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This article focuses on the widespread practice of appointing deputy judges, called naib s, in the Ottoman Empire from the mid-eighteenth to the early nineteenth centuries. Based on extensive archival research, it analyses how the judiciary turned into a system of allocating revenue sources. An increasing number of offices of kadı (judge) were assigned as a source of income to higher-ranking ulema, who, through intermediaries, in turn farmed out their judicial offices to naib s in return for a fixed sum of money. Importantly, the apportionment fees for taxes collected from local taxpayers constituted a significant part of naib s' incomes. The practice of deputizing in the Ottoman judiciary thus shows a close parallel with tax farming. Because the naib s transferred their revenues to the higher-ranking ulema, farming out judicial offices became a major economic basis for maintaining the Ottoman ulema hierarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the approaches of muhaddithians (hadîth scholars) towards the profession of qadi (judge) and criticisms directed towards hadith scholars who assumed the role of a qadi. A qualitative method was employed in this study, and a literature review was conducted. While addressing the attitudes towards the qadi profession in the article, criticisms directed towards hadith scholars who served as qadis, particularly due to their increased prevalence after the Umayyad period, have been excluded. The research has been limited to qadis recognized for their hadîth transmission in the second century of the Islamic calendar. When the early period of Islam is examined within a historical perspective, it holds significant importance in understanding how political and social developments, particularly the vital profession of qadis (judges), influenced the attitudes and behaviors of muhaddithians. An important characteristic of this era is to comprehend how the political changes that occurred with the birth and spread of Islam affected various segments of Islamic society. During the time of Prophet Muhammad and the Rashidun Caliphs, the role of qadis did not pose any significant problems for society and intellectual life. During these periods, muhaddithians primarily focused on the foundational principles of Islam, prioritizing the transmission of religious teachings and the preservation of sources. Consequently, many hadîth scholars chose not to involve themselves in state affairs, dedicating themselves solely to the science of hadîth. However, as the Islamic state strengthened over time and the political and administrative power of the caliphs increased, the attitudes of muhaddithians toward taking on state duties began to change. Especially during the Umayyad era, after the assassinations of Caliphs Uthman and Ali, hadîth scholars began to criticize the rulers. Nevertheless, these criticisms did not transform into concrete actions such as resigning from their state positions. With the development of political events, the anti-establishment sentiments among muhaddithians grew stronger, although some continued to serve as judges in the government while acknowledging individual mistakes. The negative perception of the qadis' role became more pronounced, particularly after the time of Caliph Muawiyah, leading muhaddithians to distance themselves from the government and engage in criticism. These reactions found broad support among the public. With the advent of the Abbasid era, muhaddithians came to perceive official positions like the qadis' role as flawed, yet those who held these positions were not categorically disparaged. Hadîth scholars had various reasons for their reservations about assuming qadis' roles. Among these reasons were the presence of warnings against rulers in the hadîths, concerns that qadis' duties could lead to the forgetting of hadîths and the corruption of memory, fear of injustice, and the desire to stay away from rulers. In conclusion, it is important to investigate how the political and societal conditions of early Islam influenced the attitudes of muhaddithians toward taking on qadis' roles and the impact of these attitudes on the science of hadîth. Through this research, it becomes evident that a narrator assuming the role of a qadi alone was not a cause for criticism (cerh), but rather, flaws that emerged during this duty, such as memory lapses, led to the narrator's criticism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Osmanlı Tarihi araştırmalarında kullanılan en önemli ana kaynaklardan biri Şeriye sicilleridir. Yapılan çalışmalar sicillerin önemini ve orijinal bir kaynak teşkil ettiğini ortaya koymaktadır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Osmanlı Devleti’nin önemli bir liman ve ticaret bölgesi olan Galata’nın Şeriye sicillerinde yer alan borç davalarını değerlendirmektir. Galataʹnın 17. yüzyıldaki sınırları günümüzdekinin aksine çok geniştir. Galata kadısının hükmü altında bulunan bu geniş alan hakkında sicillerde son derece değerli bilgiler yer almaktadır. Müslüman, Rum, Ermeni, Yahudi ve Cenevizli insanların bir arada yaşadığı kozmopolit bir şehir olan Galata, ticari hayatın canlı olduğu bir yerdir. Ticari hareketliliğine paralel olarak Galata Şeriye sicillerinde alım-satım ve borç meseleleri ile ilgili pek çok kayıt yer almaktadır. Bu kayıtlar içerisinden seçilen farklı dava kayıtlarının tahlilinin yanı sıra borcun tanımı, unsurları, hukukî niteliği, borcu düşüren sebepler, ödeme yöntemleri ve kurulan akidlerin hüküm ve sonuçları gibi teorik bilgilere de yer verilecektir. Böylece teori ile uygulama alanlarının birbirinden ayrıldığı ve örtüştüğü noktalar ortaya koyulacaktır.

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The Levant, including the city ofJerusalem, came under Ottoman rule in the year 1516 AD. Subsequently, the Al-Aqsa Mosque fell under the jurisdiction of a qadi appointed in the capital, Istanbul. This raised questions about the judge’s authority over the Al-Aqsa Mosque. This study, based on the legal record no. 69 covering the years 996-998 AH / 1588- 1590 AD, aims to elaborate on the authority of the qadi in Al-Aqsa Mosque over the salaries of the officials and employees of al-Aqsa Mosque, the majority of whom were local residents, as well as the funds allocated for covering the mosque’s expenses. Drawing from the study, it becomes apparent that the Ottoman Empire entrusted the qadi with overseeing the affairs of Al-Aqsa Mosque, including the financial remuneration of officials and the supervision of events within it. This broad authority granted to the qadi facilitated the Ottoman state’s direct control over Jerusalem and Al-Aqsa Mosque. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kaza, Osmanlı taşra idaresinin temel idarî birimlerinden birisiydi. Kaza hem kadının idare bölgesini hem de adlî bölgeyi tanımlayan bir terim özelliği gösterir. Bu idarî birimin başında ise geniş yetkilere sahip kadı veya onun vekili konumundaki naib bulunuyordu. Kadı bulunduğu kazada her türlü adlî işlere bakan bir yargı görevlisi olduğu gibi aynı zamanda beledî ve idarî işleri takip eden bir yöneticiydi. Günümüzde Kumru ilçe sınırları içerisinde bulunan Meydan ve Serkeş kazaları da klasik Osmanlı idari yapısına uygun olarak 17. yüzyılda kaza haline getirilmişlerdir. Her iki kaza da kadı ve vekili konumundaki naibin idaresinde Tanzimat’a kadar adlî-idarî birim olarak varlıklarını devam ettirmişler, merkeziyetçi bir idarenin yerleştirilmesi gayesiyle bundan sonra yerini yeni oluşturulan kaza müdürlüğü gibi modern idarî birimlere bırakmışlardır. Bu çalışmada arşiv kayıtlarına dayalı bilgiler ışığında klasik Osmanlı kaza idaresi ve idarecileri ve Tanzimat’la başlayan değişim süreci Meydan ve Serkeş kazaları örneği üzerinden incelenecektir.

