Search

The politics of Queen Anne's reign are characterised as the rage of party; Whigs and Tories contended over religion, the constitution and the succession, and foreign policy. This struggle was taken to the electorate in five elections during Anne's reign, and these raise a question concerning electors' motivations, the answer to which remains elusive: were they acting according to principle, or reflecting the electoral interests to which they were subject? This article analyses the two surviving poll books for Dorset elections in the age of Anne, those at Wareham in 1702 and at Dorchester in 1705. It focuses principally on the voting behaviour of those engaged in the towns' governance structures: corporation members, councils of freemen and local parishes. However, it also considers the behaviour of other categories of voter: politicians, the clergy and non‐conformists. The analysis shows how electoral interest was mediated through the towns' governing institutions and suggests that (at least in these two cases) negotiation between the parties had a greater role in the outcome than has sometimes been suggested. It also demonstrates the limits of the electoral influence of the boroughs' elites: significant numbers of voters were simply not prepared to be led. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the history of narrative historical writing, particularly the works of writers Paul de Rapin de Thoyras and Thomas Salmon. The author discusses the historical continuity and discontinuity within the works, explores how historical change impacted English history, and examines the differences in stylistic patterns of writing between members of the British political parties Whigs and Tories.

The article offers information on the resignation of Anne, Queen of Great Britain, and accession of George I, King of Great Britain and Ireland. It further discusses the downfall of the tory party in Ireland; consequence of the crystallization of 'party politics' in Ireland after 1702; combination of peerage creations, appointments and translations in the episcopate; and leadership of the family interest in the Irish house of commons.

This article reconsiders the problem of 'liberal Toryism' in the 1820s not by looking at the government's policies, but instead at the very 'liberal' language through which they were expressed. It argues that an existing domestic language of 'liberality'—which was associated with religious toleration and with freer trade—was quite distinct from the new political movements on the Continent. Canning and Huskisson used this well-established, and generally well-esteemed, language to enhance and extend their appeal to 'public opinion'. However, many Tories were coming to view this terminology with increased suspicion in the aftermath of the Revolutions of 1820. The article stresses the way that the Tory press popularised a negative typology of the 'liberal system' which ran together religious, economic and foreign affairs, and depicted Canning and Huskisson as 'theorists' content to ruin the moral fibre and economic health of the nation in quest of an abstract metaphysics. By 1826 'liberal' and 'illiberal' were increasingly seen as distinct positions that could not be bridged. Although Canning's brief ministry was not able to bring about a reconfiguration of parties, the final years of decade saw a clear sense among many Tories that 'liberalism' was a powerful threat to traditional religious, political and economic practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract We present the results of studying the behavior of temperature and of the atomic oxygen concentration in the mesopause region during the 2013 January major Sudden Stratospheric Warming (SSW). The data on the hydroxyl molecule OH(6-2), 834.0 nm emission intensity and rotational temperature were analyzed. These data were obtained through spectrometric measurements at the Geophysical Observatory of the Institute of Solar-Terrestrial Physics of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences (51.8°N, 103.1°E, Tory), and at the Zvenigorod Station at the Obukhov Institute of Atmospheric Physics of the Russian Academy of Sciences (55.7°N, 36.8 E°). We calculated the concentration of atomic oxygen and its variations by using the data of the OH emission measurements. We revealed, that the response of the mesopause characteristics for two longitudinally spaced mid-latitude regions essentially differs. Thus, from the Tory Station data, the maximal increase in the OH emission intensity (by a factor of ∼2) and in the concentration [O] (by a factor of ∼3) occurred during the sudden stratospheric warming (SSW) evolution, whereas, from the Zvenigorod Station data, the OH emission intensity increase (by a factor of ∼3) and the concentration [O] increase (by a factor of ∼3.5) was observed at the SSW recovery phase. As a result of numerical modeling using the Middle and Upper Atmosphere Model (MUAM), it was shown, that the cause for the revealed effect may probably be longitudinal differences in the diurnal variation in the vertical wind at the mesopause heights over the indicated stations during the SSW. One may elucidate these differences through the generation of non-migrating tides due to a non-linear interaction between the intensified stationary planetary wave 1 (SPW1) and migrating tides and forcing a set of high-frequency PWs at the stratospheric heights. All these waves are capably of propagating into the MLT region and produce observed changes in behavior of the OH emission intensity, temperature and atomic oxygen concentration over Tory and Zvenigorod. Highlights • Effects of 2013 SSW on the MLT for two longitudinally spaced mid-latitude sites are investigated. • Longitudinal differences in the behavior of the mesopause temperature and composition were found. • It may be caused by longitudinal differences in the diurnal variation of vertical wind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beatrix Campbell was one of the first feminists to try to make sense of women's support for Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and their mobilisation for the Conservative Party since the beginning of the twentieth century. Her book The Iron Ladies: Why Do Women Vote Tory? (1987) was groundbreaking when it was published, and it is still highly informative and instructive in making sense of women's leadership and support for the Tory Party today. In correspondence and in conversation with historian Julie V. Gottlieb, Campbell revisited The Iron Ladies at just the time when a second Conservative woman, Theresa May, became Prime Minister. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the success of Downton Abbey hinges on the superimposition of progressive values onto the conservative nostalgia of heritage film. By depicting unequal class relations as consensual and allowing a measure of sexual freedom among its characters, Downton creates an alluring Tory past which is nevertheless acceptable to modern viewers. Fans' belief in the historical accuracy of the Downton fantasy and their intense desire for connection with it has left academic historians struggling to make sense of the show. The article draws on the author's experience of participating in audience events designed to promote the programme [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the significant role trade unions play in the fight for economic justice, despite media hostility. It mentions the Tory government is attempting to weaken the right to strike by employing tactics like using taxpayer money to compensate companies affected by strikes and proposing laws to maintain minimum staffing levels during strikes, and also addresses the challenges facing trade unions, such as declining membership rates and an aging demographic.

