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Underground movements are understandably reluctant to record the names and numbers of their adherents because any such compilation is manifestly a hostage to fortune. Hence very few lists of politically active Jacobites actually compiled by the Jacobites themselves have survived to the present day. In the French foreign ministry archives at La Corneille, however, there is a rare and previously unknown/unused example of such a list. 'The Rolls of Parliament as they stand', is a classic printed, marked list of all the lords entitled to sit in, and commissioners elected to, Queen Anne's Union Parliament. It identifies the political allegiances of the great majority of the sitting commissioners and peers, and in particular the Jacobites among them. Rather better known, yet hitherto seldom consulted or used, is a debriefing document describing the political alignment of a great many of those in parliament and the general political inclination of their constituents written by Captain Harry Straton for the Jacobite King James III and VIII in August 1706. These two sources are the basis of the analysis that follows. The focus is on what these two Jacobite analyses of the state of Scotland and Scottish politics can tell us about the political dynamics of the Scottish Parliament and the country more broadly on the eve of the Union debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Underground movements are understandably reluctant to record the names and numbers of their adherents because any such compilation is manifestly a hostage to fortune. Hence very few lists of politically active Jacobites actually compiled by the Jacobites themselves have survived to the present day. In the French foreign ministry archives at La Corneille, however, there is a rare and previously unknown/unused example of such a list. 'The Rolls of Parliament as they stand', is a classic printed, marked list of all the lords entitled to sit in, and commissioners elected to, Queen Anne's Union Parliament. It identifies the political allegiances of the great majority of the sitting commissioners and peers, and in particular the Jacobites among them. Rather better known, yet hitherto seldom consulted or used, is a debriefing document describing the political alignment of a great many of those in parliament and the general political inclination of their constituents written by Captain Harry Straton for the Jacobite King James III and VIII in August 1706. These two sources are the basis of the analysis that follows. The focus is on what these two Jacobite analyses of the state of Scotland and Scottish politics can tell us about the political dynamics of the Scottish Parliament and the country more broadly on the eve of the Union debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the English underground press in the later Stuart period. Following the end of pre-publication licensing in 1695, the ongoing threat of government reprisals meant that controversial political and religious tracts continued to be printed in secret; yet the survival of the underground press into this period has been neglected in recent works of political, religious, social, cultural and literary history. The dominant view, established by some of the most influential book historians of the past century, is that the materials necessary for a study of secret printing do not survive. This article argues otherwise. Through a detailed case-tudy of the career of one such printer, David Edwards, it illustrates how the clandestine activities of a subset of printers helped shape contemporary debate. Combining historical and bibliographical modes of investigation, this article explores the fundamental mechanics of how controversial tracts, written and printed in secret, reached the public. It examines Edwards's training under the Whig printer Thomas Braddyll, his subsequent links to the exiled Jacobite court, the clandestine techniques he used to disguise his activities, and the authorship of books he printed. These included the use of indentures and tokens to ensure against imposters and tweaking copy texts to mask distinctive stylistic tics. The article concludes by arguing that the vibrant culture of partisan print associated with the later Stuart public sphere was enabled not solely by the demise of pre-publication licensing in 1695, but also by the persistence of the underground press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the trial of László Rajk and its preliminary outcome in Hungary, which include death sentences and two military court convictions. Topics include the trial aims to eliminate who oppose the accelerated Sovietization or imminent incorporation of Hungary and to justify the rupture of friendship with Western imperialists; and insight into revolutionary movements, conspiracies, underground movements, and intelligence services in Europe since the Spanish Civil War.