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This study deals with the Muslim judges methods of obtaining and retaining records in Islamic law. Islamic law plays an important role in protecting people’s rights and courts play a central role in this process. Muslim judges issue judgements in courts, putting an end to disputes between parties. However, in some cases, there may be a need to reapply the judgements in the future. For this reason, Muslim judges kept the judgements rendered by the courts in written form in registers. The study emphasises that different schools of Islamic jurisprudence hold different views on the keeping of registers by judges. While some imams of some schools of Islamic jurisprudence state that the keeping of registers is fard al-kifaye (an obligation for the general welfare of society), others state that in some cases it is obligatory. It is also stated that in some sects, Muslim judges are granted freedom of choice in this regard. The study also focuses on the importance of keeping the registers and how they were maintained. The registers are preserved in written form as a source for future applications and information needs. These registers were of great importance in protecting the rights of the winning party. By recording the information, the Muslim judges prevented any confusion or disputes from arising. In conclusion, this study emphasises the importance of the Muslim judges methods of recording and storing records in Islamic law. This practice can also be observed in other areas of Islam and has an important place in classical fiqh books. Although there are different views among Islamic schools, it is concluded that there are strong arguments for taking and keeping records. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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يعد مفهوم التعزير من المفاهيم الأصيلة في الفقه الإسلامي؛ فالعقوبات في الشريعة الإسلامية تنقسم إلى حدود وتعازير، أما العقوبات الحديَّة فهي التي حددها الله سبحانه وتعالى، وأما العقوبات التعزيرية فهي التي تركت الشريعة الإسلامية تقديرها إلى القاضي، وللقاضي صلاحية واسعة في التعزير تبدأ من العفو في المخالفات والجرائم البسيطة إلى الإعدام في الجرائم الخطيرة كجريمة التجسس؛ فالتعزير أعطى صلاحية واسعة للحاكم والقاضي من حيث تقدير العقوبات ضمن القواعد العامة في الشريعة الإسلامية، وأهم هذه القواعد أن يكون القاضي مجتهداً قادراً على استنباط الأحكام الشرعية من القرآن فاهماً لمقاصد الشريعة الإسلامية، ولكن مع مرور الزمن أساء الحكام هذه الصلاحية الواسعة، ووُجد من القضاة من لم تتوافر فيه صفة الاجتهاد، فأوقعوا العقوبات الشديدة لجرائم عادية، وكان التعزير وسيلة لتعذيب وقتل المعارضين السلطةَ بحجة خروجهم على الحكام، وعند تعدد القضاة في البلد الواحد اختلفت الأحكام القضائية بسبب اختلاف القضاة في التعزير والاجتهاد بالرغم من أن الجريمة واحدة فكان ذلك سبباً في الظلم، وفي العصر الحديث كان التقنين وسيلة للحد من هذه السلطة الواسعة للقاضي، وتحديد العقوبات تحديداً دقيقاً. وقد اختلف الفقهاء في حكم تقنين الشريعة الإسلامية ما بين مؤيد للتقنين على اعتباره من المصالح المرسلة ووسيلة لضبط القضاة، وما بين معارض للتقنين؛ لأنه فكرة غربية وليست فكرة إسلامية، وبالرغم من الاختلاف في فكرة التقنين قام الفقهاء بعدة محاولات لتقنين الفقه في القرن التاسع عشر والقرن العشرين مثل مجلة الأحكام العدلية في القانون المدني في أواخر العهد العثماني، والقانون العربي الموحد المستمد من الشريعة الإسلامية. فالبحث يتحدث عن بيان مفهوم التعزير عند الفقهاء، والقواعد العامة الضابطة له في الشريعة الإسلامية، وتطوره عبر الزمن، وتوسع الحكام في استخدام التعزير وإساءة السلطة الممنوحة لهم, ثم يقارن هذا المفهوم بالأدبيات الغربية وموقفهم من التعزير والتقنين، ومحاولات الفقهاء لتقنين الفقه. وقد خلصت الدراسة أن أصل مفهوم التعزير هو التأديب ثم توسع الفقهاء في هذا المعنى إلى الردع والزجر، ثم غابت فكرة التعزير شيئاً فشيئاً مع وجود التقنين، وكان التقنين حلاً مناسباً لتقييد سلطة القاضي، ولكن التقنين أوقع القضاة بداية في حرج شديد حيث لم يستطع القاضي الخروج عن المواد القانونية بالرغم من وجود الظروف المخففة للجاني ما أدّى إلى منح القضاة سلطة تقديرية في التقنين يستطيع أن يقضي من خلالها بما يتناسب مع الظروف المخففة والمشددة للجريمة وشخصية المجرم حيث وُجد للعقوبة حد أعلى وحد أدنى بحيث تسمح للقاضي الحكم على الجريمة من خلال هذين الحدين؛ وبذلك يكون نظام التقنين قريب من نظام التعزير في الشريعة الإسلامية.

