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Abstract: Teachers unions are notorious figures in state politics, asserting influence over elections and education policy with their large memberships and well‐funded PACs. Nonetheless, during the Great Recession Republican‐controlled state governments repeatedly clashed with teachers unions over their members’ compensation and collective bargaining (CB) rights. Conversely, public safety officers were less frequently targeted—and in some cases explicitly shielded—from CB conflicts. Is this because teachers support Democrats, while cops support Republicans? I evaluate this proposition considering state reform patterns and union partisan campaign donations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years mentorship has become a popular 'solution' for struggling boys of color and has led to the recruitment of more male of color teachers. While not arguing against the merits of mentorship, this article critiques what the author deems 'corrective representations.' Corrective representations are the imagined embodiment of proper and productive masculinities that male of color educators are asked to perform. This discourse perpetuates confining representations of identity and locates the problem of boys of color within their own actions. Designed as an ethnographic case study, this article explores the life of one Latino male teacher as he navigates discourses of corrective representation as coordinator of his school's Latino boys program. This project provides a detailed account of the cultural politics of Latino male mentorship and offers the notion of a critical borderlands approach to identity as an avenue to problematize essentialist and deficit approaches to Latino boys. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Education et Societes is the property of INRP and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Education et Societes is the property of INRP and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Education et Societes is the property of INRP and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Hacettepe University Journal of Education is the property of Hacettepe University Journal of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The protests against the Budget Repair Bill in Wisconsin during the spring of 2011 provide a powerful moment in which to examine social studies teachers’ curricular, pedagogic, and personal political decisions in the context of a local, controversial current event. We engaged 7 middle and high school social studies teachers from small and large, liberal and conservative communities who participated in the protests in in-depth, semi-structured interviews using direct prompts rooted in critical incident scaffolding and open questions in keeping with oral history traditions. The teachers’ stories reveal the profound significance of that moment in their lives, the ways in which teaching through turmoil deepened their political awareness and activism, a range of factors influencing their decisions of whether or not to disclose their opinions to their students, the importance of the need for “balanced” teaching of controversial issues, and the ways in which they feel their voices have been silenced in the aftermath of the legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents abstracts on several topics including political dissent among U.S. and Canadian teachers through the use of the microblogging web service Twitter, long-term residential care work regulation in Canada, Germany, and Norway, and the promotion of cultural democracy by the Jazz libre (free jazz) group in Québec.

Copyright of Education et Societes is the property of INRP and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While studies of the New York City Teachers Union (TU) generally attribute its eventual demise to the Red Scares of the 1940s and 1950s, this article situates the TU in the history of New York City teachers’ associations more generally. It argues that the Union’s fate was a consequence not simply of anticommunism, but of competition between the Union and other city teachers’ associations. In particular, the Teachers Guild fought with the Union for the mantle of teacher radicalism. While the two organizations fought for some of the same issues, the liberal Guild was accommodating to the government, while the radical Union was confrontational. When it came to the Union’s ideology, however, the Guild consistently sacrificed its commitment to academic freedom by collaborating with public authorities to reveal the extent of the Union’s Communist commitments. Using archival data – private correspondence of teacher unionists, minutes of Union meetings, and articles from the teachers’ unions’ official periodicals – this article documents the Guild’s efforts at subverting the Union, particularly at moments when the Union’s political commitments became salient in public affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Education et Societes is the property of INRP and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This case study on nine bilingual teachers in Texas during their first year in a graduate education program examines both the development of critical consciousness among the educators and the ways in which critical consciousness shapes how these teachers come to understand their roles as teachers and leaders of a sociopolitically marginalized student group and community. Our analysis supports the proposition that teacher leadership programs can influence the development of social justice leadership, and it suggests that engaging teachers in certain types of structured learning opportunities can promote risk taking and a willingness to assume responsibility through the development of a sense of agency and efficacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Finnish school teachers are unlike their colleagues in many countries, for their ethos and skills have traditionally formed the basis for a profession which has been very loyal to the state and to the changing educational ideologies of the government. Critical historical periods of wars and social revolutions have, however, produced – to a small degree – different kinds of tendencies. This article discusses the political agency of comprehensive and upper secondary school teachers by looking at a particular point of rupture in the Finnish “master narrative” of a neutral and impartial teacher image. As an example of a counter-narrative, the paper presents a small leftist teacher association called the Democratic School Workers Association (Demko) which existed between 1973 and 1989. Demko’s manifesto texts are analysed with the help of A.J. Greimas’ actantial model in order to find the possible kind of political agency that is constructed for teachers. The analysis shows a major change between the 1970s and 1980s. The early Demko narrative draws from the vocabulary of the neo-leftist student movement, inviting progressive teachers to join the “common struggle”. Demko aims at lobbying the more established political actors, whereas individual agency is shackled by the ideals of monolithicity and unanimity. In the 1980s, along with the fading of societal radicalism, Demko’s narrative evolves into a more polyphonic space for identity debates. Political agency is transferred from the collective to individuals who are supposed to critically reflect Demkoian ideals against their everyday praxis. All in all, Demkoian narrative is interpreted as having enriched the gamut of “possible discourses” in the era of the early Finnish comprehensive school. With its distinctively socio-political orientation, Demko tested the boundaries of the political agency of Finnish teachers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses educational reforms and a revolt by Transylvanian Saxon church school teachers in Sibiu, Romania in 1948. Factors contributing to the revolt including teachers' wages, monetary reform, and inflation are investigated, the role of the nationalization of Evangelical Lutheran schools in the teachers' discontent is examined, and political and economic aspects of the teachers' revolt are described. The article emphasizes the conflict between the teachers' association and the leadership of the Evangelical Lutheran Church.

