooperation with third countries. This situation forces Russia to ensure the development of plans for the import substitution of military products with Russian counterparts on the market of the CSTO and the EAEU. To test this hypothesis, we reviewed and analyzed publicly available statistics and documents, including data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. In the course of data analysis, it was proved that Belarus, Kazakhstan and partially Armenia diversify their purchases of military equipment and weapons by actively developing military-economic cooperation with third countries, including China.

The article provides the overview of military-technical cooperation (MTC) of theRussian Federationwith Latin American countries, its main trends and impact on bilateral political and economic relations withVenezuela,PeruandBrazil. After the collapse of theUSSR, the supply of domestic arms to the Latin American market declined significantly. In the 2000s,Russiaregained its position in this market. Modern MTC strategies are primarily economic, marketing and political. The development of partnership in the field of military-technical cooperation is of long-term strategic importance, since the purchase of weapons entails the need for cooperation in other areas related to its use.

In the face of deteriorating the regional security environment in East Asia, a noticeable growth of Japan’s defense capabilities and Tokyo’s departure from most self-restraints in the field of security policy look quite expected and natural process. At the same time, Japan continues to rely on the alliance with the United States. On the other hand, relations between Washington and Moscow are now at their lowest point since the Cold War. Japan itself has territorial claims to Russia. This means, based on confrontational logic that returns to the international agenda, that Japan’s traditionally reserved attitude towards Russia should be maintained. However, today we are witnessing a different situation. After the start of regular personal meetings between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, the dialogue is intensified on a wide range of issues, including those related to international security, and especially its regional aspect. Although certain background for that was noted before the Sochi meeting between V. Putin and S. Abe, this foreign policy turn, and, in particular, its speed, came as a surprise not only for Tokyo’s Western partners, but also for many Japanese politicians and experts. This article is devoted to the analysis of its possible causes, as well as the search for an answer to the next question.Is the dialogue between Russia and Japan a situational political maneuver or a step towards cooperation on security issues?

The article describes the history of Venezuela's military-technical cooperation (MTC, arms trade) with foreign states in the period from the 1950s until now. There are three stages of the military-technical cooperation of Venezuela: pre-Chaves stage (before Hugo Chávez came to power), Chávez stage, post-Chávez stage (after Hugo Chávez's death during the reign of Nicholas Maduro). The nature and direction of the MTC, as well as the structure of suppliers of weapons and military equipment, as well as the factors that contributed to this orientation are described for each of these stages. The conclusion is made that the MTC of Venezuela depends on two key factors - the political attitudes of the current leadership and the market environment for Venezuela's key export commodity - oil. Taking into account the severe economic, social and financial crisis that hit Venezuela, China remained the only exporter continuing large shipments of military equipment to Venezuela. At the same time, a slight recovery in oil prices allows Russian exporters to expect the Venezuelan arms market to recover in the medium term. However, competition with Chinese exporters of military equipment will require granting Venezuela large-scale soft loans. At the same time, the Venezuelan debt market will remain high-risk because of political instability in the country, foreign policy pressures and volatility of hydrocarbon prices. If the government of Nicholas Maduro falls and the Bolivarian revolutionary project is scrapped, Caracas will be politically and militarily reoriented to the US and other Western countries with a high degree of probability. However, the inertia of Russian-Venezuelan military-technical cooperation will be a solid foundation for its continuation after the stabilization of the economic situation in the country, regardless of the foreign policy orientation of the future governments of Venezuela. In any case, the Russian political leadership and the management of the military equipment exporters, working together with the expert community and academic science, must constantly carefully assess the economic and political risks of continuing the Russian-Venezuelan military-technical cooperation, on the one hand, and its potential commercial and geopolitical dividends, on the other.

The article investigates the influence of international military treaties on regional policy. Military contracts are considered as part of the implementation of the state’s military policy. It assesses the role of the military contracts to provide security. The article presents a classification of military contracts, the influence of the military agreements of the Russian Federation on the political situation in the South Caucasus.