Osmanlı Devleti’nin hukuk sistemi içerisinde önemli bir yer teşkil eden kadılık müessesesi ,adli ve mülki işlemleri yürütmekle sorumlu bir memuriyet olarak kabul edilmiştir. Osmanlı Devleti’nin kuruluşundan son anına kadar bu görev devam etmiş ve medreseler kadı yetiştiren en önemli eğitim kurumları olmak gibi bir işlev üstlenmiştir. Osmanlı Devleti’nde kadılar devletin resmi mezhebi olan Hanefî fıkhına göre hüküm verirlerdi. Kadılık vazifesi idari olarak kaza, sancak ve eyalet gibi birimlere göre farklılık göstermekteydi. Kaza kadıları Rumeli, Anadolu ve Mısır gibi üç farklı bölgeye göre sınıflandırılırdı. Rumeli kadıları bu bölgenin kazalarında görev yapardı. Anadolu ve Mısır kadıları da kendi bölgelerinde kadılık görevlerini ifa ederdi. Rumeli bölgesinin kadılarından sorumlu olan kişi Rumeli kazaskeri, Anadolu ve Mısırdaki kazalardan sorumlu olan kişi de Anadolu kazaskeriydi. Her iki kazasker de kendi bölgelerinin idari işlerine bakar ve kadıların atanmasından sorumlu olurdu. Sancak veya eyaletlerde kadılık yapanlara mevali denir, nihai terfi sonucunda İstanbul kadılığına kadar yükselmek mümkün olurdu. Ancak payitahtta kadı olabilmek için Bursa ve Edirne gibi bölgelerde kadılık payesini aldıktan sonra fiilen kadılık yapmak gerekirdi. İstanbul kadılığının akabinde Anadolu ve Rumeli kazaskeri olma imkanı da oluşmaktaydı. Osmanlı Devleti’nin idari taksimatında şeyhülislamlar kazaskerlerin üzerinde yer almaya başlayınca 40 akçeden fazla maaş alan müderrislerin ve kadıların atanmasından da onlar sorumlu olmaya başladı. Kadılar şerʿî ve hukuki davalara ilaveten halkın ihtiyacı olan işlere, alışverişlere, asgari ve sabit fiyat uygulamalarının usulüne, memleket dışına çıkarılabilecek eşyalara, yasak eşyaların ise engellenmesine, savaş alet ve edevatının teminine, askeri işlerin dışında kendi bölgelerinde temizliğin sağlanmasına ve bunun gibi diğer işlere de bakar ve zabıta ile beraber bu işlerin tamamını yerine getirmeye çalışırlardı. Kadıların bu görevlerini yerine getirmesinde naipler onlara vekalet edebilirler, kadı namına iş yaparak hüküm verebilirlerdi. Türkiye’deki yazma eser kütüphanelerinde mevcut birçok âlime ait icâzetnâme bilimsel açıdan araştırılmaya ihtiyaç duymaktadır. Bu çalışmada aslen Çanakkale’nin Babakale köyünde doğan ve başkent İstanbul’a yerleşen, ilmî kariyerini bu şehirde devam ettiren Babakaleli Ahmed Abdülaziz Efendi’nin eğitim sürecini kısmen de olsa takip etme imkânı tanıyan, talebelerine vermek üzere hazırladığı bir icâzetnâme taslağı neşredilecektir. 19. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında Osmanlı Devleti’nin sınırları içerisinde kalan Şam ve Mekke gibi şehirlerin dışında İstanbul’da da Tophane ve Galata gibi gayrımüslimlerin yoğun olduğu semtlerde kadılık yapan (1277/1860) Babakaleli Ahmed Abdülaziz Efendi, Bursalı Mehmed Tahir’in ifadesiyle ulemâ-i kuzâttan bir zâttır. Eserinde kendisini Babakaleli Ahmed Abdülaziz b. Hüseyin Efendi b. Hafız Halil Efendi olarak tanıtmaktadır. Abdülaziz Efendi, 1265/1848 ilâ 1278/1861 seneleri arasında padişahın huzurunda Ramazan aylarında tertip edilen tefsir sohbetlerine, yani Huzur Dersleri’ne on üç yıl süre zarfınca muhatap olarak iştirak etmiş; hem müderrislik hem de mollalık ünvanlarına sahip olmuştur. Bu da Abdülaziz Efendi’nin payitaht İstanbul’un mühim ilim adamları arasında yer aldığına işaret etmektedir. Mekke-i Mükerreme kadısı payesine de nail olan Abdülaziz Efendi’nin Sicill-i Osmani’de 1297/1879 yılına doğru dâr-ı bekâya irtihal eylediği bildirildiğinden 1296/1878 yılında vefat ettiği söylenebilir. Makalede, Babakaleli Abdülaziz Ahmed Efendi’nin hayatı ve eserleri hakkında kısaca bilgi verildikten sonra Süleymaniye Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi kayıtlarında adına kayıtlı olan icâzetnâmenin neşri gerçekleştirilecek ve bu neşir üzerinden bir Osmanlı kadısının eğitimi, hocaları ve okuduğu kitapların tespiti yapılacaktır. Bu vesileyle Osmanlı’da kadılık yapan bir âlimin eğitim ve öğrenim süreci hakkında bazı tespitlerde bulunulacak ve bir vesika olarak addedilebilecek yazma hâlindeki tek nüsha icâzetnâme kütüphanedeki mevcut hâli esas alınarak neşredilecektir.

INTRODUCTION. Israel is a diverse and controversial state. Its laws, especially those of the area of family and marital law, are distinctly unique. The reason being that throughout its centuries-long history Eretz Israel (the Land of Israel) – the historical name of the country, the structure of norms of this branch of law has gone through a set of changes under different political regimens. The government ruling over this holy land at a certain time period was to some extent influencing current social order and the lives of Jewish people, including such aspect as the performance of religious rituals.Considering the specificity of traditionalistic norms of Judean legal system attempts of influence on it from the outside have always been a big challenge. Those norms had to be strictly followed as it was of utmost importance for the conservation of the Jewish communities, Jewish culture and its authenticity, which for centuries has been challenged by many in attempts to modify, discriminate and even irradicate it. Hence, in this article the authors examined the most notable periods of the existence of Jewish communities in Eretz Israel. Inter alia there is an analysis of rules and measures introduced by the ruling system under the Ottoman Empire (from year 1517 to year 1917), of decrees present under the Mandate of Palestine (1922-1948), of the Israeli Declaration of Independence in 1948 and of current legislation. MATERIALS AND METHODS. The article isbased on the current Israeli legislation which concerns familial and marital relations, as well as on traditional religious code of rules and obligations “Halakha” which is still in action in Israel’s society. In the article Ottoman and British-Palestinian legislation is mentioned which was in force during the corresponding historical periods of time. It is also stated that the majority of the legislative acts in the area of familial and marital relations follow the principles of the International law, the rulings of the Supreme court of Israel are made according to the norms of International law and, among other things, in consideration with the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women of 1979. For the achievement of result general and specific scientific methods of research were applied, in particular historical-legal and comparative-legal methods of study. RESEARCH RESULTS. Research result consists in presentation of current Israeli familial and marital legislation and other religious traditional rules review. It is well-proven that despite the strictness of the Judean traditions, according to the clauses of the Israeli Declaration of Independence 1948, Israel being a Jewish state is also a modern and democratic one. Democratic principles of equality and humanism prevail in cases where in the proceedings regarding marital and family affairs where the rights of one of the parties are violated, every citizen of the state of Israel can appeal to the Supreme Court and the Supreme Court of Justice seeking a justified sentence and protection of one’s interests. Therefore, the result of the integration of the legal principles typical for democratic countries and the traditional norms of Judaism current legal system of the state of Israel was created. The mechanism of this system comes from the respect for the traditions whilst the main principles of democracy are also followed, namely those of justice, equality and humanism. This is what makes the legal system of Israel unique in every aspect, including the norms of familial and marital relations which integrate both traditional implementations and modern aspects. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. In the frames of the present research study the authors found that familial and marital law of Israel is based on norms of the Religious law, on a special code of rules and obligations called – “Halakha”. From the standpoint of the development of law and practice, a certain role was played by the procedural rules introduced in the territory of Eretz Israel during the period of Ottoman Empire. English law had a certain influence on the development of Israeli law in general during British Mandate of Palestine. Modern Israeli legislation in the field of marriage and family relations is based on and takes into account international agreements to which Israel is a party.

