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This article examines how religion – particularly Islam – and anti-immigrant opinion climates influence the patterns of partisanship among first-generation immigrants in Western Europe. It suggests that Muslim propensity to become partisans and identify with Christian democratic parties depends on anti-immigrant opinion climate in their host country. The analyses based on individual-level data from the European Social Survey (ESS) 2002–2019 in 19 West European democracies reveal that while Muslims are indeed less likely to become partisans in anti-immigrant host societies, the opposite is true in hospitable opinion climates. Moreover, compared to other immigrants, Muslims are less likely to identify with Christian democratic parties, but this relationship is substantively small and limited to highly anti-immigrant countries. In contrast, Muslims are more likely to align with socialist parties at all levels of anti-immigrant sentiment. These findings have important implications for debates on immigrant political integration and the future of electoral alignments in Western Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) Code of Ethics and the Council on Social Work Education (CSWE) Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards (EPAS) require that social work practitioners and students engage in political and policy practice. However, social work practitioners report that they feel inadequately prepared by their education to engage in the political system. Thus, utilizing a content analysis approach, this study explores the frequency and integration of political and policy themes in Human Behavior in the Social Environment (HBSE) textbooks. Reviewing 607 learning objectives in six HBSE textbooks determined that political and policy themes are implicitly identified within these textbooks; however, more steps can be taken to integrate and explicitly incorporate political and policy themes. Thus, this article provides findings from content analysis as well as suggestions for social work educators to incorporate political and policy themes in HBSE courses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the development of an ideological and political education teaching system for nonchemical majors in geology and materials science, based on the knowledge system of physical chemistry. The teaching system is centered around three main themes: correct worldview and scientific methodology, scientific exploration and scientific spirit, and humanistic literacy and cultural inheritance. By integrating the reconstructed physical chemistry knowledge system with ideological and political education, the teaching design aims to shape students' values. The successful integration of ideological and political elements into teaching practice has resulted in positive teaching outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The comprehensive promotion of ideological and political construction in universities requires the integration of ideological and political education throughout the entire process of talent cultivation. By selecting materials from the development history of nanopore single-molecule analysis technology, this study constructs teaching cases that embody the ideological and political elements of practicality, exploration, and innovation. Through the integration of nanopore electrochemistry knowledge and ideological and political education, students are trained in critical thinking, scientific literacy, and a sense of responsibility through scenario-based teaching. This ensures the realization of the goal of cultivating high-level talents with both professional expertise and ideological integrity through the synergy of professional education and ideological education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that while South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy on Africa has largely emphasized state-led continental political and economic integration, the country's Multinational Corporations (MNCs) have led in the practical articulation of integration as an integral part of their expansion strategies in search for increased market share and the establishment of new markets on the continent. It assesses the intersection between South Africa's foreign policy on Africa's integration and the role of the country's MNCs. The article adopts a three-part juxtaposition approach to determine the convergence between South Africa's foreign policy goal of continental integration with the case studies of expansion strategies pursued by two of the country's MNCs namely, Standard Bank of South Africa Limited (Standard Bank) and Shoprite Holdings Limited (Shoprite). African Union member states should ensure that they design foreign policies that align the interests of MNCs with national and continental goals of integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular press and academic articles alike suggest that political orientation is a primary determinant of vaccination willingness, vaccination, and vaccine word-of-mouth (i.e., sharing of information regarding vaccines). In the current article, we test the validity of these suggestions, and we also assess the differential roles of political ideology (e.g., liberal-conservative) and party affiliation (e.g., Democrat-Republican) as well as the mediating effect of vaccine hesitancy's dimensions. To do so, we perform a four-wave survey study with 223 participants that completed all waves. Our results support that political orientation indeed relates to our outcomes of interest. Our results also show that political ideology has a more pronounced effect than party affiliation, and the vaccine hesitancy dimensions of Health Risks and Healthy mediate many of these relations. From these results, we suggest many directions for future research and practice, including the integration of political discourse theories in studies on political orientations and vaccination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does dual citizenship acceptance increase immigrants' propensity to naturalize and, if so, for whom does this matter most? We exploit exogenous variation in citizenship legislation in 200 migrant-origin countries to identify the effect of destination country policy reform. We hypothesize that the value of the origin country citizenship moderates the reform effect. We test our identification strategy in two West European countries with contrasting reforms: a canonical liberal reform in Sweden (2001) and an atypical restrictive reversal in the Netherlands (1997). We apply a staggered difference-in-differences model employing administrative data on complete migrant populations. We find reform effects remarkably similar in effect size and heterogeneity, with liberalizing reform increasing naturalization rates by 6.7 percentage points and restrictive change decreasing rates by 6.4 percentage points. The effect is concentrated among immigrants from EU and highly developed countries. Our