The purpose of this article is to study the key risks affecting the interaction between countries in the field of defense under globalization and the formation of multi-vector world order. To this end, the authors consider the military-technical cooperation of the Russian Federation with the states parties of the Collective Security Treaty Organization and other former Soviet countries, as well as the interaction of these countries with the leading countries that form the political landscape. Moreover, the authors assess the changes in the growth dynamics of individual export and import indicators of arms supplies within the framework of military-technical cooperation. It is assumed that the current key risks of interaction between countries within the framework of military-technical cooperation are based on the formation of a multi-vector world order that utilizes the model of the Western and Eastern approaches. To test this hypothesis, the authors analyze publicly available documents, including statistical data on changes in the indicators of such countries as Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Belarus, the Russian Federation, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Ukraine, China and the United States of America. In the study, the authors use such methods as the systemic approach, comparative and statistical research methods. The main research methods are the search, systematization, assessment and analysis of the data obtained on the main indicators of military-technical cooperation and subsequent conclusions about the interaction of countries within the organization (on the example of the Collective Security Treaty Organization) and outside the organization in the context of the globalization of the global economy and the formation of a multi-vector environment. In general, it has been proven that at the present stage of international economic relations, the interaction of countries is influenced by a range of risks, including the active influence of the Western countries and China which can lead to a disruption in the established cooperation ties. This article can be useful for further research in the field of international relations and globalization of the economy and society since the authors not only prove the impact of globalization on the interactions of countries, including in the area of the leading country's geopolitical interests but also describe the system of key risks of impact on interstate cooperation. The novelty of this study is the identification of key risks and assessment of the development of interaction between the former Soviet countries both within the organization and outside it, according to the main indicators of military-technical cooperation and the comparison of the trends, considering the influence of internal and external factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the study of the development process of Russian-Tajik militarytechnical cooperation in the period of the creation of the most important public institutions. The rticle analyses the most important stages of the military collaboration between Russia and Tajikista and the experience of the organisation of military aid and the aid to the civilian population in emergencies. For eech stage of the development of the collaboration the author highlights the priority directions of collaboration. Particularly in the article are studied such aspects of Russian-Tajik military cooperation as the work of the group of military observers of CIS, including the border protection and various types of peacekeeping activities, the supply of military technique, training of military specialists. The author comes to the conclusion that on all the stages of the collaboration was the Russian participation in the regulation of the internal conflicts in Tajikistan, the training of military specialists and the participation in creation of the number of arms of Tajikistan, the supplies of weapons and military equipment, as well as assistance in the protection of the border.

This article presents an analysis of the new Brazilian defense policy in its process of becoming a world power. Brazil faces the challenge of building a dissuasion capacity considered necessary for its own security and defense with the modernization and strengthening of its military forces. In this sense Brazil has signed important military-technical cooperation agreements in the last years specially with France. On a regional level, it wishes to maintain the process of integration with its neighboring countries. On a global level, Brazil has increased its participation in international peace missions and has reaffirmed its commitment to the principle of non intervention by searching diplomatic solutions to solve conflicts.

This article examines the international legal frameworks of the Agreement on Military-Technical Cooperation between the Government of the Russian Federation and the Government of the Republic of Iraq. We analyzed the course of the Agreement implementation on the basis of studying the indicators of recent years. We revealed and substantiated the most important substantive aspects of the Agreement, relevant in the current conditions. We studied the statistical indicators of implementation in the first years after the conclusion of the Agreement on Military-Technical Cooperation between the countries. Based on the research conducted, the author has concluded that such agreements play an important role in the implementation of the modern concept of external policy, since the analyzed statistics clearly indicate the formation of positive trends on the issue of Military-Technical Cooperation between Russia and Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The military-political aspect of cooperation between Kazakhstan and the U.S. is one of the important fields of interaction between the states. During the first years of independence the interests of the U.S. were around the Soviet nuclear weapons located on the Kazakhstani territory. Cooperation in the militarypolitical field develops also on the structural level through NATO. After the events of September 11 the US proclaimed a war against terrorism. The struggle against terrorism became one of the major challenges of the US foreign policy. Therefore due to its geopolitical and strategic location the role of Kazakhstan increased. In this article will be made an attempt to trace the dynamics of Kazakhstani-U.S. relations in the military-political direction.

В статье содержится анализ целого ряд внутренних факторов, оказывающих влияние на внешнеполитический процесс Таиланда. Среди них следует особо выделить три тематических блока, включающих в себя рассмотрение правовых основ и практической деятельности государственных структур, обеспечивающих внешнеполитических процесс, особой роли бюрократического аппарата, групп интересов и других неформальных элементов, а также общего внутриполитического фона, связанного с особой ролью монархии, эволюцией политической системы и политического режима в стране. В заключительной части статьи анализируется роль и место Российской Федерации во внешнеполитическом процессе Таиланда, приводятся основные выводы.

This article is devoted to the issues of cooperation between Russia and the BRICS countries. Various factors (such as labour migration, the impact of transnational corporations, the problems of global economic instability and globalization, as well as financial risks), determine the current position and prospects of Russian companies in the BRIC markets. Particular attention is paid to assessing the military-technical cooperation of the BRICS, in the context of the current macroeconomic development. The final part of the article discusses the key promising areas of economic development with potential for cooperation between Russia and BRICS. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses Russian military-technical cooperation with foreign countries as of November 2013. Particular focus is given to the military assistance provided by the Soviet Union during the Cuban Missile Crisis and the Vietnam War, as well as the Soviet campaign in Afghanistan. The Russian S-300 surface-to-air (SAM) missile system is also discussed.