The main purpose of this study is to analyze the judge's decision of divorce (tafrik) based on a law that is not based on Islamic law from the perspective of Islamic law. In 1917, the provisions regarding the marriage contract and divorce were codified in the Decree on the Law of the Family, thus clarifying the limits of the judge's authority in this area. This work was followed by other works in other parts of the Islamic world, particularly in Egypt, and the issues of family law were generally regulated under the name of Ahwāl-i Şahsiyye Law. Although the aforementioned laws centered on the views of the Mālikī madhhab, which granted the judge a wide discretionary authority, they also benefited from other madhhabs. In other words, the regulations did not go outside the circle of fiqh. On the other hand, today, in countries where Islamic law is not in force, the decisions of judges regarding the divorce of Muslim couples are questioned from a Sharia perspective. In this study, by comparing the provisions of the Turkish Civil Code on divorce with the relevant articles of the personal laws, it is discussed whether the judge's decision on separation is sharʽīlically valid or not if the grounds on which the judge bases his decision on separation are out of the framework of fiqh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

District was one of the basic administrative units of the Ottoman provincial administration. It is a term that defines both the administrative region of the qāḍī and the judicial region. At the head of this administrative unit was the qāḍī with wide powers or the naib who was the deputy of the qāḍī. Qāḍī was a judicial officer in charge of all kinds of judicial affairs in the district, as well as being a manager who followed the municipal and administrative affairs. The districts of Meydan and Serkeş, which are located within the boundaries of the town of Kumru today, were also turned into districts in the 17th century in accordance with the classical Ottoman administrative structure. Both districts continued their existence as a judicial-administrative unit under the administration of the qāḍī and the naib, who was the deputy of the qāḍī, until the Tanzimat and were replaced by modern administrative units such as the newly created district directorate with the aim of establishing a centralized administration. In this study, in the light of the information based on archive records, the classical Ottoman district administration and administrators and the change process that started with the Tanzimat will be examined through the example of Meydan and Serkeş districts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ulema held important positions in the main fields of Ottoman state structure. The judicial, administrative and municipal functions performed by the ulama were carried out by qadis, education by muderrises and fatwa by muftis. As in the other ilmiye officials, the appointment of qadis, who performed important services for the state, was subject to certain conditions. In general terms, the qadi offices were divided into central and provincial qadi offices. While the central organization proceeded under the coordination of the Sheikh al-Islam (the grand mufti of Istanbul), the provincial organization was carried out by the kazasker (qadi asker). This study focuses on the appointments of the high-ranking qadis (mevali) appointed by the Sheikh al-Islams at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The high-ranking qadiships, called mawlawiyya, consisted of the ranks of devriye, mahreç, bilâd-ı erbaa, Haremeyn mawlawiyya, Istanbul qadi office, and Anatolian and Rumeli kazasker office. It was expected that a member of the ilmiye members who had passed these ranks would be appointed to the office of Sheikh al-Islam, the highest scholarly authority. Appointments to these offices were recorded by the Sheikh al-Islam in “Tarîk Notebooks”. From these books, it is possible to obtain information about the Ottoman mawlawiyya qadi offices, the qadis appointed to these offices, their terms of office, and their advancement in the profession. Through the 529 appointment records in these tarik notebooks, individual mobility of the qadis has been identified. Through classifying the records of each individual qadi, the individual progress of the qadis in the ilmiye ranks and a general picture of the mobility of the mawalis are obtained, and an evaluation is made on the findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Seljuk Civilizational Studies (JSCS) / Selçuklu Medeniyeti Araştırmaları Dergisi (SEMA) is the property of Journal of Seljuk Civilizational Studies (JSCS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ictimaiyat is the property of Ictimaiyat and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ictimaiyat is the property of Ictimaiyat and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The rank of qadi, which constitutes an important place within the legal system of Ottoman Empire, is considered to be an office charged with executing juridical and administrative functions. This rank began with the establishment of Ottoman State and continued until the end of it. The madrasas served as the leading educational institutions training qadis. The qadis used to judge according to Hanafi school which was the official legal school of the state. The duties of the qadis differed administratively in accordance with the administrative divisions such as subdisrict (qada), districts (sanjaq) and provinces (eyalet). The qadis at the subdistricts were classified according to three different regions, namely Rumeli, Anatolia and Egypt. The Rumeli qadis served in the subdistricts of this region. The qadis of Anatolia and Egypt served in the respective regions. One who was in charge of the qadis of the Rumeli region was called “Qazasker”, and the one who was in charge of the regions in Anatolia and Egypt was called Anadolu Qazasker. Both qazaskers fulfilled the administrative duties in their own region and were in charge of appo)inting the qadis. Those who worked as the qadis in the subdistricts or provinces were called “mawali”, and it was possible for them to be promoted to the rank of the qadi of Istanbul as the final promotion. However, it was necessary to serve as qadi in regions such as Bursa and Edirne after receiving the title of qadi in order to be appointed as the qadi in the capital. After being appointed as the qadi of Istanbul, it would become possible to be appointed as the qadi of Anatolia and Rumeli. After the Şeyhulislams started to be ranked over the qazaskers in the administrative hierarchy of the Otoman Empire, they started to be in charge of the appointment of the mudarrises and qadis who were paid more than 40 akçes as salary. In addition to handling the juridical and legal cases, they also dealt with the public affairs, trade, the methods of minimum and fixed prices, the goods permitted to be exported, preventing the banned goods, providing the warfare tools and equipment, maintaining the cleaning services besides the warfare affairs etc., and they tried to execute all these activities together with the city police. In the fulfillment of these duties of the qadis, the naibs could deputize for them, and could issue judgments by acting on behalf of the qadis. The authorization certificates (ijāzat-nāmahs) of many scholars available in manuscript libraries in Turkey need to be researched scientifically. In this study, a draft of ijāzatnāmah will be published to give to his students of Babakalʿawī Aḥmad Abd al-ʿAzīz Efendi, who was born in Babakale village of Çanakkale district and moved to Istanbul to continue his scholarly career, will be analysed in order to follow his educational career to a certain degree. Babakalʿawī Aḥmad Abd al-ʿAzīz Efendi who served as the qadi of Damascus and Mediana, which then were within the borders of Ottoman Empire as well as the qadi of Tophane and Galata in Istanbul (1277/1860), where non-Muslims were concentrated, was among the knowledgeble judges of his time as expressed by Bursalı Mehmed Tahir. In his book, Aḥmad Abd al-ʿAzīz Efendi introduces himself as Babakalʿawī Aḥmad Abd alʿAzīz Efendi b. Husayn Efendi b. Hafiz Halil Efendi. Abd al-ʿAzīz Efendi attended for thirteen years at the gatherings (namely Huzur Dersleri) on Qur’anic Exegesis held in the month of Ramadan in the presence of the Ottoman Sultan between 1265/1848 and 1278/1861, and he gained the titles of mollā and mudarris thereof. This points at the fact that Abd al-ʿAzīz Efendi was among the prominent scholars of the capital Istanbul. Abd al-ʿAzīz Efendi also held the rank of the qadi of Mecca. As it was stated in Sijill-i Osmanī that he died by 1297/1879, it is possible to say that he died in 1296/1878. In this article, after giving brief information about his life and works, the ijāzat-nāmah regis)tered in the Suleymaniye Manuscripts Library will be published and the education, te)achers and the books read by an Ottoman qadi will be determined based on this ijāzatnāmah. In doing so, we will try to determine the educational process of an Ottoman scholar who also served as a qadi, and the only copy of his manuscript ijāzat-nāmah, which can be considered as a historical document, will be published based on the text found Library. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of discretion is one of the basic concepts in Islamic jurisprudence. Punishments in Islamic Sharia are divided into hudud and tazir. The hudud punishments are those specified by Allah. whearas tazir punishments are left to the judge in the Islamic Sharia. The judge has a wide authority to punish, starting from the amnesty in violations and minor crimes to the death penalty for serious crimes such as the crime of espionage. Punishment gave wide authority to the ruler and judge in terms of estimating penalties within the general rules of Islamic Sharia. The most important of these rules is for the judge is able to extract legal rulings from the Qur’ān, but with the passage of time the rulers abused this wide authority, and there were judges who did not have the status of knowledge, so they imposed severe penalties for ordinary crimes, and tazir was a way to kill opponents. In the case of a multiplicity of judges in the same country, judicial rulings differed due to the difference of judges in tazir punishment, although the crime was one, and that was a cause of injustice. At present, the law was a means of limiting this broad authority of the judge and defining penalties precisely. With the beginning of the nineteenth century, jurists made attempts to put the provisions of the Sharia in the form of laws such as the Journal of Legal Rulings and the Unified Arab Law taken from Islamic Sharia. The research talks about clarifying the concept of tazir according to the jurists, the general rules governing it in Islamic Sharia, and its development over time, and the expansion of rulers in the use of punitiveness and abuse of the authority granted to them. The study concluded that the origin of the concept of tazir punishment is discipline, then the jurists expanded in this sense to deterrence and rebuke, then the idea of tazir gradually disappeared with the presence of law. Regarding the legal rules, despite the existence of mitigating circumstances for the offender, which led to the judges being given discretionary power in judgment, through which he can judge in proportion to the mitigating and aggravating circumstances of the crime and the personality of the offender, as he found for the punishment an upper and lower limit that allows the judge to judge the crime through these two limits; Thus, the legalization system is close to the tazir system in Islamic law . [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Language Academy is the property of Rota Kariyer and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Şuhûdü’l hâl, Osmanlı yargı teşkilatı içerisinde kadıya yardımcı olan ve asırlardır kadı sicillerinde yer almış bir müessesedir. Şuhûdü’l hâle sadece kadının yargılama faaliyeti yaptığı sırada değil, yargılama faaliyeti dışındaki vazifelerinde de rastlanılmaktadır. Belgelerin hukuki geçerliğini sağlatmada rol oynayan ve ispat vasıtası olan Şuhûdü’l hâl, yargılamanın aleniliği, denetimi ve kadının tarafsız ve bağımsız şekilde karar vermesine de katkı sağlamaktadır. Bu çalışma, konuyu hukuk tarihi perspektifi ile ele alması, Şuhûdü’l hâl üyelerinin Osmanlı toplumsal yapısındaki statü ve mesleklerine odaklanması ile nispeten farklılık arz etmektedir. Çalışma belirli bir yüzyıla ya da bölgeye odaklanmamış, ancak özellikle klasik dönem şer’iyye sicillerindeki verilerden yararlanmıştır. Araştırma neticesinde varılan sonuçları şu şekilde ifade etmek mümkündür: Statü ve meslekler, yargı faaliyeti gerçekleştirilirken Şuhûdü’l hâlin hazır bulundurulmasına ayrı bir anlam katmaktadır. Hem askerî hem de reaya sınıfından kişilerin Şuhûdü’l hâlde yer alması, bu heyeti toplumun bir aynası konumuna sokmaktadır. Müderris, müftü gibi kişilerin heyetteki varlıkları hukukun pratik ve teorik boyutunun bir arada olmasını sağlamıştır. Halk arasında itibar gören ilmiye sınıfından kimselerin huzurunda karar verilmesi hükümlerin meşruiyet kazanmasında etkili olmaktadır. Ehl-i örften sadrazam, beylerbeyi gibi görevlilerin heyetteki konumu, müessesenin önemini ortaya koymaktadır. Reayaya dâhil olan üyeler incelendiğinde zimmilere, esnaf ve zanaatkârlara, meslek ustalarına ve lonca teşkilatındaki kethüdalara, aynı mahkemede görülen diğer davaların taraf ve şahitlerine toplumun her kademesinden halka, nadir de olsa kadınlara kadar oldukça çeşitlilik barındıran bir heyet olduğu görülmektedir. Bu durum kararın toplum nazarında kabullenilmesinde önemli bir role sahiptir. Osmanlı tecrübesi, yargılamanın aleniliğin kural olarak mecburi tutulması ve hâkimi toplumun her kesiminden kişinin izlemesi ile verilecek kararların toplum vicdanındaki adalet duygusunu pekiştirdiğini ortaya koymaktadır.