quasi-experimental evidence informs naturalization scholarship and public debate on migrant political integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It argues that EAEU members and China need each other to implement their two major initiatives. As a result of the conjunction of the EAEU and BRI, China and the EAEU states linked their transportation infrastructure, which provided them opportunities for modernization and growth. The EAEU member states established contacts with the second economy of the world at a multilateral level as well. The Agreement on Economic and Trade Cooperation between the Eurasian Economic Union and Its Member States, of the One Part, and the People's Republic of China, of the other Part , signed in 2018, which came into force in 2019, provided added impetus to strengthen economic relations and created a legal platform for the further harmonization of the BRI with the EAEU. This article also argues that the conjunction of the EAEU and BRI has a political meaning as well. It means that in post-Soviet Eurasia, Russia and China have chosen cooperation over competition, as they are the main initiators of these economic and political integration initiatives. It explains that it fully coincides with the national interests of other members of the EAEU, such as Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan, as these states can cooperate with both Russia and China without choosing any side. This contribution concludes that cooperation between China and the EAEU in post-Soviet Eurasia improves security level and contributes to peaceful, cooperative development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can we conceptualise politicised integration at the global level? Functionalism and neo-functionalism are de-politicised, technocratic theories of integration dispensing with ideology and contestation, while post-functionalist approaches address politicisation but not supra-national integration. Drawing on comparative macro-historical theories, this article suggests a conceptualisation of politicised integration that extends exit–voice and political structuring models used at national and European levels to global integration. The replacement of territorial divisions with cleavages cutting across world regions – core–periphery and North–South divisions, civilisations and 'multiple modernities' – creates the conditions for cross-territorial dimensions of contestation, along which cross-regional membership groups link, coordinate and form bonds of solidarity. The de-territorialisation of global cleavages and the regional convergence it brings about, provide the social bases for mass politics rather than elitist policy integration. The conceptualisation of integration is political rather than technocratic, and one in which collective decision making is a matter of pluralist contestation rather than problem-solving expertise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trans/Form/Ação is the property of Trans/Form/Acao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How do dominant‐group natives react to immigrants' political integration? We argue that ethnic minority immigrants winning political office makes natives feel threatened, triggering animosity. We test this dynamic across the 2010–2019 UK general elections, using hate crime police records, public opinion data, and text data from over 500,000 regional and local newspaper articles. While past work has not established a causal relationship between minorities' political power gains and dominant‐group animosity, we identify natives' hostile reactions with a regression discontinuity design that leverages close election results between immigrant‐origin ethnic minority and dominant‐group candidates. We find that minority victories increase hate crimes by 67%, exclusionary attitudes by 66%, and negative media coverage of immigrant groups by 110%. Consistent with power threat and social identity theories, these findings demonstrate a strong and widespread negative reaction—encompassing a violence‐prone fringe and the mass public—against ethnic minority immigrants' integration into majority settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Twenty years have passed since the largest enlargement of the European Union in history. During the eastern enlargement, 10 new member states entered the union, seven of which belonged to the former Eastern bloc. The new members have since experienced astonishing growth rates, closing the large gap between them and the rest of the EU. The GDP growth rates were consistently higher than those of the original members. Now, the EU must once again look east: the integration of the West Balkan countries would be a crucial step in the future development of the EU, not only economically, but also politically, provided the formal provisions of an accession are satisfied. A strong united Europe benefits all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Czech Republic has received the largest number of Ukrainian refugees per capita. An underdeveloped migrant integration policy and limited experience with large numbers of refugees hampered the Czechs' willingness to help. The reception phase relied heavily on crisis teams, volunteers, and civil society organizations. Accommodating structural measures became necessary. This article takes a closer look at these changes and explains how the large number of Ukrainian refugees constitutes an "external shock" that has shaped Czech migrant integration policy in several key aspects. We also examine the role of international organizations in shaping migrant integration policy. We use the research framework of historical institutionalism, applying retrograde analysis, desk research and deep semi-structured interviews. Our results show that migration policy has been skewed in the short-term towards better acceptance of migrants, but we can identify a tendency towards a return to the original trajectory. We also find that international organizations have not had a substantial influence on recent changes in migrant integration policy; domestic actors have had a much greater influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the growing awareness of stressors, cumulative risk assessment (CRA) has been proposed as a potential method to evaluate possible additive and synergistic effects of multiple stressors on human health, thus informing environmental regulation and protecting public health. However, CRA is still in its exploratory stage due to the lack of generally accepted quantitative approaches. It is an ideal time to summarize the existing progress to guide future research. To this end, a systematic review of the literature on CRA issues dealing with combinations of environmental and psychosocial stressors was conducted in this study. Using typology and bibliometric analysis, the body of knowledge, hot topics, and research gaps in this field were characterized. It was found that research topics and objectives mainly focus on qualitative analysis and