The article focuses on the change in Britons' outlook towards nuclear energy, from the period of former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. The change in the outlook came with the British attack on Afghanistan which ensued fury from the country's leading political party, Tory. It discusses controversial British nuclear weapons policy. The Thatcher Government is said to have favored the deal of the U.S. Trident system with larger submarines and missiles with longer range that would cost them £ 5000.

The Nottingham workhouse case was a test of the resolve both of the Poor Law Commissioners appointed to administer the post-1834 New Poor Law, and of the strength of the Whig interest in the town’s municipal and parliamentary elections. All eyes were on the implementation of the legislation in Nottingham, partly because of the influential thinking of local administrators such as Absolem Barnett, and partly because the government needed evidence that the system of unions and workhouses set up after 1834 would actually work in industrial towns. The Nottingham case showed only too clearly that the key issue was the trade cycle, and fluctuations in the town’s hosiery and lace trades made it almost impossible to implement the terms of the legislation fully. The key battle was fought over the decision to build a new workhouse, which the Whigs favoured and the Tories resisted. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article challenges the historical paradigm which portrays the eighteenth century English political factions the retrograde land-based Tories and the progressive, commercially advanced Whigs battling against each others economic policies. Topics include the economic arguments of writers on the side of the Tories including Charles Davenant and Nicholas Barbon compared to Whig economic writers like John Pollexfen, and the Tories policy for more legislation of consumer habits.

This article examines the career of Richard Thompson, briefly dean of Bristol in 1685, as an example of a clergyman of Tory royalist and anti-exclusion principles. Thompson’s public attack on the Popish plot and impugning of the exclusionist cause led to his attempted impeachment by the House of Commons in December 1680. Only the prorogation of parliament in January prevented his impeachment. Nevertheless, Thompson remained a figure strongly associated with the anti-exclusion cause in Bristol. His fractious behaviour brought him to the attention of Archbishop Sancroft on a number of occasions. But this did not prevent his advancement to a prebend and then the deanery of Bristol. His sermon during the Monmouth rebellion is one of the highest expressions of Tory theology. Thompson’s extreme High Tory position therefore also serves to illustrate the spectrum of views within Toryism in the late 1670s and 1680s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Whig and Tory parties played an important role in British politics in the decades following the Glorious Revolution. This article introduces new data on the political affiliation of all Members of Parliament in England and Wales between 1690 and 1747. The data have numerous applications for research. The focus here is on majority party representation and the electoral politics of constituencies. I show that the Whigs had stronger representation in municipal boroughs with small and narrow electorates, whereas the Tories were stronger in county constituencies and in boroughs with large and more democratic electorates. The Whigs were stronger in the Southeast region and the Tories in Wales and the West Midlands. After the Whig leader, Robert Walpole, became prime minister in 1721 the Whigs lost some presence in their traditional strongholds including counties where the Dissenter population was large. Finally, I incorporate data on electoral contests and show that the majority party generally lost strength in constituencies following contests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The success of Tory Democracy in Lancashire heightened its influence in Conservative party debates about tariff reform and India. New Delhi’s imposition of tariffs from 1917 prompted Lancashire Conservatives to gradually modify their position on free trade, so that by 1931 they supported imperial preference. India’s reluctance to lower tariffs led many to criticise the 1933 India white paper. Historians have examined front bench and die-hard conservative efforts to win over Lancashire, but they have overlooked the extent to which local feeling and activism on India was native to the county and not imported from Westminster. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The authors reflect on the fragmented politics that continue to divide the civil society in Great Britain. They explain the emergence of anti-politics movements that have intensified and manifested as geographical fractures in the British political system. The authors think that the aftermath of the local elections in England and Scotland mirrors the uncertainties faced by the Tory Party and the Labour Party.

The "PM and Pendulum" model was adjusted for the 2015 General Election to take account of the LiberalDemocratic participation in government and the SNP surge. So adjusted, the model predicts a Tory vote victory by 3.4 percent over Labour. The seat forecast puts the Tories ahead with 287 seats to 263 for Labour, with 41 for the SNP. Thus another Hung Parliament! Ex-post estimates show that without the Lib-Dem adjustments the model would have predicted a Conservative majority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]