Copyright of Contributions to Oriental Philology / Prilozi za Orijentalnu Filologiju is the property of Orijentalni institut and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The relations of the peasant, who is the main producer in all the medieval states, where the country's economy was based on agriculture, and the local administrator, who determined and collected his obligations to the state, have always been remarkable. When the subject is approached in the Ottoman Empire, the sipahi and the peasant are the most important representatives of this governing and managed group. Sipahi in the Ottoman Empire; in addition to being both a soldier and a tax collector, he is the representative of the administration in the countryside with the position of many civil servants, and the peasantry is the sector that produces, pays taxes, and is administered by the state. These two groups, which are effective in the formation of society, are in a close relationship with each other. Sipahi-peasant relations have become one of the issues that Ottoman economic historians deal with. However, domestic studies based on archival records seem to be limited when compared to foreign studies in this field. Looking at the relations of these two classes from the perspective of the defenders of the classical class conflict theory, a conflict is sought between them. In fact, when we look at the qadi registers in which we watch the sipahi-peasant relations, the existence of this conflict is thought to exist. Indeed, when we look at the sources, there are people who use their duties for their own benefit as well as those who try to collect taxes on behalf of the state. The abuses of the sipahis, who did not do their duty properly, made the villagers suffer, and caused the villagers, who had to fulfill their obligations to the state, to avoid these obligations from time to time. Undoubtedly, it is not the sipahi who always refuses to do his part. It is possible to encounter the situation where the villager causes victimization, whether it is a malicious act or neglect of his obligations to the state and to his cavalry. In the Ottoman Empire, which was the basis of the understanding of the state and was known to be successful in providing it especially in the classical period, these conflicts were tried to be resolved through legitimate legal channels, as can be understood from the court records. Because each of these classes has a different meaning for the state and is indispensable. For example, the state can neither give up the sipahi, which is its most important military power, which provides peace and security in the country that collects its taxes, nor can it give up on the peasant, who is the main producer, that is, it is impossible to protect one against the other and to support the other at the expense of neglecting one group. For this purpose, in the article, the savings made by the state by using archive records and their results are also included. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2020 5(1), 319-329 | Insight | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. Jurisdictional sovereignty: a core element of an elusive concept. - III. EU autonomy as construed by the Court of Justice. - IV. Jurisdictional sovereignty of the EU as a legal construction. - V. Concluding reflections on the Court's autonomy conception in context. | (Abstract) Despite all rhetorical references to European sovereignty, the EU cannot make a convincing claim to sovereignty under international law. International law does not vest non-state actors with sovereignty. What the EU can do and what it also does is that it acts as if it was a sovereign entity and claims certain rights that are considered core elements of State sovereignty. This paper sheds light on the meaning of the notion of sovereignty in the specific context of the EU's external legal relations. It argues that the Court of Justice's conception of the autonomy of the EU legal order provides the EU de facto with a core element of State sovereignty, namely a form of (negative) jurisdictional sovereignty that otherwise only States can claim. Under international law, a State's exclusive right to decide what acts shall be given effect on its territory is virtually undisputed. It is the core of the external aspect of negative sovereignty and functions as an independent, overriding justification to keep external influences out. The Court's autonomy conception serves the same purpose. The Court's broad conception of external influences that could threaten the EU's autonomy has in the past jeopardized international cooperation plans of the political institutions of the EU. Yet, shutting out external interference is also a necessary precondition for positive sovereignty, i.e. the ability to determine one's own course of action as a polity, as well as democratic legitimacy.