community settings; more attention should be paid to the development of quantitative approaches and the inclusion of occupational settings. Further, the roles of air pollution and vulnerability factors in CRA have attracted the most attention. This study concludes with views on future prospects to promote theoretical and practical development in this field; specifically, CRA is a multifaceted topic that requires substantial collaborations with various stakeholders and substantial knowledge from multidisciplinary fields. This study presents an overall review as well as research directions worth investigating in this field, which provides a historical reference for future study. Integr Environ Assess Manag 2024;20:602–615. © 2023 SETAC Key Points: Cumulative risk assessment is a multifaceted topic that receives extensive attention from affected populations, environmental organizations, business groups, legislators, and academics; therefore, the progress of CRA requires multidisciplinary collaboration.The current research topics and objectives mainly focus on the general public; the scope of future studies should be expanded to occupational settings for worker health protection.Uncertainty exists in CRA due to intrinsic and extrinsic aspects; filling of knowledge/information gaps and integration of political, social, and economic concerns into risk assessment have been proven to be potential ways to address these uncertainty issues.As the country with the highest number of publications on CRA and that has carried out CRA practices earlier, the research progress in the United States may provide significant references for subsequent studies at the international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various problems will arise regarding the transfer of the national capital from Jakarta to Kalimantan Province after the passing of Law Number 3 of 2022 concerning the new national capital. The legislative function of the House of Representatives is very minimal regarding the formation of the New National Capital Law. This research analyses the minimal legislative function of the House of Representatives in the policy of relocating the new state capital. This research uses a qualitative approach method. The data-collection technique used in this research is based on a literature review. The results of this research show that the presidential executive body is more dominant in formulating policy rules for relocating the new capital city. The House of Representatives, as a legislative institution, has not yet optimally carried out its role in providing input and monitoring the policy regulations for relocating the archipelago's capital city. The House of Representatives did not optimally carry out its supervisory function, especially in using the right of inquiry to review the negative impact of the policy on nature conservation. The House of Representatives has also not yet fully investigated the certainty of the projected revenue achievement of the development budget sources for the archipelago's capital, the total budget of which reaches IDR 466 trillion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What can public attitudes towards the integration of co-ethnic migrants teach us about social integration in newly diverse societies? Research finds that South Koreans prefer co-ethnic migrants from culturally similar or desirable origins, but it says little about the integration of migrant groups. Existing data and qualitative studies suggest considerable barriers to fully incorporating otherwise preferred migrants. Focusing on integrating North Korean migrants in South Korea – a relatively privileged migrant group that enjoys substantial resettlement support but encounters barriers to full integration – this paper addresses the research gap by testing competing explanations of migrant incorporation. Informed by Intergroup Threat Theory (ITT), the study examines how threats defined as realistic or symbolic shape native attitudes toward these migrants. Using a conjoint survey experiment to measure preferences for economic, political, and social integration, we find South Koreans favor North Korean migrants with extended residence in South Korea, which is a marker for diminishing realistic and symbolic intergroup threats. Conversely, migrants signaling stronger affiliations to North Korea or lacking diverse social ties in South Korea fail to alleviate intergroup threat concerns and consequently face discrimination. Our findings offer insights into integration policy and contribute to the migration and citizenship literature and contemporary Korean Studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the history of the peace processes in Colombia, highlighting the presidencies of Pastrana, Uribe, Santos, and Duque. It mentions the clash of interests between the State and guerrilla groups during Pastrana's presidency, as well as the active participation of the Colombian Army in counter-guerrilla actions during Uribe's presidency. The media negotiation between Santos' government and the FARC-EP is highlighted, which resulted in the demobilization of this guerrilla group and its integration into Colombian political life. The hostility of some sectors towards lasting peace in Colombia is also mentioned, although the progress made by Colombian society in resolving its internal problems through democratic channels is emphasized. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the phenomenon of the "populism of the privileged", whereby relatively privileged groups articulate populism to legitimize and enhance their positions of domination. Despite the growing literature on populism, few studies have attended to this counterintuitive construction of "the people" as an underdog struggling against a power bloc from a position of relative privilege. By examining the Catalan independence movement during the 2010s, this study draws on discourse theory to conceptualize the "populism of the privileged" and explore how various dimensions of sociological privilege are used to legitimize and reinforce dominant positions within Catalonia and Spain by means of populist politics. Finally, the article engages with the implications of the "populism of the privileged" in terms of inter-group relations, political integration, and the democratic principle of equality. By offering a nuanced analysis of this underexplored phenomenon, this article contributes to the growing literature on populism and provides insights into the complex relationship between populism, privilege, and power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article examines the development and scope of African Union (AU) law and its role as a facilitator of and contributor to regional integration in Africa. The Article addresses several interlinked questions relating, but not limited, to the sources and foundations of AU law, the role of AU policy organs in the making of AU law, the extent to which EU law presents a comparative framework or useful precedent for