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This article traces the journey of one artist's personal efforts on behalf of world peace. It lays the groundwork for promoting grassroots peace activism, which ultimately leads to the establishment of the peace organization, Artists for World Peace. Creating artistic designs such as the International Peace Belt, and establishing numerous other projects to raise funds on behalf of social justice and humanitarian endeavors, Artists for World Peace remains one of the more distinguished, non‐governmental organizations for peace and justice; its impact has been felt far and wide. Devoid of political intrigues, it tells the story of how creative peacemaking can be effective in changing many peoples’ lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A narrative of the Daigo Fukuryu Maru (Lucky Dragon #5), a Japanese fishing vessel constructed in 1947, is presented to reveal how popular experience and storying connected with the vessel have oscillated amid and are interwoven across the everyday, the unusual, and the extraordinary. The multiple historical and contemporary meanings (inclusive of relations with the global anti-nuclear peace movement), personal/global associations, and institutional care connected with the vessel are used to illustrate the degrees of heritagisation to which the object has been subject and the complexities of fixing heritage significance within dynamic socio-political contexts. By attending to changing relations over 67 years across local and global events and activities, the story of the Daigo Fukuryu Maru works to critique a binary of top-down (authorised, legitimate, official) versus bottom-up (popular, from below, unofficial) processes, practices, and heritage approaches. The making, unmaking, and remaking of the vessel as heritage is a story of entangled official and unofficial heritage work characterised by a futures orientation – specifically the continuous demand for global peace free from nuclear weapons – and a value regime that has been and continues to be open and multiple. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the emergence of "Soviet active measures" in US political discourse during the "Second Cold War" of the early 1980s. It follows the efforts of the Active Measures Working Group, a little-known interagency organization led by Reagan administration appointees that constructed an image of Soviet active measures as a threat to national security. I detail, especially, how the Working Group framed the US anti-war movement as both a target of and vehicle for active measures. In so doing, I show how the active measure was constructed in US political discourse through a dramaturgy of secrecy and revelation that placed it within a broader "covert imaginary." This paper concludes with a theorization of these efforts in relation to Foucault's concept of "alethurgy," considering how the construction of the active measure produced a "politics of truth" in which the anti-war protestor appeared as a dangerous, disinformed subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Primary ObjectiveResearch DesignOutcomes and ResultsConclusionsThis study examines student reaction to a unit of instruction teaching war through a more critical lens focusing on anti-war movements and how student sense of civic agency was impacted.A design study that centered student voice on activism and experiences of a unit of instruction of the USA at war. Design study was used to surface student experience, understanding and perspective.Students gained greater awareness of the USA at war and the history of the anti-war movement. Students gained a more robust understanding of civic agency and how to engage in acts of change. Many students indicated they were unlikely to participate in activism because of the overwhelming complexity of the problem of war.This research speaks to the problem of educating students about critical civic agency and literacy as well as developing engaged and activist youth and adults. It provides guidance and commentary on how to organize and arrange curriculum to complicate topics typically taught in traditional curriculum to teach skills of activism and societal change. This article reconsiders how we can examine content in a more critical and authentic way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers Americans who travelled to North Vietnam at the height of the Vietnam War (1965–75). It demonstrates, on the basis of revelations in files from the Vietnamese national archives, that authorities in Hanoi exercised far more control over visits by US citizens and the impressions they created than the visitors themselves and those who have written about them had heretofore surmised. In visiting North Vietnam on Hanoi's very specific terms, guests unwittingly — for the most part — became accomplices in its 'diplomatic struggle', a distinctive aspect of the Vietnamese communist anti-American strategy that was intended to diminish the importance of the military contest inside Vietnam by winning hearts and minds and demonizing Washington policy makers outside the country. By elucidating Hanoi's rationale for and contributions in arranging the visits, the article decentres the history of the Vietnam War and validates the emergent consensus among international relations historians that traditionally marginalized 'Third World' state and non-state actors assumed meaningful roles in shaping the post-1945 international order. The