The success of Spain’s transformation from a dictatorship to a stable democracy has triggered a lively discussion about the factors which contributed to the process. The question of civic participation in Spain’s political transformation has proved highly controversial and I suggest that observing professional domains and their implications for citizen formation processes provides a new way to evaluate the civic contribution to Spain’s democratization. Spanish teachers mobilized in the 1970s around two main issues: their working conditions and pedagogical methods. This article focuses on the implications of their common struggle to articulate, construct and disseminate democratic citizenship. It shows how they contributed to free deliberation, civic involvement and citizen empowerment, aspiring to supplement the concept of citizenship with those of active participation in community organizations, knowledge of governmental procedures, critical assessment of social, political and economic structures and addressing areas of injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Deliberate investigation into practice is an essential of the National Association for Professional Development Schools' defining elements of a Professional Development School (PDS). This article reports on the pilot efforts of one PDS as it initiated deliberate investigation through action research with a small group of teacher candidates. The process of implementation across a semester is detailed as the authors attempted to integrate action research into an already existing internship structure. There is a particular focus on how action research can serve to prepare social justice oriented teachers and help them to develop the necessary inquiry stance for such an orientation. The candidates' own stories of their action research are told and the PDS supports that enabled their success are detailed--critical friends groups, clinical mentor faculty, and the very process inherent in action research. Two of the interns additionally share their experiences during their first year and a half of in-service teaching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the history of teacher unionism in Ghana between 1931 and 1966. The author examines the history of educational development in Ghana, discusses the formation of several teacher associations, including the Gold Coast Teachers Association (GSTA), the Assisted School Teachers’ Union (ASTU), and the Gold Coast Teachers Union (GCTU), and explores the relationship between teachers’ associations and the state.

This study seeks to introduce what we call recognition-based pedagogy as a conceptual frame through which teachers and instructors can collaboratively develop educative experiences with students. Recognition-based pedagogy connects the theories of critical pedagogy, identity politics, and the politics of recognition with the educative experiences of students. Helping teachers understand and implement recognition-based pedagogy is essential to developing democratic and inclusive educational contexts. A case study of a group of teacher candidates demonstrates how pedagogy focused on recognition of student assets can be utilized to create the type of recursively elaborative experience that help future teachers come to value students' intellectual, social, and political experiences. Having experienced deficit, teacher candidates come to understand the impact of the deficit perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Teach for America (TFA) members encompass a tiny portion of the teaching workforce, the organization both attracts and creates disproportionate attention as part of its quest to develop educators with strong leadership skills. Because TFA's mission goes beyond individual classrooms, it has strategically grown its presence in policy arenas and other venues for advocacy and reform in order to create broad influence. This approach is a controversial departure from traditional preparation programs that prioritize developing sound pedagogy and teaching strategies over leadership capabilities or public activism. However, it distinguishes TFA participants by positioning them as empowered to drive a particular brand of change. We can better understand how TFA characterizes its role by examining the messages within its Teaching as Leadership manual and comparing them to themes within mainstream texts like The First Days of School, while considering the implications of differences in the way teaching is defined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the tensions that sometimes arise between educational researchers and policy makers. The recent history of the relationship is described and it is suggested that part of the reason for current disenchantment (on both sides) is that the two groups approach research with different expectations and priorities. Two particular examples, one from the 1970s and one from 2011, are considered in some detail, to illustrate how issues of power and control can lead to the adoption of 'political' stances that lose sight of the potential value of research. It is suggested that while issues of funding are important, researchers need to be self-critical about the quality of their research output and to identify potential growth areas for future activity. At the same time, policy makers should be less concerned about the short-term 'public relations' aspects of research and more willing to think of the longer-term benefits of good research evidence, even if it sometimes causes political sensitivities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This mixed-method case study explored teacher union members' beliefs about the teacher union and their reasons for being active or inactive in the union. Findings suggest that teacher unions have gained pragmatic and cognitive legitimacy (Chaison and Bigelow in Unions and legitimacy. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY, ), but that participants' perceptions of the union's moral legitimacy (Chaison and Bigelow in Unions and legitimacy. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY, ) influenced their beliefs about the union. Specifically, participants' beliefs about the union's role in job protection, especially the protection of ineffective teachers, and social-professional supports (or lack of) strongly influenced their decisions to be active or inactive in the teacher union. These findings have implications for how effectively teacher unions are able to engage current members and sustain member engagement in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The involvement of kyai (religious teacher) in political affairs has become prominent after the Indonesia reformation. With his charismatic images and long-maintained religious authority, kyai has amount of capital to easily enroll his self into politics without significant barriers. This becomes more evidence in the Indonesian political sphere after the reformation as the number of kyais serving as leaders in bureaucracy is increasing. However, their inclusion in politics does not always lead to the birth of greater impact on public policy. During the leadership of kyai in the governmental body, Kebumen -as a case study discussed in this article- has experienced late development, indicated by lessening development in terms of public infrastructure and social services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Education et Societes is the property of INRP and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses how Teach Plus organization and its Teacher Turnaround Team (T3) program empowers teacher leaders in the U.S. It is said that the T3 program assign top teachers to lead the improvement effort of schools while allowing them to earn 6,000 U.S. dollars annually. In addition, organizations like Teach Plus present teachers with opportunities to influence their profession and U.S. public education. INSET: Teach Plus.