analysing and understanding AU law, and the role of supranationalism in the economic and political integration of its member states and in the development of AU law. The Article argues that it is necessary to amend the AU Constitutive Act and other relevant AU legal instruments to enhance the supranational authority and legislative powers of the AU. It concludes that AU supranationalism needs to be rethought, but it need not uncritically mimic the EU's approach to supranationalism in every respect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a volume of essays titled "Egypt and the Eastern Mediterranean World: From Constantinople to Baghdad, 500–1000 ce" edited by Jelle Bruning, Janneke H. M. de Jong, and Petra M. Sijpesteijn. The essays explore the connections between Egypt and other parts of the eastern Mediterranean world during Late Antiquity and the early Islamic period. The volume covers various disciplinary and methodological approaches, including archaeology, papyrology, and literary-textual studies. The essays are organized thematically, focusing on political and administrative connections, economic connections, and social and cultural connections. The volume provides valuable insights into the history of Islamic Egypt and highlights the importance of interdisciplinary research in understanding the premodern Islamic world. [Extracted from the article]

Political parties are crucial agents in democratic representation and political integration of persons of immigrant origin, a growing category of citizens in the European Union. Research demonstrates that citizens of immigrant origin are less likely to join political parties than persons without a migratory background. Nevertheless, party membership varies across countries and between immigrants. Accounting for such inter-individual and cross-national variations, this article uses secondary data from the European Social Survey, the Migrant Integration Policy Index, and the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project for 25 European democracies to uncover mechanisms that explain the party membership of immigrants. In our multilevel analysis, we test interactions between country-specific variations in legislation on migration policies on the one hand and individual differences in political socialisation and political efficacy on the other. Our models suggest significant positive effects of exposure to a democratic regime in the country of origin and of internal efficacy on party membership of citizens of immigrant origin. Additionally, our findings highlight the significance of an inclusive national framework for immigrant integration, serving as a moderator to diminish the impact of political socialisation in less democratic countries on the decision of citizens with immigrant backgrounds to participate in political parties within their country of residence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Karl Marx consistently contrasts the alienation and egoism of bourgeois, capitalist society with the holism and intimacy of medieval feudalism. In his critique of Hegel's Philosophy of right , he cryptically terms medievalism the 'democracy of unfreedom', arguing that feudalism embodied an integration of political and economic life that the fragmented modern constitutional state abandons. Focusing on writings from the early 1840s, this article examines Marx's account of feudalism to better understand his early democratic theory and its relationship to his account of human emancipation. While Marx rejects feudal nostalgia and insists on the revolutionary progress brought by capitalism and liberal constitutionalism, he nonetheless believes that medievalism models a partial unity of political and economic life that 'true democracy' will restore and radicalize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes relationships between Islamic religious behaviors and civic engagement in Europe and North America. Using data from an original survey of Muslims in Canada, France, Germany, the UK, and the United States, it finds that Muslim religious behaviors relate to civic behaviors in varied ways. The conventional distinction between public and private religious behaviors does not graft perfectly on to Islamic religious behaviors, but the way Islamic religious behaviors straddle the public-private divide help explain their relationships with civic behaviors. Mosque attendance, an example of public religious behavior, is positively associated with secular organizational membership and mainstream political behaviors, and negatively associated with protest activity. Private, or quasi-private, religious behaviors are more commonly associated with protest activities. There are some national-level differences in patterns of civic engagement after controlling for other determinants, but not many, suggesting similar mechanisms mobilize and facilitate Muslim civic incorporation across national contexts. The results suggest that Islamic religious behaviors create diverse opportunities for Muslims to engage as civic citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European integration scholars have paid little attention to the visual dimension of Europeanization. We fill this gap by analysing how European Union integration reshapes political parties' most visible symbols: their logos. We examine 579 party logos in Central, Eastern and Southern Europe before and after countries became European Union members, obtained the status of candidates or joined the European neighbourhood policy. Our difference-in-differences models show that European Union integration corresponds to a decrease in extremist and nationalist symbols as well as national flag colours. This 'visual Europeanization' process, prompted by population ecology and rebranding, cannot be solely explained by democratization or economic growth. Our analysis considers potential mechanisms that explain this correlation, including Europarty membership and normative diffusion, and discusses implications for the Europeanization literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution takes issue with what I have called the 'constitutional dismantling' of external migration policy through the tactical informalisation of readmission cooperation. It maps out the strategic use of soft law mediating the tacit approval or active involvement of the main EU actors. The strategy is supposed to enhance policy outcomes but is at the expense of foundational principles. The principles of conferral, institutional balance, and sincere/loyal cooperation impose key constraints on EU/Member State action that the choice for soft law ignores. My main contention is that this is not an unintended consequence, but a deliberate or, at least, tolerated result, amounting to a form of 'concerted dis‐integration' pursued by the very actors supposed to guard the EU integration project in line with Treaty provisions. The approach denotes the instrumentalisation of legal mechanisms for the advancement of policy objectives, embracing