Vietnam War, it turned out, changed the global discourse on the laws of war, human rights and humanitarianism in no small part because of the way Hanoi framed the conflict and reported its dreadful effects to foreign publics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminist activists have always been invested in the processes of history-making, drawing inspiration from their predecessors and ensuring their own historical legacies. For participants at Greenham Common Women’s Peace Camp, history played an important role in the written, visual, and artistic culture of the camp, but it also generated sharp debates over who was allowed to define these histories. It was through these debates that women at Greenham Common remade their politics, defining what it meant for women to be rebellious both in the contemporary moment and in the past. Activist-led modes of history-making defied established chronologies of women’s politics by shaping new timelines of influence, solidarity, and shared experiences. This article views Greenham women as producers of history, examining the use of historical symbolism in their direct action and explorations of identity. The final section focuses on the efforts of a small group of women based at the Yellow Gate camp to create a cohesive legacy of the Greenham Peace Camp. Overall, this article demonstrates how feminist activists have challenged concepts of historical expertise and legacy through the production and consumption of diverse forms of history-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peacemaking encompasses both positive efforts toward achieving a more just society and negative efforts to prevent or end violent conflicts and warfare. Popular music has often accompanied American peace and antiwar movements by arousing public concern for social justice, sustaining the hopes of activists, and challenging decision makers. This essay examines how musicians have made notable contributions to peace activism by addressing a diverse set of issues in American history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I will ask, how the international networks of peace movements have influenced the development of Quaker pacifism in Fenno‐Scandinavia. The question is answered with qualitative social network analysis when analyzing the vocational development of two Quaker network nodes, Greta Langenskjöld (1889–1975) and Deryck Sivén (1913–2002). Based on the analysis, I argue that the International Fellowship of Reconciliation provided the most important transnational social network to introduce Quakerism to Fenno‐Scandinavia. Before this, Evangelicalism, Tolstoian Christian anarchism, and Theosophist socialism had molded the ground fitting for the Quaker‐Socialist networks of the IFOR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines experiences implementing a Women, Peace, and Security strategy in diverse cultural contexts, focusing on underutilized tools for promoting gender equity. It explores opportunities for Mexican and Latin American women in regional defense and security. Emphasizing cultural awareness, it advocates for culturally sensitive leadership to strengthen international alliances prioritizing homeland defense. It also underscores leveraging gender differences for organizational effectiveness. Despite advancements, global gender discrimination persists, highlighting the need for continued progress. Upholding human rights and inclusion values enhances homeland defense efficacy. Leadership, gender inclusion research, and financial resources are crucial for successful homeland security strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peace, disarmament, and anti‐war advocacy in the United States has a long and proud history, while facing longstanding challenges to its effectiveness given the overwhelming militaristic and undemocratic issues facing the country. A growing trend toward intersectionality is necessary and welcome, but not yet bearing much fruit in terms of progress toward de‐militarizing US foreign (and domestic) policy. However, peace forces within the United States are continuously at work despite the national government's foreign policy priorities. This article will provide a snapshot of the peace movement, its priorities, actions, and prospects for the future in addressing the perplexing and difficult path to peace in the war in Yemen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the role of emotions and the conceptual use of peace to justify martial violence. Drawing upon empirical evidence collected at the Canadian War Museum, the article explores how representations of war history present militarized violence as both a threat to, and the solution for, global peace. Building on scholarship in IR and Peace Studies that theorizes the relationship between war and peace, this article puts forward a novel analytical concept – martial peace – to investigate this paradox. It theorizes that manoeuvring peace as a justification for military activities not only results in depoliticizing the contexts of conflicts and war, but also serves to euphemize the violence that occurs in the name of peace and within so-called peaceful societies. Using Canada as a case study, the article explores how martial peace obscures settler colonialism and generates affective militarism as key components of nationalist projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vast majority of people value humanity's ability to live in peace and