During the Vietnam War, the FBI conducted counterintelligence operations on many groups and individuals seen as communist collaborators and national security threats. The War Resisters League, a pacifist group, was not just a target of FBI surveillance but was cast by the agency as a seditious organization. FBI records and corroborating sources show that Hoover's aim was to consolidate his own power over the Justice Department and, in the later years of the war in Vietnam, the White House. Since the majority of existing scholarship on FBI surveillance of the WRL focuses on the interwar period between World War I and World War II, this study expands this history into the critical period between 1965 and 1973. Within this history is Hoover's process of casting the WRL as a threat and violating members' civil liberties to "thwart" it. This process not only had an impact on the WRL's ability to organize but also created a dynamic between nonviolent antiwar activists and the Department of Justice that remains resonant in the twenty‐first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining how the daily newspaper La Croix and its editor-inchief, Father Léon Merklen, negotiated the Dark Years of the Occupation, this article addresses common categories of resistance and collaboration as they pertain to the French Catholic Church during World War II. Resistance and collaboration are both necessary but problematic terms. We need to account for the complexity and fluidity of the experiences of the majority of Catholics, including clergy, who do not fall easily into one of these categories. Merklen's story introduces us to an ineliminable grey area at the heart of Catholic responses to Vichy, Nazism, and the Holocaust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to point out a specific segment of education of children in Slovakia in the period of Socialism (1948–1989) through the example of confessional education of children in the environment of the secret Church. After the Second World War, a significant turnover in education occurred in Czechoslovakia under the impact of Soviet politics. Schools were nationalised, which in fact meant the disappearance of church schools and plurality in education. After the Communist coup in 1948, education was immediately reformed by the Education Act of 21 April 1948, which unified the system of education and made it a state monopoly with a pro-Soviet orientation. The socialist school was indoctrinated by the ideology of Marxism-Leninism; the content of education at all levels, as well as leisure time activities of children. Work with children and youth in a religious spirit was harshly punished and considered an anti-state activity. Therefore, in the period of political liberation in the 1960s (Prague Spring), the so-called secret Church started its activity. The paper is focused on an analysis of the model of working with children in the secret Church in Slovakia between 1973 and 1989 through the method of oral history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The story of activists who resisted the Islamic State in Mosul and Raqqa reveals new dimensions of resistance activity in two major cities of the former caliphate. Mike Stevens provides a comparison of the experiences of resistance actors in the two cities and suggests lessons applicable to current military ambitions in the sphere of information warfare. ◼ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1941, the well-known international Cold War actor Serafino Romualdi traveled to South America for the first time. As a representative of the New York-based Mazzini Society, Romualdi sought to grow a robust anti-fascist movement among South America's Italian communities, finding the most success in Uruguay. As Romualdi conducted his tour of South America, he began writing a series of reports on local fascist activities, which caught the attention of officials at the Office of the Coordinator for Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA), a US government agency under the direction of Nelson Rockefeller. The OCIAA would eventually tap Romualdi and his growing connections in South America to gather intelligence concerning Italian and German influence in the region. This investigation sheds light on the critical function that Romualdi and his associates played in helping the US government to construct the initial scaffolding necessary to orchestrate various strategies under the umbrella of OCIAA-sponsored cultural diplomacy. Despite his limited success with Italian anti-fascist groups in Latin America, Romualdi's experience in the region during the early 1940s primed him to become an effective agent for the US government with a shrewd understanding of the value in shaping local labor movements during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The resistance of the Jews of the Eastern Belarus to the Nazi genocide is a chapter of World War II history to which little attention has been paid. This article deals with the position and resistance of the Jewish population of the eastern regions of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR) to the Nazi genocide during the German occupation in 1941–1944. The material presented here is the first attempt towards a comprehensive coverage of the activities of Jews concentrated in places of isolation to resist Nazi actions against the Jewish population. Materials from Belarusian, Israeli, German and Russian archives have substantially supplemented data from the author's personal archive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political terrorism has played an integral part in the independence struggle of several sovereign nations, and resistance and liberation movements have often had to resort to terrorism as a deliberate strategy. In