a regulation‐without‐legitimation paradigm that unravels the EU's constitutional framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to provide an alternative framework to the theory of optimum currency areas by mobilizing the concept of sustainability. If the success of a fixed exchange rate regime is, above all, a political choice, economic growth can be considered a minimal economic condition and a good indicator of the success of a fixed exchange rate regime. We conclude that specific institutional settings allow economic growth to occur and can be defined as sustainable. We determine three configurations that share the same conclusion: sustainability happens when states have macroeconomic autonomy, whereas political and fiscal integration are necessary conditions. The first configuration refers to a monetary union with high capital mobility. The second one corresponds to a fixed but adjustable exchange rate regime with low capital mobility, while the third configuration is an application of Keynes' plan with high capital mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study argues that minorities have higher in-group consciousness and adaptability developed through uneven interaction with the majority. Once migrated, their collective experiences are transferred to the country-of-residence with them, leading to higher civic and political integration in the country-of-residence than majority-migrants. Introducing a new civic and political integration model, it compares the majority and minority migrants from Turkey in the UK, by using ordinal logistic regression analyses. Findings show that Kurds are more involved in politics than Turks, however, they do not differ in terms of civic participation. Compared to Sunnis, Alevis feel more represented in the political system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study aims to explore the role of rebel group legitimacy and ideology in durable peace (DP) following peace agreements to end civil wars. It builds on earlier research showing that justice and civil society involvement are critical in achieving DP. This study adds the impacts of rebel group activities and support on DP. Activities include service delivery and mobilization. Support is gauged with outcomes of presidential and parliamentary elections held following peace agreements. Design/methodology/approach: Five data sets were used to measure the key variables: DP, inclusive commissions (IC), legitimacy symmetry (electoral outcomes), service delivery and ideological mobilization. A measure of rebel group integration in the political system was also constructed. Impacts of the integration, legitimacy and ideology variables were assessed with a hierarchical regression model (HRM). This study begins with a base model drawn from earlier research showing the key predictors were procedural justice (PJ) and IC. The authors ask about the extent to which the rebel group variables contribute additional variance to the prediction of DP. Findings: The main contributors to the prediction of DP were PJ, IC and integration in the political system. None of the legitimacy or mobilization variables added significant variance to the prediction. Only one of the mobilization variables, forced recruitment, was significant. The decision to integrate into the political system following the agreement did not mediate the relationship between PJ in the negotiation process and DP. Results of a factor analysis showed that DP, PJ, IC and integration formed a cluster with strong loadings on the first factor. Research limitations/implications: The negative results for the legitimacy and mobilization variables may not be the last word on rebel group influences. Lack of support for the key hypotheses spurs attempts to discover other sources that contribute to the survival of rebel group actors in the political system and, in turn, to DP. Practical implications: The issues raised by this study contribute to debates about ways to attain peaceful relations among competing groups following a civil war. It appears that attention to factors inside and around the negotiation process (PJ, ICs and conversion) may be more important than rebel group activities outside of these processes. The results call attention, in particular, to the important role played by political integration. From a policy perspective, it would be useful to develop levers for encouraging rebel groups to emerge as political actors in the post-agreement environment. Originality/value: Developing measures of the symmetry of rebel group legitimacy and integration in the context of a comparative case study are the primary original contributions of this study. Furthermore, the mode of analysis (HRM) is novel in this literature. This approach builds on and extends the earlier research on factors influencing DP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study concerns the political integration of the Vietnamese in Poland, one of the largest non-European immigrant communities with a very long presence in the country. The central analysis is devoted to investigating the role of bonding and bridging social capital produced by involvement in (formal and informal) social networks in the political integration of the migrant group, empirically observed through political engagement in Polish society. The study employs the mixed research method, utilizing quantitative data from an original survey with 347 respondents and qualitative data from 15 semi-structured interviews for analyses. The results show that the effects of social capital on political integration vary across types of social networks and forms of engagement in host politics. Notably, bonding rather than bridging social capital is a prominent driver of the political engagement of the Vietnamese in Polish society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper firstly studies the relationship between health education and ideological and political education of college students, analyzing their differences and consistency, as well as the relationship of mutual interaction. Then it focuses on the current situation of college students' access to ideological and political education and the situation of college students' expectations of ideological and political education methods in public health events, and explores how to improve the synergistic education model of ideological and political and health education for college students. Finally, specific ways are proposed to build a collaborative education pattern in which the advantages of big health and big ideological and political education complement each other, to build an integrated service management system of health and moral education by using Internet education as a platform, to create a social environment in which everyone takes the initiative to maintain health by using information dissemination as a means, and to build an integrated education system by combining classroom teaching and practical activities. In terms of students' expectations of ideological and political teaching methods in public health events, 83.64% of the students think that teaching contents should be enriched. 