stability. However, there are disparities between the concept of peace and what people experience daily within their community. As a result, before any society can begin to address the difficulties at hand, it must first have a thorough awareness of the socio-cultural-historical identities, ways of life, and value systems that have produced them. When a social community's culture, traditions, and ideals are ignored, members of the society become distrustful of one another. As this mistrust grows, various unfavorable societal occurrences can result. In this study, we will provide a model that has been successful in harmonizing these challenging issues in Gwangju Goryeoin Village in South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on a contemporary peace movement in Israel, Women Wage Peace (WWP), this article studies female Jewish and Arab-Palestinian activists to understand if/why they believe in women's peacefulness and why they chose a women-led movement. While not challenging the idea of women's peacefulness, the activists' testimonies shed light on various explanations behind the "women and peace hypothesis," beyond maternal arguments. Despite a militaristic/patriarchal context where maternal collective action frames are culturally resonant, some activists refuse to be reduced to one-dimensional mothers. The article also finds that through caring practices, WWP creates a unique feeling of belonging, including for Arab-Palestinian activists experiencing a deficit of belonging. The article draws on qualitative methodologies, interviews, and ethnographic work conducted in 2019–2020. Implications include the value for women's peace movements to use both maternal and feminine collective action frames, decoupled from motherhood, and to actively create "safe spaces" where women feel that they belong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Fifth Book of Peace (2003) marks the evolution of Maxine Hong Kingston's vision of whiteness and the very definition of racial categories in her works. In The Fifth Book of Peace, Kingston assumes a much more transnational perspective, reflecting to a greater extent on the enmeshment of whiteness in imperialist and colonizing practices beyond the perimeter of the mainland United States and the territory of the United States as a whole. While in The Fifth Book of Peace Kingston notes the implication of whiteness in colonization and imperialism, she also to a greater extent stresses its potential for transformation. This potential was hinted at in The Woman Warrior, but it is much more explicitly elaborated on only in The Fifth Book of Peace. All of Kingston's works are written in the spirit of transformational identity politics and intersectionality. In all of her works, Kingston notices the intersection of diverse types of oppression, going beyond exposing the stripes of exploitation that immediately affect the major characters of her works. Yet it is in The Fifth Book of Peace that she underscores the need for cooperation between individuals affected by diverse types of trauma stemming from different kinds of oppression. It is also in The Fifth Book of Peace that Kingston envisions the possibility of white Americans cooperating with people of other races and nationalities on behalf of peace rather than in the name of war, expansion and colonialism symbolized in the narrative by the wars in Vietnam, Iraq and the colonization of Hawaii. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on research in the archive of the Swedish Peace and Arbitration Society in Stockholm, this article sheds light on the complex production history behind Peter Watkins' fourteen-and-a-half-hour documentary Resan (The Journey) (1987). Set in a dozen countries around the world, the film presents a complex web of thematic tropes about global peace, consistently highlighting the connection between the local, national and international. The way in which the film subverts documentary form – in terms of both scope and aesthetic strategies – raises questions concerning the institutional conditions within which it was made. Although Watkins' authorial position between avant-garde and documentary film culture has been investigated in-depth, particularly from a textual point of view, little attention has been afforded the creative struggles permeating the production and circulation history behind this epic documentary. Bridging the gap between the scholarly fields of media activism, useful cinema and documentary film, this study zooms in on the Swedish Peace and Arbitration Society, Scandinavia's largest peace movement, and their fundraising drive for this film. In doing so, the article provides new information about the negotations that shaped the relationship between Watkins, the activists and the organization that made this film possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses some of Karen Knop's insights throughout her career, including about the World War I-era women's peace movement, to resurface and reread the anti-nuclear activism of the international women's peace movement of the mid-to-late 1980s. It focuses specifically on the history and work of Women for a Meaningful Summit (WMS), an ad hoc group of women who came together to exert, through what some participants called 'private' diplomacy, a direct impact on the late Cold War summits between President Ronald Reagan and General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev. Reading the WMS archives through a Knopian lens, the