the Finnish nationalist struggle for independence, a key role was played by the Jäger Movement, which combined the features of transnational war volunteerism and an underground organization. The military cooperation with Germany against the Russian Empire during the First World War, and the creation of the Finnish 27th Royal Prussian Jäger Battalion, also necessitated the establishment of a clandestine recruitment network in Finland, which effectively operated as an underground organization. During the war, the Jäger Movement was repeatedly faced with the question of resorting to reprisals and terror tactics. This process culminated in the autumn of 1916, and briefly showed signs of escalating to the level of an actual terror campaign, until it was cut short by the Russian February Revolution. Nonetheless, the accumulated propensity for political violence manifested itself during the subsequent Finnish Civil War, as well as during the far-right reaction of the early 1930s. The article approaches the question of terrorism in the Jäger Movement during this era, the issue of deploying “enforcement terror” during the independence struggle, and the subsequent distinctive participation of Jägers in state terror during the Civil War and the extreme right-wing political terror in the 1930s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Havel's essay The Power of the Powerless described a unique situation in post-war Europe, when the Communist system of power was exhausted and those deprived of power under it were beginning to know each other and cooperate with each other in a new kind of underground. I describe the spiritual condition of a certain kind of young person in this underground, eager to find another cultural identity than the one offered by the official ideology and anxious to "live in truth." I suggest that the sudden collapse of Communism and the advent of a new consumer society left those young people in a certain measure bereft. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to analyze how Stanisław Sojczyński “Warszyc”, one of the leaders of the anticommunist underground movement in postwar Poland who was captured and then killed, was portrayed within the official politics of memory by the People’s Republic of Poland. The author is mostly interested in the slow evolution of Sojczyński’s image from nothing more than a common “bandit” in the mid 40’s, to a partially acknowledged “patriot” twenty years later. The study shows that even though Sojczyński was consistently described as a major enemy of the communist state, some significant changes developed over time in the way that he was portrayed. This case study is based on detailed examination of materials such as press articles, novels and even a film, which all dealt with the story of Sojczyński and his troops. Aleida Assmann’s distinction between communicative and collective memory is employed as a main theoretical framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a profile of the September 23 Communist League on the basis of a sample of 203 files from the Federal Direction of Security (DFS) archive between 1973 and 1980. The armed group was largely composed by students aged between 15 and 30 years old, who came from urban areas such as Mexico City, Culiacán and Guadalajara. These areas were set up in an upright and compartmented structure that attempted to confront the Mexican State clandestinely. I also include a representative example of a brigade from Mexico City. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Contemporary French Civilization is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the use of cartoons for propaganda by the Chinese resistance against the invasion forces of Japan. Cartoons served an important purpose at the time since an estimated 80 percent of Chinese were illiterate. Topics considered include patriotism, the newspaper "Shun Pao" founded by British resident Ernest Major, the Nationalist Party (KMT) and Communist Party, and the periodicals "Salvation Cartoons" and "Anti-Japan Cartoons."

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung is the property of Herder Institut e.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the French Resistance movements against the German occupation of France at the time of Second World War. Topics discussed includes Germans control on France after Second World War and opposition of it by Charles de Gaulle later president of France, uncertain nature of the resistant organization, and meaning of resistance which is a struggle to form, struggle against power, and struggle that involved power.

Why are some nascent groups able to organize sustained violent resistance to state repression, whereas others quickly fail? This article links the sustainability of armed resistance to a largely understudied variable—the skills to mount such a resistance. It also argues that the nature of repression experienced by a community creates and shapes these crucial skills. More specifically, the article focuses on a distinction between selective and indiscriminate state repression. Selective repression is more likely to create skilled resisters; indiscriminate repression substantially less so. Thus, large-scale repression that begins at time t has a higher chance of being met with sustained organized resistance at t +1 if among the targeted population there are people who were subject to selective repression at t‒1. The article tests this argument by comparing the trajectories of anti-Nazi Jewish resistance groups in three ghettos during the Holocaust: Minsk, Kraków, and Białystok. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the 1915 Singapore Mutiny within the context of border-crossing patriotic and anarchist movements in the early twentieth century world. It traces some of the continuities and discontinuities with later revolutionary movements in Asia, especially in terms of networks and the sites of their interactions. Through this, it reflects on the meaning of the ‘transnational’ at this moment in Asian history. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article, a preliminary observation of the kopitiam (coffee shop) in Singapore, argues that the informal and seemingly apolitical kopitiam has engendered a form of political resistance that we have often failed to see. Using a case study, the article examines how local practices could reflect a hitherto neglected understanding of Singaporean politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Harare, Zimbabwe's capital and hub of cultural activity, two youth movements -- Underground Hip Hop and Urban Grooves -- are portrayed as, or lay claim to be, representing Hip hop. Yet, they espouse very different definitions of Hip hop. Although Urban Grooves is essentially an umbrella term for urban pop music that blends Afro-diasporic genres, mainly dancehall, r&b, and rap, with local elements, it has been described as Zimbabwean Hip hop since some Urban Groovers have adopted rapping, the fashion style, as well as the materialistic and misogynistic outlook of mainstream American rappers. In contrast, Underground Hip Hop artists perceive Hip hop as a counterculture in which rap is valued as a powerful voice to uplift, educate, and speak out against oppression. It is important to clearly differentiate between Underground Hip Hop and Urban Grooves, since the 'Underground' status of the Hip hop movement, on one side, and the emergence of Urban Grooves as a mainstream genre in early 2000, on the other, are tied up with specific state policies that aim to undermine protest music by promoting young artists to record pro-government or apolitical music. This has resulted in a mainstream/underground dichotomy that runs along political and ideological lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The armed resistance movement which emerged in Poland during the Second World War is usually portrayed as united and representing all sections of society. In reality, this was very far from the case and the underground resistance was divided on several lines, of which that separating the Home Army (AK) from the peasant armed units was most pronounced. Conflicts between the two related to the army’s role in the destruction of democracy before the war. As the end of the war appeared in sight, so these divisions multiplied as the peasant movement became anxious about the AK reconstructing the pre-war state of affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Sursum Corda studies the underground press in occupied Belgium during the First World War. No other European occupied territory, in 1914–1918, produced such an intensive underground discourse. The article links this exceptional proliferation to the circumstances of Belgium's entry into the war, viz. the violation of neutrality and the civilian massacres of 1914. These issues, which galvanized a sense of national identity, were stressed by the underground press to deny legitimacy to the German occupation regime. This underground press was sustained by ad hoc networks of people from the urban middle classes, most of them Catholic. The German occupation regime, in its quest for legitimacy, spent considerable effort dismantling these networks. Underground press activity, at its most intense in 1915, sank to a very low pitch in 1917–1918. This was not only due to hardened repression and material difficulties but also due to a sense, among the occupied population, of the diminished (though never completely expired) relevance of the message of the underground press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Sino-Japanese War of 1937--1945, the Nationalist government in China launched vigorous anti-collaborator movements. It condemned collaborators as hanjian, or "traitors to the Han Chinese," and organized legal, social, and literary campaigns against them. This article examines the interplay between gender and the crime of collaboration in the context of the Nationalist government's post-war struggles, public voyeurism, and changing literary trends. Anti-hanjian literature targeted "female collaborators" as a particular category, exposing their relationships with male collaborators and fabricating details of their private lives. Tabloids and popular pamphlets deployed hearsay and rumors to confirm political disloyalty and personal decadence of collaborators, male or female. In this way, issues such as family and sexuality were written into the discourse on war and collaboration. Many anti-hanjian strategies and vocabularies were inherited and taken up during later campaigns organized by the Chinese Communist party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the perspective of an insider, this article explains how an underground network of actively-serving lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) military members was formed, and able to engage in the fight against the Don't Ask, Don't Tell policy. By providing the means to connect with one another within the constraints of the law, OutServe enabled the voices of gay and lesbian active military personnel to be heard. This new visibility informed the political debate surrounding the policy and played a role in the final days of Don't Ask, Don't Tell. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses underground printing in Poland during the 1970s and 1980s. Particular focus is given to the techniques and materials used for underground publications, including onionskin paper, stencil printing, and offset printing. Other topics include martial law and the labor union and social movement known as Solidarity.