Osmanlı tarihi çalışmalarında hem birinci el kaynak olması hem de zengin konu çeşitliliğiyle şer‘iyye sicilleri ön plana çıkmaktadır. İçerdiği kayıtlar özelde ait olduğu dönem ve bölgenin gündelik hayatını yansıtırken genelde Osmanlı Devleti’nin idarî, adlî, askerî, iktisadî, sosyo-kültürel mekanizmasına dair bilgiler sunmaktadır. Bu kayıtların değerlendirilmesi çeşitli konularda ve farklı disiplinlerde çalışmaların ortaya çıkmasına fırsat vermektedir. Ayrıca son zamanlarda mikro tarih alanında birçok çalışma için bilgi kaynağı yarattığı da bir gerçektir. Bu vesile ile şer‘iyye sicilleri esas alınarak yapılacak çalışmalara ufak bir katkıda bulunmak ümidiyle 980-983/1572-1575 zaman dilimine ait kayıtları içeren Beşiktaş 10 Numaralı Şer‘iyye Sicili seçilmiştir. Öncelikle sicilin tanıtımı yapılmış daha sonra içerdiği kayıtlar konularına göre tasnif edilerek özetleri çıkarılmıştır. Ortaya çıkan veriler ışığında devrin Beşiktaş kasabasındaki gündelik hayata dair fikir elde etme fırsatı doğmuştur.

The Transitional period in the Ottoman Empire (17th-18th century) brought about changes in the organization of government that were felt deeply at the imperial periphery. The process of decentralization in the Ottoman Balkans was most prominent during the 18th century. Traditional roles of political and social agents in towns became ever more unstable and the shifts of ruling elites were ever more pronounced. The ruling, Muslim elite had gradually joined together by forming political alliances in order to gain influence and money. Political struggles became constant. Belonging to the elite through acquiring the status of asker - either by enlisting into janissaries or by getting a timar and the status of spahi - did not guarantee a political influence or wealth. The new elite got their positions thanks to the political connections with either local or central government. The financial power was a factor that mostly determined a person’s status in the 18th century, and it did not depend on the legitimacy of economic undertakings. The capital was accumulated through trade, tax farming and tax collecting. The close relations with the representatives of government secured path towards an elite status. The rise of the new local governing elite and the ways of its social and political promotion were not identical processes even in the neighboring provinces. The role of mütesellim, voyvoda or kapudan, depended on the character of the Ottoman administration in the province (sanjak), which is why case studies contribute to the overall knowledge about the organization of Ottoman local authorities.

This is a brief glance at the development of the Shariah Court, originally known as the Kadi Court, throughout the Malay states. The research concentrates on the period of British colonisation and the period following the country’s independence. This study takes a qualitative approach by referencing published documents. The elements, as well as document comparisons, were thoroughly analysed. Interviews with people in positions of authority were also conducted in order to gather more data. The study focuses on numerous features of the Shariah Court, including the Sultan’s power to appoint Kadi/Judges, the status of Kadi, Court buildings, Court jurisdiction, conflict of jurisdiction, Article 121 (1A) Federal Constitution, and some Shariah Court-related concerns. There are some things that have not been investigated and recorded in the description of the given with great care, but have been examined reasonably extensively. This study would help to reorganise materials on the Shariah Court that have been scattered across several publications into a single publication for the benefit of those interested in learning more about the Shariah Court, particularly academics and researchers in the field of Islamic jurisprudence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Great Seljuqs period, the qadis, who were the main officials of the justice organization, had a wide scope of duties and activities within their judicial, political, administrative, military, religious, social, etc. powers and responsibilities. Thus, in this period, as a result of a large task union, office of the qadi went beyond merely being an office of judiciary and fulfillment of legal affairs. The qadis received a salary for the judicial duty they fulfilled, as well as earning income from the duties and activities they performed outside of their main duties. In addition to the income earned from the salary for the judicial duty and additional duties, the qadis could also gain various allowances and grants that would lead them to wealth rather than a certain quality of life. However, legal discussions about whether the qadis could receive a salary and accept donations as gifts had continued since the early periods of Islam, including the considerations of the scholars and ideologues of the Great Seljuk period. On the other hand, despite the administrative, religious and moral pressure, there were also those who made illegal profit, especially bribery, among the qadis. Among the Seljuk qadis, there were also the qadis who lived a luxurious life in wealth, as well as living in poverty and barely maintaining their lives. In this study, salaries, income sources and financial situations of the qadis in the Great Seljuqs period are going to be examined. By doing this, the subject is going to be discussed within its theoretical perspective and practical processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are many forgotten significant persons in Bosnian-Bosniak history, who through their knowledge and work made a significant contribution to the development of Bosnian society and the Bosniak national identity in the time and place they lived in. The most forgotten significant Bosniaks are those who lived and worked during the reign of the Ottoman state of Bosnia. One of such persons is Hadji Husein eff. Đozić Ruhi, kadi (judge) from Srebrenica and Nikšić naib (viceroy). He lived in Srebrenica in the 19th century. Educated in Istanbul, he worked for as a judge in three towns and two empires. In this paper, we are talking about Haji Husein eff. Đozić, his life and work, and the significance of the documents preserved, to understand Bosnian society and the position of Bosnians in the second half of the 19th century in Srebrenica and Nikšić.

Mosques as educational centers are not only found in the Middle East, but also in the Malay world this reality occurs as in Aceh, Demak, Banten and Bone. During the Kingdom of Bone until the Old Order period the mosque became the center of Islamic education in the form of recitation of the Qur'an and the Yellow Book which examined Islamic sciences such as Fiqh, Hadith, Tafsir, Akhlak, Sufism and Arabic. Kadi and Imam Masjid were the main actors who carried out the teaching spread in the Watampone region as the capital city of the Kingdom. Then it developed into other regions such as Macege, Cabalu, Palakka, Awangpone, Pattiro, Barebbo, and Cenrana. Especially in Watampone, the study was held at the Kingdom Bone Mosque, the Al-Mujahidin Mosque which was the center of Islamic education fostered by the Kadi Bone and at the Masjid Watampone Mosque which was fostered by the Imam Masjid Raya. Recitations in the Palili region of the Kingdom of Bone are generally fostered by Kadi who are both Imam and Katte (Khatib) in their respective regions. The teaching system is the same as the teaching system that generally applies in the archipelago at that time, namely the wetonan/bandongan and sorogan methods. In the Bugis tradition the Bone system is referred to as the tudang mangaji.