article considers the group's engagement with international law as part of an international civil society that intentionally crossed national boundaries and alliances, its deployment of a repertoire of strategies that combined relatively mainstream diplomatic approaches with grassroots activism, its faith in and sometimes creative use of international law, and its various articulations of the relation between peace and gender. Attending throughout to the erasure of Cold War anti-nuclear activism in contemporary feminist approaches to international law, the article concludes by demonstrating some of the ways in which international legal approaches to the war in Ukraine also rely on this active erasure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does residing in the proximity of surveillance infrastructure—i.e., checkpoints, the separation barrier, and military installations—affect support for cooperative and confrontational forms of collective action? Cooperative actions involve engagement with outgroups to advance the ingroup cause (e.g., negotiations, joint actions, and peace movements), whereas confrontational actions involve unilateral tactics to weaken the outgroup (e.g., boycott, armed resistance). In the context of West Bank and Jerusalem, we combine geo‐coded data on the surveillance infrastructure with a representative survey of the adult population from 49 communities (N = 1,000). Our multilevel analyses show that surveillance does not affect support for confrontational actions but instead decreases support for cooperative actions. Moreover, we identify a new, community‐level mechanism whereby surveillance undermines cooperative actions through weakening inclusive norms that challenge dominant us‐versus‐them perspectives. These effects are empirically robust to various individual‐ and community‐level controls, as well as to the potential of reverse causality and residential self‐selection. Our findings illustrate how cooperative voices and the fabric of social communities become the first casualties of exposure to surveillance. They also speak to the importance of considering structural factors, with broader implications for the socio‐psychological study of collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Peace of Münster (1648) ended the Eighty Years’ War (1568–1648) in the Low Countries. After decades of conflict, peace came to the Dutch, who for three generations had only experienced wartime. Since the lives of commoners and soldiers alike had become dependent upon and conditioned to the war, the successful peace negotiation heralded a new and uncertain future. Music played an important role in facilitating understanding of the cultural changes brought about by the peace treaty. Drawing on a representative sample of broadsheets and songs from 1609 to 1648, this article sheds light on how the Dutch dealt with their realities during the Eighty Years’ War, the Twelve Years’ Truce (1609–21), and the immediate aftermath of war. Broadsheets announced the peace and worked through divisions among the Dutch; plays staged drinking songs that alluded to controversies; Dutch chambers of rhetoric debated the peace in their publications; and geuzenliederen (beggars’ songs sung to popular tunes) memorialized soldiers’ daily lives during and after the war. Christian songs further thematized the “true” meaning of the newly negotiated peace and provided instructions on how to act peacefully. Popular songs offer a different take on the Peace of Münster than do the official peace celebrations, which have been the focus of previous scholarship. The songs discussed here functioned as an emotional outlet for commoners and soldiers. They thematized the different opinions pertaining to the peace negotiations, encouraged merry-making, and explained or helped process the reality of the battleground and the subsequent postwar experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay discusses the impact of Todd Gitlin's book, "The Whole World is Watching: Mass Media in the Making and Unmaking of the New Left," on how we think about and teach the influence of mainstream media on progressive social movements. Gitlin's analysis highlights how the media, particularly the New York Times and CBS, framed and covered the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and the anti-war movement, often trivializing, marginalizing, and delegitimizing their efforts. The essay emphasizes the power of media frames and the myth of objectivity in shaping public perception and maintaining the status quo. Gitlin's work continues to be influential in understanding how progressive movements are covered by the media. [Extracted from the article]