The consumerist economies of the late modern city, in combination with contemporary models of urban policing, operate to close down the public spaces of social life. In response, social groups dedicated to democratic urbanism utilize anarchic tactics of 'dis-organization' and direct action to reopen public space and to revitalize it with unregulated activity. Complicating and animating these spatial conflicts is the issue of drift. On the one hand, consumerist economies and contemporary policing strategies exacerbate urban drift, spawning the very sorts of spatial transgression they seek to control. On the other hand, many of the progressive movements that battle for open space and alternative economic arrangements themselves embrace a culture of drift, and explore drift for its anarchic and progressive potential. In this context drift can usefully be investigated as an emergent form of epistemology, community, and spatial politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A decade after the Falungong was outlawed in China, public forms of its organized activities have virtually disappeared and its overt acts of defiance have precipitously declined from 2000 to 2011. However, some determined practitioners continue to engage in stubborn protest activities in public, while others meet covertly in small groups or in larger conferences to share experiences of cultivation. Falungong practitioners have also adhered to their Grand Master's call to ‘clarify the truth’ about their beliefs as well as persecution by the regime. For both the Fa conferences and the Clarify the Truth campaign, they are connected to each other and to their global community through the vast Falungong telecommunications network outside China, and a proliferating system of domestic, cellular material centers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

By late 1942, as the ghettos in eastern Poland, Belarus and Lithuania were being gradually annihilated, large numbers of Jews began escaping into the woods. These were, generally, young men and women, some of them members of the ghetto underground movements, who sought to take part in the fighting against the Germans and regarded the woods as a path to potential survival. Jewish candidates wishing to join a partisan combat unit were required to prove themselves in battle, battle readiness and volunteering, in addition to the uniquely Jewish missions of revenge and survival. Out of this combination was born the Jewish partisans' wish to form independent Jewish units that would take revenge on the Germans and save Jews incarcerated in camps and ghettos. This paper will study the history of the Revenge (Neqama) Battalion – an independent Jewish partisan battalion that was formed in the Narocz woods in Belarus in July 1943. It will also address the question of whether an independent Jewish battalion could exist at all within the Soviet partisan forces. The paper employs historical perspectives when describing the daily life of the Jewish partisans in the woods, and relies on life stories, testimonies and memoirs of surviving Jewish partisans from the Narocz woods. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the leadership qualities of Lieutenant Colonel Otto Skorzeny whose charteristic led to refer him as the "most dangerous man in Europe." It says that Skorzeny wa born on June 12, 1908 in Austria and joined the Austrian Nazi Party in 1931. It mentions that Skorzeny involved in planning the attack in the (Operation GREIF) Ardennes, Belgium in November 1944. Moreover, Skorzeny attempts to organize former SS members into an underground movement whose aim was to resist communism and help the evacuation of Western troops from Germany.

El artículo considera la rebelión del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) de 1994 en México. El autor examina la historia del grupo, el cual tiene antecedente en las Fuerzas de Liberación Nacional (FLN), una organización político-militar clandestina. Se estudian los zapatistas, que principalmente consisten en indígenas mexicanas. Se analiza el levantamiento de 1994 para la democratización del gobierno mexicano.

This article focuses on Hermann Danz, a German resistance fighter against the National Socialists (Nazis) in Germany. Several topics are discussed, such as how Danz led a resistance group in Magdeburg, Germany along with German men including Hans Schellheimer, Fritz Rödel, and Hubert Materlik after the Nazis took over the leadership in 1933, how Danz was arrested because he was a leader in the Communist Party of Germany (KPD), and how the wives, children, and families of these men joined them in their resistance work. Also discussed is that the resistance fighter and KPD member Eva Lippold received one of the harshest punishments given to a woman during that time for her involvement in Danz's group, and how social democrats, anti-fascists, and Jews were also involved in Danz's group.

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the impact of resistance to change management on the operations of change managers in implementing change processes of the company. It describes the active and underground resistors, as well as the factors that initiate such resistance which include rational or internal political factors and general mismanagement in the part of the executives. It also mentions the issues perpetrated by active underground resistors such as the labor unions in airing their concerns with management and cites the relevance of early detection of underlying resistance among the employees. It also features a case study of a Sam Bridgeport, one of the seniors at Seahawk Consulting after he was appointed to lead a change effort for their company.

The article focuses on the current literature about the Islamic radicalization and Uighur insurgency in Xinjang Xian, China. It points out that the literature focuses on specific aspects of the insurgency and is inadequate to explain the causal mechanism of the Islamic radicalization. Furthermore, it highlights the policy implications on the Islamic radicalization at domestic and international levels.