The article offers steps for U.S. teachers to effectively advocate for education in 2013. It states that teachers need to work with other individuals and organizations to increase the scope and power of their voices, that they have to understand how a bill becomes law and how the law can be changed, and that they have to thoroughly study the history and complexities of the issue that concerns them. Positive relationships with decision makers at all levels should reportedly also be cultivated.

This article studies a sample of administrative processes carried out against teachers during Juan Perón's regime. The analysis aims to describe the impact of the arrival of Perón on the educational field. Exploring the practice of denunciation, the article shows that the emergence of Peronism created a great level of conflict among teachers, which contradicts the image that the government constructed teachers as allies in the symbolic campaign in favor of Perón himself. The specific discussion of education allows us to see how citizens participated in different and heterodox ways in the construction of the Peronist hegemony. At the same time, it shows how Peronism created both new tensions and cohesion among members of the same professional group and similar social backgrounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the geopolitical operations of student resistance in global feminisms classrooms and the author's pedagogical negotiations with such resistance she witnessed in three classes. Topics mentioned include the literature on student resistance to feminist pedagogies, an overview of the teacher, the course structure, the student composition of the classes, and the institutional site, and the basic elements of the course. Suggestions for managing student resistance are offered.

The article discusses the social backgrounds and political views and activities of two generations of secondary school teachers in Valencia, Spain, during the second half of the nineteenth century. The author highlights the importance of the education system to the political conflicts between liberals and conservatives in Spain. He addresses such topics as the selection and recruitment of teachers, the effect of teachers' status as tenured civil servants on their political and social views, and corruption within the school administration system.

This article examines the participation of the two largest teacher anions in South Africa, the South African Democratic Teachers' Union (SADTU) and the National Professional Teachers' Association of South Africa (NAPTOSA), in public sector strikes from 1999 to 2010. The main contention is that the involvement of teachers' unions in these public sector strikes has been influenced, largely, by the pressures brought on teachers' salaries and related working conditions due to the government's neoliberal economic policies. The teachers' unions' frustrations with the employer's attitude towards negotiations for improved salaries and related working conditions within this neoliberal economic framework has caused them to resort to strikes. Thus, teachers, and their unions, in order to defend their material and working conditions, have maintained high levels of militancy, and have teamed up with other public sector workers to demand better wages and improved conditions of service for their members. However, the strikes are also linked to broader social and political discontent, including poor service delivery, growing inequality, and periodic ruptures in the ruling ANC alliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study focused on educators who participated in grassroots social justice groups to explore the role teacher activism can play in the struggle for educational justice. Findings show teacher activists made three overarching commitments: to reconcile their vision for justice with the realities of injustice around them; to work within their classrooms to create liberatory space; and to work collectively against oppression as activists. To enact these commitments, they engaged in particular practices common across the teachers despite their years in the classroom or their geographic location. A framework of teacher activism is revealed through the commitments and practices of the teacher activists, which can help support other teachers who are interested in working toward equity and justice in their classrooms and in the streets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of politics in education, with particular focus given to what the author describes as the increasing influence of legislation on classroom instruction. Responses to the question of whether aspiring teachers should be educated about the role of politics on their future practice as teachers from members of the journal's editorial board are presented, and what the author describes lack of political involvement from teachers and lack of political power on the part of teacher unions is commented on.

The article discusses the best communication methods for teachers to use when corresponding with legislators. Several tips are given on how teachers should prepare for meeting with legislators, including learning legislative terms, keeping up to date with legislative activities, and identifying individuals and committees relevant to education. Additional tips include taking surveys, considering equity, and focusing on a specific issue.

The article argues for the participation of teachers in educational policy debates in U.S. gifted and talented education that impact their students and schools, not only at the school level, but also at the district, state, and national levels. Topics include the social advocacy of gifted education by teachers, the importance of teacher cooperation and leadership to further gifted education awareness, and the National Association for Gifted Children (NAGC) gifted education organization.

Copyright of Colombian Applied Linguistics Journal is the property of Colombian Applied Linguistics Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)