Peace museums play an important role in peace education by offering visitors informal and non-formal education. As sites of remembrance, peace museums are rich pedagogical spaces for experiential learning and reflection. Educating children in the spirit of peace, tolerance and harmony between nations has been central to the work of the Museum of Peace in Rivne in Ukraine. Whilst peace museums usually engage in peacebuilding and memory making in times of peace, post conflict, this article reports on the work of the Museum in Rivne in a time of war. Wartime brings difficult questions about engaging in peacebuilding in the face of military aggression and about sustaining memory-making work when violent conflict makes memories too immediate and painful. As explained in the article, the reinvigorated peacebuilding effort at the Museum in Rivne demonstrates that, in a time of war, it is even more important to promote peace, in opposition to war. Through the annual event 'I Vote for Peace', the Museum has sought to create a network of schools committed to global tolerance and peacekeeping, as well as offer Ukrainian children a space for talking about their experiences and their hope for a peaceful future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the factors that influence the South Sudanese diaspora's perceptions of its role in peace, its disagreement with the creation of new states in South Sudan, and its opinion of the 2018 peace agreement. Through a survey conducted among diaspora members in Nebraska, United States, in September 2018 and May 2019, this study finds that participants with a high level of engagement in their diaspora community are significantly more likely to disagree that the diaspora's contribution towards peace in South Sudan is negative, thus viewing their role favorably. Furthermore, participants from the Equatoria region are significantly more likely to disagree with increasing the number of states and to hold a negative view of the 2018 peace agreement. Other demographic variables, such as age, number of years spent in the diaspora, level of education, and level of interest are also statistically significant in various models. This article argues for the relevance of diasporas in politically contentious and volatile contexts such as South Sudan. It contributes to the literature on peacemaking and peacebuilding by using new data to study a relatively under-explored diaspora community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article from the newspaper "Tiempo de Paz" presents several news related to the Peace Movement - MPDL. The series of podcasts "4Rights" hosted by MPDL lawyers, which addresses cases of racial and ethnic discrimination, is highlighted. It also mentions a campaign to prevent drug consumption and trafficking abroad, funded by the Ministry of Health. MPDL has a project to intervene with women in situations of gender-based violence and minimize the risk of suicidal behavior. In addition, MPDL's project was selected as the winner in the gender-based violence category in the XII Call for Social Action Grants from the Mutua Madrileña Foundation. The article also mentions the current situation of the League of Nations and the fragmentation and polarization in the United Nations and the international community, which has led to the rise of extreme right-wing populist movements. It reports on the Regional Meeting on Climate Justice, Just Transition, Ecology, and Feminism in Cartagena de Indias, Colombia, organized by the Peace Movement. Additionally, a project in Nicaragua is highlighted, where coffee growers are trained on the use of an application to monitor the climate on their farms. Finally, it mentions the visit of representatives from the Government of La Rioja to the project for the protection of human rights defenders in Guatemala. [Extracted from the article]

This article uses some of Karen Knop's insights throughout her career, including about the World War I-era women's peace movement, to resurface and reread the anti-nuclear activism of the international women's peace movement of the mid-to-late 1980s. It focuses specifically on the history and work of Women for a Meaningful Summit (WMS), an ad hoc group of women who came together to exert, through what some participants called 'private' diplomacy, a direct impact on the late Cold War summits between President Ronald Reagan and General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev. Reading the WMS archives through a Knopian lens, the article considers the group's engagement with international law as part of an international civil society that intentionally crossed national boundaries and alliances, its deployment of a repertoire of strategies that combined relatively mainstream diplomatic approaches with grassroots activism, its faith in and sometimes creative use of international law, and its various articulations of the relation between peace and gender. Attending throughout to the erasure of Cold War anti-nuclear activism in contemporary feminist approaches to international law, the article concludes by demonstrating some of the ways in which international legal approaches to the war in Ukraine also rely on this active erasure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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We analyze a range of future scenarios for Russia related to the Ukraine War. Although regime change is a publicly-stated objective for several leaders of NATO countries, we find very little prospect for it. The Russian economy has largely evaded the effects of the sanctions. Despite enormous casualties and incompetence in the management of the war, both Putin and the war remain popular with the Russian public. Contrary to most analysis to date, the Wagner Group mutiny of June 2023 is not an indication of Putin’s weakness, but his strength. The coercive mechanisms of the Russian state remain intact. Indeed, they have grown stronger. Finally, there is little to no prospect for the emergence of a significant antiwar movement. Regardless of the outcome of the war in Ukraine, Putin is likely to remain in power. Western leaders should begin to grapple with this unpleasant reality and its policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the geographical aspects of