According to the literature, governments have strong incentives to use the public budget tactically in order to either obtain the electoral support of new voters or strengthen the loyalty of their traditional supporters. Yet vote-seeking strategies only become rational when voters follow their self-interest and reward governments when their constituency benefits from public transfers. The literature has focused on the governments' incentives, largely ignoring the importance of knowing whether the electorate is responsive to public investments. This study tests empirically whether incumbents strategically use public investments to gather more electoral support; and whether voters take these investments into account at the polls. These two questions are pursued simultaneously by using as a case study the expansion of the underground network in Madrid, Spain. Only a little evidence is found to support the idea that regional governments constructed new metro stations in neighbourhoods where they had more to gain electorally. Also, the inauguration timing strictly followed the electoral cycle, something that indicates a strategic calculus on the part of the incumbent. However, the models are also consistent with the idea that the government's investments were primarily driven by motives of efficiency. Indeed, although governments are tempted to follow vote-seeking strategies, they are also aware that they cannot deviate too much from an efficiency-based allocation of public resources. From the perspective of the voters, robust evidence has been found to show that regional voters rewarded this policy at the neighbourhood level. Neighbourhoods that received new metro stations voted in higher numbers for the incumbent than those quarters without new investments. All in all, these findings may have some implications for normative democratic theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses relations between the Belarusian independence emigration and Nazi administration. With the collapse of the Belarusian People’s Republic in 1919 (proclaimed in 1918) a wave of political exiles appeared in the neighbouring countries of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Germany, Lithuania and Latvia. This emigration was deeply divided politically. Although most Belarusian politicians harboured critical opinions of Nazism, in 1939, in the face of approaching war, counting on German assistance in reconstructing the Belarusian state, they decided to enter into cooperation. This cooperation was continued after September 1939, despite the fact that regions considered by the emigres as belonging to the Belarusian state were divided between the USSR and Lithuania. During the springtime of 1940 various emigre milieus united in the Belarusian Committee for Mutual Aid (in Germany and in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia) and in the Belarusian Union for Mutual Aid (since spring 1941 known as the Belarusian Committee -- in the General Government). These organizations were active in the fields of material aid, assisting Belarusians in their contacts with the German administration, and in cultural and educational activities, carried out both in Belarusian territories and among the 25.000 prisoners of war, soldiers of the Polish army of Belarusian extraction, who were detained in Germany. At the same time some of the politicians entered into clandestine negotiations with the Polish underground authorities concerning future Polish-Belarusian relationships. In June 1941, in the face of no response from the Germans towards their overtures, Belarusian politicians (contrary to the actions undertaken by the Lithuanians and Ukrainians) abstained from declaring rebirth of their country, but decided to operate within the framework of the German sponsored administration and social organizations Belarusian emigre politicians also endeavoured to form the nucleus of a national army. These efforts found sympathetic response only from the Abwehr, which was interested in recruiting saboteurs for actions against Poland and the USSR. Finally, in May 1941 a platoon of Belarusian parachutist-sabotage fighters was created, which numbered up to 54 men and went into action during the first phase of the German-Soviet war. Later on, the platoon was dissolved and the soldiers were transferred to the auxiliary Belarusian police forces formed by the German authorities. Grzybowski emphasizes that major reasons for the failure of Belarusian independence efforts lay in the weakness of the emigre milieus and in the fundamental differences in German and Belarusian goals; little could be gained in terms of the future Belarusian independence, when the Nazis had no intention of committing themselves politically, and were only interested in economic exploitation of the territories and the population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of positive outcomes associated with strong psychological sense of community (PSOC) has grown worldwide. Yet most research explores PSOC as a uni-dimensional (positive) variable operating in a single referent community. Theoretical and empirical literature has suggested, however, that PSOC can be positive, neutral or negative (Brodsky in J Commun Psychol 24(4):347–363, ; Brodsky et al. in Psychological sense of community: Research, applications and implications. Kluwer, New York ) and since people live in multiple physical and relational communities, there may be multiple PSOCs (M-PSOC) operating simultaneously and interactively (Brodsky and Marx in J Commun Psychol 29(2):1–18, ). This paper explores the operation of M-PSOC in the lives of Afghan women, and male supporters, who belonged to a resistance organization before, during and after the Taliban regime. Decisions to join and stay in this community can be explained, in part, through the differentiation of positive, organizational-level PSOC from negative, macro-community-level PSOC. In addition, M-PSOC suggests unique cultural meanings of the terms “community” and “choice.” Findings have implications for cross-cultural community work and for fostering resilient sub-communities in the face of macro and societal-level risks and oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]