81.77% of the students think that teaching resources should be expanded. 73.26% of the students think that online learning should be strengthened. 65.83% of the students think that it is necessary to build defense, early warning and disposal mechanisms applied to education and teaching in major public health events. Therefore, this study can provide new ideas and practical guidelines for universities to improve students' health and quality education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Regional is the property of Historia Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This thematic issue addresses the question: To what extent have the latest crises--the pandemic crisis and Russia's war in Ukraine--triggered institutional and policy change in the EU? It contributes to the literature on the impact of crises on integration and the EU political system, presenting new research based on fresh theoretical insights, empirical data, or a combination of both. Theoretically, the contributions collected in the thematic issue explore whether the crises represent a critical juncture for the EU, leading to institutional and/or policy innovations or, rather, set in motion more incremental processes of adaptation. Empirically, all articles--some of which are qualitative, while others are quantitative--are based on original or new data. The first group of contributions deals with institutional change, focusing both on formal (i.e., treaty reform) and informal (i.e., codes of conduct) institutions. A second group moves the focus to policy change, looking at the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on several policy areas and the energy crisis. Overall, the key lesson is that the EU can now manage and absorb new shocks quite effectively. At the same time, however, it does not promote ambitious and coherent political models or policy paradigms. Instead, it provides room for experimentation through patchwork-like strategies where old and new instruments and settings mix. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent global and regional assessments of the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) show that Nature's Contributions to People (NCP) are under an alarming threat due to the continuing loss of biodiversity. These assessments call for increasing conservation efforts and a more sustainable use of biodiversity to enhance the chances of halting biodiversity loss and reversing current trends. One of the strategies to achieve change is to mainstream biodiversity into sectoral policies. Mainstreaming, a concept that can be traced back to the Brundtland report, promotes the integration of the environment into political, societal, and economic planning and decision-making. Based on the review of key studies undertaken during the regional assessment for Europe and Central Asia, we develop a stepwise approach to analyze the current status of mainstreaming of biodiversity and NCP. The approach can be used both for policy design purposes and diagnostic evaluations. It demonstrates that mainstreaming has the potential to improve the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity as well as the sustained provision of NCP. However, based on the status of implementation across Europe and Central Asia, we conclude that mainstreaming needs to be pursued and implemented in a stronger and more systematic way. The results of our assessment provide important input to national strategies and policies but also to the ongoing process of the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity while developing the post-2020 global biodiversity framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Materials Analysis Technology course serves as a fundamental course for majors in materials and chemistry, distinguished by its inherent scientific attributes. Taking the teaching practice of ideological and political education in Material Analysis Technology course as an example, this paper explores the implementation and effects of ideological and political education from several aspects, including the logical organization of professional knowledge, the thematic arrangement of teaching chapters, the explicit integration of ideological and political elements, the procedural documentation of teaching records, and the diversification of performance evaluation. Our findings offer insights and guidelines for the incorporating ideological and political education into science and engineering courses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Claudius’ plea to admit the Gallic nobility to the Roman senate is known not only from the Annals of Tacitus, but also from the Tabula Claudiana, a monumental bronze inscription found in Lyon in the 16th century at a site where archaeologists situate the most important sanctuary of Roman Gaul. This paper focuses on the physical form and spatial context in which it was displayed. It tries to demonstrate that the inscription should not be viewed as a simple copy of an original text kept in the archives of the senate in Rome and sent from the centre of the empire to be slavishly published in Gaul, but rather as an initiative by the Gallic provincial elites. It will be argued that the extensive quotation of the emperor’s words, the use of costly material and the publication at a highly politically symbolic place all served the interests of the Gallic nobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2017, Italy, France, and Germany jointly supported the setting up of an EU-wide investment screening mechanism to strengthen the EU's capacity to screen and eventually block foreign investments. In a few months, however, the Italian government changed position dramatically, shifting from leading supporter to staunchest opposer of this policy initiative. Such a change of positioning was decisive in both watering down the initial proposal and moving forward with the idea of a looser mechanism coordinating national investment screening activities. This article develops an explanation of the Italian government's changing negotiating stance. We develop an argument that stresses how two factors combined to produce this puzzling outcome. First, we stress the role of political parties as drivers of governments' foreign economic policy choices. More specifically, we show that the preferences of the parties forming the Italian government after the 2018 general elections (the Lega Nord and the Five Star Movement) were crucial in shaping Italy's evolving stance on this important issue. Second, we highlight the implications of the tension that exists between two different "varieties" of anti-globalism. While "self-proclaimed" anti-globalist political parties usually combine a traditional critique of globalization and opposition to further political integration in the EU, they may be forced to prioritize one over the other when they prove