peace and conflict and how they vary across different locations and levels. It highlights the revitalization of academic geography's engagement with these themes in the past 15 years. The book "Making geographies of peace and conflict" aims to showcase the breadth and depth of contemporary research in this field. It includes foundational literature reviews, theoretical trends, and the spatial turn in peace studies. The book also explores specific thematic focuses and diverse geographical locations. It addresses the relevance of climate change and the environment in discussions of global security, providing nuanced perspectives on the relationship between environmental change and conflict. The article suggests that a concluding summary would have been beneficial to synthesize findings and identify avenues for further research and policy implications. Despite some structural issues, the book is valuable for teaching and research on technology, climate change, and activism in relation to peace and conflict. [Extracted from the article]

Frank Trentmann's book, "Out of the Darkness: The Germans, 1942–2022," offers a new perspective on the history and identity of Germans after World War II. Trentmann argues that the history of Germany is fundamentally a politics of morality, exploring themes of guilt, shame, self-pity, indifference, and atonement. The book covers eighty years of German history and examines how Germans themselves grappled with their past and transformed it into a source of civic pride. Trentmann's work challenges the notion of a feel-good narrative of Germany's moral redemption and offers a balanced and fair-minded account of the successes and failures in Germany's moral transformation. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses the concept of the "Forever War," referring to the ongoing conflicts and military operations that have persisted since the September 11, 2001 attacks. The author highlights how the Forever War has become normalized and intertwined with the US imperium, despite no clear end in sight. The article also explores the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021 and the continued projection of violence into the country. It emphasizes the need for anthropologists to critically examine and engage with the Forever War, particularly in relation to issues of imperialism and militarism. [Extracted from the article]

When and how do international political arrangements change? International relations scholars have long examined the nature of shifts in international alliance and cooperation networks, often arguing that times of disruption in the international system are the most precarious for peace. In this research note, we rely on innovations in change-point and community detection methods to endogenously examine the timing and nature of shifts in country-to-country relationships through defense cooperative agreements. Using new methodical innovations from network science, we can see how countries move through different communities over time, changing the nature of polarity in the system. This empirical approach can help provide insights into determinants of peace, vulnerabilities in the international system, and potential aggressors in world politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Claudia Jones was an advocate of "positive peace." Positive peace, as it was explained by Johan Goltung, is "the absence of structural violence" which involves the "egalitarian distribution of power and resources." Positive peace is not just the absence of war and violence (defined as negative peace), but it also includes justice for all people and "the elimination of the root causes of war, violence, and injustice" and a concerted and unified effort to create and uphold a just society. For Jones, this could only be achieved under socialism. She argued that capitalism fomented war, colonialism, and imperialism and it used state violence to secure control over resources and cheap labor. The advent of the Cold War increased the anxiety of individuals like Jones who feared that it made hot war a likely eventuality. Jones argued that the US commitment to containment meant policing the poor and the "darker side of the color line." She theorized a notion of peace that proposed the destruction of capitalism and the structures it relied on to maintain power; this included racism, sexism, and the prevention of labor organization. Jones was also an anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist and she recognized that US containment policy was merely a re-branding of both. Though Jones died before the US escalated conflict in Vietnam, she watched events in Indochina with trepidation and she argued that the US was heading toward war there. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the analysis of the Colombian case (2012-2021), which includes mapping 211 Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) working for peace, we propose a mixed conceptual framework that allows for the conceptualization of CSOs based on fundamental and complementary attributes. As a result of the intersection of these attributes, we propose four ideal-typical forms: (1) CSOs for the culture of peace and democratic strengthening, (2) CSOs for democratic strengthening based on membership in a vulnerable group within the conflict context, (3) CSOs for comprehensive development as a means to pacify society, (4) CSOs for the development of a group and/or territory affected by the conflict, based on belonging to that group or area. Although as ideal abstractions overlapping is possible, the results show that 166 of the studied CSOs work around the democratic cause. Specifically, 97 of them related to culture of peace, and 69 based on belonging to vulnerable groups. On the other hand, 64 of the observed CSOs work for development. Here it is possible to distinguish between CSOs that emerge around the agenda (39 out of 64) and those that organize themselves around a sense of belonging or identity (25 out of 64). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes Women Wage Peace (WWP), an Israeli grassroots peace movement, as a case study of intersectionality in women's movements. Using an ethnographic model based on semi-structured interviews with previous and current movement members, I investigate the dilemmas and strategies of WWP in its pursuit of a diverse membership base, a goal considered unique in Israeli peace discourse. This study contributes to understanding intersectional theory and practice, explaining why such an approach is not (always) effective in women's movements despite the best intentions. Examining WWP through the lens of peripherality and privilege highlights the movement's hierarchical power structure, identifying the places where intersectional awareness does not translate into political practice. By providing examples of the challenges of intersectionality in women's movements, these findings offer a response to the need for more nuanced analysis in current feminist and social movement research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on a participatory embroidery project in Mexico, Bordando por la paz y la Memoria: una víctima un pañuelo, by the art collective Fuentes Rojas. For over ten years this public art initiative has used needlework to engage with human rights issues. Fibre art groups in Mexico use needlework and the internet to address issues such as disappearances, femicides/feminicides and other violent killings. Building on Latin America's heritage of activist needlework, the Mexican peace embroidery movement takes a transmedial approach to the memorialization of victims of violence in the country. They hold exhibitions and participatory sewing sessions in a variety of venues. They also disseminate information online to generate a dialogue about historical events and human rights issues. In this article, I explore the political and artistic context for the movement, as well as its aims. I argue that the embroiderers have developed a sophisticated memorialization strategy that helps disseminate information about the situation in Mexico while also countering the aversion that can arise from mass media coverage of the violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the perspective of the Church Fathers on war and its relationship with Roman society. It emphasizes that peace is considered a matter that concerns the entire society and addresses the problem of war from the governance of violence in an imperfect world. The role of the Empire in spreading the gospel message is recognized, and the intramundane sphere is assumed as the realm in which work must be done to ensure its support. Various Christian authors, such as Justin, Tatian, Athenagoras, Melito, Clement of Alexandria, Hippolytus, Origen, Minucius Felix, and Tertullian, reflect on war and peace from different perspectives, but generally emphasize the importance of peace and non-violence for followers of Jesus. Some also recognize the usefulness of the Roman government and advocate for collaboration between the Church and the State. The stance of the Church Fathers towards war varies, from loyalty to power to the prohibition of participation in war. With Emperor Constantine, the stance towards war changes and the condemnation of military service is softened. Eusebius of Caesarea highlights Constantine's Christian piety in contrast to the impiety of other emperors. Ambrose and Augustine consider peace preferable to war, although they recognize the responsibility of the State in preserving its integrity. Ambrose stigmatizes violence and murder, while Augustine criticizes bloodshed in conquest wars. In conclusion, the pre-Constantinian Fathers seek a possible and realistic peace and recognize the importance of the Church's presence in the imperial institutional machinery. [Extracted from the article]

The article "«SHALOM» IN ITS BIBLICAL ASPECTS" explores the biblical understanding of peace in different current contexts, such as war and violence in Ukraine and Israel, as well as the problems that affect the quality of life. The author analyzes the concept of shalom from a relational and existential perspective, and proposes implications for peace and its construction. The relationship between war and poverty is highlighted, and questions are raised about the meaning of peace and how the Bible can contribute to peace and reconciliation. The article also mentions methodological considerations for the study of peace in the Bible, and explores the understanding of peace in the Old and New Testaments. In the Old Testament, peace is related to justice and is understood as the restoration of social and personal order. In the New Testament, Jesus Christ is presented as the Prince of Peace and the peace he brings to the world is emphasized. It is mentioned that peace is both a gift and a task, and that human beings have the responsibility to create a just and peaceful community. [Extracted from the article]