In the XIX. century, Ottoman State has witnessed changes in many areas. Looking at the content of both the dated 1840 and the dated 1851 Penal Codes legislated in Tanzimat Era, it has seen that the transformation in criminal procedure, the judicial system, administrative fields were attempted to be accommodated with penal codes. The aim of this study is to seek answers to the question of how the criminal law of the Ottoman State changed in the period starting with the 1858 Penal Code in the nineteenth century within scope of ta‘zir (discretionary punishment) and more particularly, crime of murder and complicity as one of special forms of crime. The discussions of the criminal law scholars of the period about the nature of Article 45 regarding complicity in the 1858 Penal Code and their seeking solutions and how they developed new rules due to need in the process and at this point how they benefited from European penal codes, commentaries and their scholars will be attempted to demonstrate. More importantly, it will be witnessed how Ottoman judges used the classical principles in their minds when implementing the article of code. However, when looking from a broad perspective, we will see how the Classical Law School, in which Ottoman State was included through it’s 1858 Penal Code, and the crime policy of France and the French Penal Code have influenced Ottoman Criminal Law.

XIX. yüzyılda Osmanlı Devleti birçok alanda değişimlere tanık olmuştur. Tanzimat ile başlayan süreçte vaz’ edilen gerek 1840 tarihli gerekse 1851 tarihli ceza kanunlarının içeriğine bakıldığında, muhakeme, adliye teşkilatı, idârî alanlardaki değişimin ceza kanunları ile yerleştirilmeye çalışıldığı görülür. Bu çalışmanın amacı, 19. Yüzyılda özellikle 1858 Ceza Kanunu ile başlayan süreçte Osmanlı Devleti ceza hukukunun nasıl değiştiği sorusuna tazir suçu ve daha da özelde katl suçu ve suçun özel işleniş şekillerinden biri olan suça iştirâkkonusu kapsamında cevap aramaktır. Dönemin ceza hukuku alimlerinin, suça iştirak ilgili 1858 tarihli Ceza Kanununda yer alan 45. maddenin mahiyetine dair tartışmaları ve çözüm arayışları, süreç içerisinde ihtiyaca binaen nasıl yeni kaide geliştirdikleri, bu noktada Avrupa ceza kanunlarından, şerhlerinden, hukukçularından nasıl faydalandıkları gösterilmeye çalışılacaktır. Daha da önemlisi, Osmanlı kadılarının kanun maddesini uygularken zihinlerindeki klasik öğretiyi nasıl kullandıklarına tanık olunacaktır. Ancak büyük resme bakıldığında, Osmanlı’nın 1858 ceza kanunu ile dahil olduğu Klasik Hukuk Ekolü’nün,Fransa’nın suç siyasetinin ve Fransa ceza kanunun, Osmanlı ceza hukukunu nasıl etkilediği anlaşılmaya çalışılacaktır.

Hâkimlerin hukuka uygun karar verme yeteneğine sahip olan dürüst ve güvenilir kişiler arasından seçilmesi gerekmektedir. Zira hâkimlik ve hâkimin karar vermesinde etkili olan savcılık ve hâkim yardımcılığı meslekleri, ağır sorumluluk gerektirir. Bu mesleklerin nasıl daha iyi duruma gelebileceği geçmişte olduğu gibi günümüzde de hala önemini koruyan ve çözümler aranan bir konudur. Bu çalışmada geçmişten günümüze Türk hukukunda ve karşılaştırmalı hukukta hâkim olabilme şartları ve mesleğe giriş konusu incelenmiş, günümüze ışık tutması açısından mukayese edilerek çözüm önerilerinde bulunulmuştur. Bu bağlamda İslam ve Osmanlı hukukunda kadılık ve buna yardımcı meslekler, Cumhuriyet döneminde hâkimlik ve savcılık ile ilgili hukuki düzenlemeler ile karşılaştırmalı hukukta bu hususların nasıl düzenlenmiş olduğu ele alınmıştır.