incompatible. In this context, we show how Italian anti-globalist parties' choice to prioritize anti-Europeanism over anti-globalism led them to prefer strengthening domestic-level institutions to screen FDIs rather than allowing the EU to acquire new powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose is to investigate the peculiarities of the formation and implementation of the European regional security concepts of France, Germany, and Great Britain in their comparison in the historical context of the foreign policy of these states with an emphasis on the period 2014--2022. The research methodology was formed by the principles of historicism, systematicity and impartiality, general scientific methods of logic, comparative analysis, and special historical methods (historiographical analysis, historical-systemic, chronology, historical-genetic, retrospective analysis, comparative-historical). The scientific novelty lies in the study of the implementation history of the theoretical approaches of France, Germany, and Great Britain to the European regional security policy in the context of the history of their foreign policy in a comparative dimension. The transformation of three national paradigms of European security in the context of changes in the system of modern international relations in the conditions of the Russo-Ukrainian war, which actually began in 2014, was traced. Particular attention is paid to the influence of these paradigms on Ukraine's international position and changes in the system of international relations and European security. Conclusions. Th roughout the entire history of European integration, each of the three leading states of Western Europe tried to realize leadership ambitions in regional politics in their own special way, compensating for the loss of global status. France, Germany, and Great Britain represent diff erent paradigms of foreign policy -- Eurocentric, Euro-Atlantic (intermediate), and Atlantic, respectively. Th roughout the development of the EU's security policy, France and Germany played the role of apologists and initiators of reforms, while Great Britain played the role of an antagonist of integration. The process of forming the EU's foreign and security policy was reduced to the search for a compromise, which led to its incompleteness. Diff erences in views on the European integration of political elites did not allow the three states to form an eff ective regional security core without the participation of the United States. Even in the studied period of 2014--2022, marked by a sharp aggravation of the crisis of the European security system, diff erences between Great Britain, France and Germany remained insurmountable regarding the current problems of international relations. Current events related to Ukraine and the mechanisms of their resolution were no exception. Although the large-scale aggression of Russia against Ukraine in 2022 contributed to the consolidation of the views and approaches of the politicians of the vast majority of Western states regarding the need to review the system of regional policy and oppose Russian aggression, the Russo-Ukrai nian war illustrates the problems of preserving the conflictual nature of the interaction of existing European security paradigms and leaves open the question of the possibility of forming a new, eff ective comprehensive system of regional security in the short term without a final answer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of locally developed English language teaching (ELT) materials is believed to be conducive to meeting the requirements of local language education policies and practices, and to enhance learners' agency. In China, in order to implement national educational policy of curriculum-based value education, many locally developed ELT materials have been recently developed. However, there is a paucity of empirical research concerning the actual effects of such materials in practice. This study presents an empirical study of a recently developed set of teaching materials in the context of curriculum-based value education by adopting an approach consisting of questionnaires and interviews to examine the attitudes and experiences of users of these materials. The findings revealed a range of challenges in the use of these materials, including issues related to language and content of the materials, the integration of ideological and value elements, and the development of multi-dimensional teaching materials. The article then proposes possible solutions from the perspectives of optimizing the writing community, carefully selecting teaching materials, innovating the integration of ideological and political elements, and improving the development of multi-dimensional teaching materials. A framework for the evaluation of locally developed ELT materials is also proposed, with the intention of offering a useful benchmark for enhancing the development of such materials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2010, Fidesz has won four electoral victories in Hungary with a constitutional majority. In this paper, we argue that the main reason behind this overwhelming electoral success is the specific pattern of political integration that has evolved in recent years. The Hungarian case, as a consequence, may also act as a basis for a theoretical step forward in understanding the role of political integration in de-democratization processes. To understand the role of political integration, we explain how the Habermas-based political integration framework relates to the types of political culture, and then, with the help of representative data collection from 2018 and 2021, we define the integration groups and, using these, examine the party preferences and participation patterns that have developed in today's Hungary. The Orbán regime successfully generates diffuse mass support: this is embedded in multiple social groups, although none of the integration groups can be considered the sole or primary supporters of the system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to achieve the goal of virtue education, the author analyzes the problems existing in the current ideological and political teaching in colleges and universities. The internal relationship between the objective demands of integrating ideological and political education in professional courses in colleges and universities and the development of information technology from the levels of schools, majors and teachers, and puts forward a feasible way to improve the quality and efficiency of ideological and political teaching under the support of information technology: to improve the top level structure, quality supervision and guarantee system of integration of ideological and political education in professional courses in colleges and universities under the guidance of modern education management theory; to focus on the training objectives of professional talents, make overall planning, and determine the educational objectives of each course under the guidance of curriculum and teaching theory; to continuously improve teachers' ideological and political education awareness, information based teaching ability and teaching design ability; to accelerate the construction of a multi level driven, digital supported implementation and evaluation model for integration of ideological and political education in professional courses in colleges and universities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to improve the effect of ideological and political education of foreign language courses in higher vocational colleges, the author discusses the practical path of ideological and political teaching of "second foreign language (Japanese)" course in a college based on a mixed teaching mode from teaching objectives, teaching contents, teaching steps and teaching evaluation. A total of 106 students majoring in English education in a college were selected as the research objects, and one year teaching practice was carried out. The teaching effect was tested by means of performance test and questionnaire. The results showed that the final exam scores of the experimental group and the control group were significantly different (P <0.05), and there were significant differences in political identity, cultural self-confidence, moral quality, professional quality and values (P < 0.05). It can be seen that the ideological and political teaching of the mixed teaching mode can not only improve the learning effect of the students' "second foreign language (Japanese)" course, but also have a positive impact on their ideological values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presently, under the background that all courses need to integrate ideological and political elements, there are four problems in the ideological and political construction of language courses in colleges and universities: the teaching objectives are not closely related to the ideological and political objectives, the arrangement of practical teaching activities is less, the process assessment of students is weakened, and the teaching and research activities are formal. Accordingly, it is needed to increase the practical activities and strengthen the process assessment of students, so that students can enhance their awareness of language standardization and actively participate in related activities, thereby achieving the training goal of "three wide education". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is an important task for college teachers to deeply study the learning characteristics of college students, help them establish a value system, lead their learning needs, shape their ideological attitudes, and establish a correct world outlook, outlook on life and values. Taking the course of "Landscape Hand painted Performance Techniques" as an example, the authors construct a student centered, result oriented online and offline combination of curriculum ideological and political reform ideas. By using the online and offline ideological and political teaching channels, the ideological and political spirit is organically integrated into the teaching of professional knowledge, and finally the value guidance and personality cultivation of "network aborigines" are achieved, and the requirements for cultivating talents with both professional skills and craftmanship spirit are met. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research is conducted to determine the impact of ideological and political integration on students' mental health. The mental health of college students has always been a concern for society. The prevalence of psychological disorders among college students is approximately 25 percent, increasing, which is cause for concern. This study employs questionnaires and statistical analysis to examine the effects of psychological and political factors on physical education teaching for the mental health of college students. With a recovery rate of 94.2%, 198 out of 210 randomized questionnaires were positive. The results of Guttmann's inquiry are adopted, and its repeatability reliability is 0.81, which has some validation in terms of validity and validity criteria. The spherical test result indicates a level of significance of 0.000, indicating a level of significance. Strengthening the training system, the practice of athletics, and the difficulty of communication in college and university-integrated teaching management determines its irreplaceable function and influence in promoting college students' mental health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Philosophy, Culture & Political Science is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article refers to a system of dispute resolution in the Eurasian Economic Union, tendencies of its reforming and prospects for digitalization as a fundamental feature of regional integration policy improvement. A complex variety of disputes in an integration association is considered: interstate, supranational vertical, supranational horizontal, and cross-border. The appropriate mechanisms for each of them and rationale to enhance integration are discussed. The authors suggest amendments for enhancing the cooperation of the EAEU Court with national courts, as well as evolving other mechanisms (arbitration and mediation). Digitalization of justice is an important element of effective regional policy. Digitization elements, including the Court's e-cabinets for the parties, electronic signature, digital documents' circulation, make regional justice accessible, it contributes to peoples' loyalty for integration decisions. The article proves the necessity to harmonize approaches to online dispute settlement in a transboundary context in the EAEU; the authors draw attention to low-cost cross-border disputes in this context and consider an opportunity of creating online dispute resolution platform driven by the Commission. Improvements in regional system of dispute resolution are proved necessary to sustain integration economic and political processes in Eurasia, to promote transparency, accessibility of justice as an element of regional integration policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Jurídica (0103-3506) is the property of Revista Juridica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Economic incentives play a key role in the decision to run for office, but little is known on how they shape immigrants' self‐selection into candidacy. We study this question using a two‐period Roy model, and show that if returns to labour market experience differ between migrants and natives, then this will affect the relative likelihood to run for office for the two groups. We assess this prediction empirically using administrative data from Norway, a country with a very liberal regime for participation in local elections. Our results strongly support our theoretical model and indicate that immigrants' political and economic integration are closely intertwined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]