The Turkic states began to have religious sensitivities after the adoption of Islam among the Turks. As one of the medieval Turkish-Islamic states, the Khwarazmshah Empire (1097-1231) applied the Islamic rules from political and social perspectives. Khwarazmshah monarchs were well-educated not only on military, sciences and arts but also on religion. The prevalence of religious discourse was visible on political and military realms in the country dominated by Sunni Islam. Moreover, religious life seemed to prevail on societal realm as well. Religious connotations were also highlighted in the campaigns against the non-Muslims. Concerning the relations with Muslim states, the Khwarazmshahs adopted certain roles including the protection and promotion of religion. The activities of this period were evaluated on the basis of Islamic Principles and these processes were done with fatwas. Khwarazmshahs, like other Turkish-Islamic empires, applied both religious law and traditional law as legal system. The judicial system was implemented via qadis and the qadi al qudat was the highest judicial authority. This study focuses on these religious principles of the Khwarazmshah Empire under the light of the sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dinbilimleri Journal is the property of Dinbilimleri Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Contributions to Oriental Philology / Prilozi za Orijentalnu Filologiju is the property of Orijentalni institut and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bu çalışmada Osmanlı tefsir ulemâsından Molla Gürânî’nin (ö. 813/1488), Kādî (ö. 685/1286) ve Zemahşerî’ye (ö. 538/1144) yaptığı eleştiriler konu edinildi. Onun bu eleştirilerinde, yazdığı “Ġāyetü’l-emânî” adlı elyazması tefsirindeki Fâtiha ve Bakara sûreleri örnek olarak seçildi. Gürânî’nin bu iki müfessire eleştirileri çoğunlukla dil, kıraat, kavramsal anlamlar konularında ve âyet te’villerinde katılmadığı görüşlerde yoğunlaşır. Gürânî’nin bu iki müfessire yönelttiği eleştirilerin çoğu Kādî’ye yöneliktir. Çünkü Kādî’nin tefsiri Osmanlı medreselerinde okutulan en gözde tefsirlerindendi. Gürânî, yazdığı tefsirde hem Kādî’nin tefsirini kendisine örnek almış hem de eleştirmiş görünmektedir. Çünkü onun bu tefsirinin Kādî’nin yazdığı tefsirin bir özeti olduğu söylenebilir. Gürânî’nin bu iki müfessirin yanında Teftâzânî ve Kevâşî’yi de eleştirmesi onu araştırmacı ve karşılaştırmacı kişiliğini ortaya koymaktadır. Eleştirilerinde Ehl-i sünnet’e bağlı olduğu, âyetlerin yorumunda hadisleri önemsediği ve âlimlerin ittifak ettiği konuların dışına çıkmamaya özen gösterdiği göze çarpmaktadır.Özet: Bu çalışmada Osmanlı tefsir ulemasından Molla Gürânî’nin (ö. 813/1488), Kādî (ö. 685/1286) ve Zemahşerî’ye (ö. 538/1144) yaptığı eleştiriler ele alındı. Onun bu eleştirilerinde, yazdığı Gāyatü’l-emânî adlı elyazması tefsirindeki Fâtiha ve Bakara sûreleri örnek olarak seçildi. Gürânî’nin el yazması eseri Ġāyetü’l-emânî, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi Damat İbrahim Paşa koleksiyonu 146 numarada kayıtlıdır ve toplam 352 varaktır. Başka nüshaları da bulunan bu tefsirin elimizdeki nüshası en eski nüshalardandır. Hem okunaklı olması hem de kitabın sonunda ferağ kısmında bizzat müellifi tarafından tashih edildiğinin yazılı olması ve kitabın varaklarının kenarlarına düşülen haşiyelerin müellifin el yazısı olduğunun belirtilmesi, bu nüshayı tercih etmemizde önemli sebeplerden olmuştur. Bu nüshayla birlikte onun Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi Hacı Mahmut Efendi kısmında 162 numarada kayıtlı ve toplam 484 varak olan diğer bir nüsha da dikkate alındı. Gürânî, Zemahşerî ve Kādî’ye yaptığı tenkitler, ilgili âyetin tefsirini yaparken sunmaktadır. Onu bu iki müfessire olan eleştirileri bir makale hacmine sığmayacak kadar uzundur. Bu nedenle kimin haklı olduğuna dair bir değerlendirmede bulunmadan tenkitleri olduğu gibi sunmaya çalıştık. Müfessirlerin görüşlerini sunarken ihtiyaç duyulan yerlerde başka kaynaklardan yararlanarak metindeki kapalı ifadeleri açmaya ve müfessirlerin maksatlarını ayrıca belirlemeye gayret ettik. Müfessirlerin görüşlerini aktarırken parantez içi açıklayıcı ifadeleri kullandığımızı da belirtmemiz gerekir.Gürânî’nin eleştirilerinin çoğu Kādî’ye yöneliktir. Çünkü Kādî’nin tefsiri, Osmanlı medreselerinde okutulan en gözde tefsirlerindendi. O yüzden Gürânî yazdığı tefsirde hem Kādî’nin tefsirini kendisine örnek almış hem de eleştiriler yöneltmiştir. İncelediğimiz Fâtiha ve Bakara sûreleri baz alındığında Gürânî’nin “Gāyetu’l-emânî” adlı tefsirinin tefsir metodu olarak Zemahşerî-Kādî çizgisinde bir dirâyet tefsiri olduğu söylenebilir. Gürânî, bu tefsirinde Kādî’yi esas almıştır. Öyle ki, neredeyse Kādî’nin bir muhtasarı gibidir. “Gāyetu’l-emânî” Osmanlı dönemi tefsirinin bir örneği olarak gösteriyor ki, Zemahşerî’den yaklaşık dört asır sonra bile dönemin tefsir metodunda bir değişiklik olmamıştır. Bu tefsirinde Gürânî’nin ince eleyip sık dokuyan bir yaklaşımla Zemahşerî ve Kādî’yi tenkit ettiği belirtilmelidir. Yönelttiği birçok tenkidi tartışılabilir olmasına rağmen onun ibarelere dakik yaklaşımı ve dönemin medreselerinde el üstünde tutulan Kādî’nin tefsirine ve Arap dilinde otoriter olan Zemahşerî’nin tefsirine karşı taklitçi tavır yerine, tenkit cesaretini göstermesi önemlidir. Bu açıdan Gürânî’nin karşılaştırmalı ilmî yöntemi kullandığını ve araştırmacı bir ilmî kişiliğe sahip olduğunu söyleyebiliriz. Onun tefsiri incelendiğinde, Gürânî’nin tenkitçi yönünden Zemahşerî ve Kādî’nin yanı sıra Teftâzânî (ö. 792/1390) ve Kevâşî’nin (ö. 680/1281) de paylarını aldıkları görülecektir. Gürânî’nin tenkitlerinin çoğu Arap dilinin incelikleri konusundadır. Bazen Arap gramerinin kurallarına dayanarak bazen de belâgat ilminin gereklerine göre eleştirilerini yöneltmektedir. Diğer tenkitleri kavramsal anlam, âyetlerin bütünlüğü, kıraat gibi çeşitli konularla beraber âyet te’villerinde katılmadığı bazı görüşlerle ilgilidir. Bu eleştirilerde Gürânî’nin dayandığı yöntem, Kur’ân’ın bütünlüğü, rivâyetler, selefin görüşü ve aklî yönden çelişki bulunup bumaktadır. Gürani’nin kendinden önceki âlimlerin ittifak ettiği konularda ulemâya ve selefe sağlam bir şekilde bağlılığını gösterdiğini belirtmeliyiz. Bu bağlılığı seleften gelen bir kıraatın Arap dili gramerine aykırı olduğu iddiası karşısında tercihini selefin kurrâsından yana koymasından anlıyoruz.Osmanlı dönemi müfessirlerinin tefsir anlayış ve metodları hakkında bir fikir vermek ve kendi alanlarında otoriter olan Zemahşerî ve Kādî gibi iki şöhretli müfessire tenkitler yönelten Gürânî’nin münekkid yönünü araştırmacılara tanıtmaya katkı sunmak bu çalışmanın amaçlarındandır. Daha önce Gürânî’in bu tefsirindeki eleştirileri üzerinde yapılan bir çalışma, Fatiha ve Bakara sûrelerinde sadece Kādî’ye yapılan eleştirilerin bir kısmını kapsamıştır. O nedenle bu çalışmayı yapmaya iten diğer önemli sebep de hem Zemaḫşirî’ye hem de Zemahşerî ve Kādî’nin paylaştığı ortak görüşlere yapılan tenkitlerin tamamını ele almaktır. Böylece bu çalışmamızın, araştırmacılarca yapılacak bir tahkik çalışmasına veya bir tercüme faaliyetine katkı sunacağını umuyoruz.Gürânî’nin eleştirilerinde belirgin bazı özellikler göze çarpmaktadır. Gürânî, eleştirilerinin de işaret ettiği gibi rivâyetin mevcut olduğu konularda ve âyetin zahiri manasının uygun olduğu yerlerde te’vil yolunu tercih etmemektedir. Tenkitlerinde Ehl-i Sünnet anlayışını baz aldığı ve özellikle Eşaʿrîlik’ten ayrılmamaya özen gösterdiği izlenimi edinilmektedir. Gürânî, Arap dili konusunda Kādî’ye karşı Zemahşerî’yle aynı şeyleri paylaşmakta bir sakınca görmemişse de mezhebî görüş ve hadise bağlılık konusunda Zemahşerî’ye daima muhalif olmuştur. Gürânî’nin bâtınî-işarî tefsire de pek sıcak bakmadığını söyleyebiliriz. Gürânî’nin kelâm ilminde de sağlam ve derin malumata sahip olduğunu söyleyebiliriz. Bunu Kādî’nin Muʿtezile’yi eleştirmek için getirdiği argümanları zayıf görmesi ve bazen de Kādî’nin kelamî konularda kullandığı ifadeleri özenle seçmemesini eleştirmesinden anlamak mümkündür. Bu arada bazı konularda Gürânî, Kādî’ye ait olmayan görüşleri de eleştirilerinin hedefi kılmıştır. Mesela zaman zaman Kādî’nin “denildi ki” lafzı ile naklettiği bir görüşü sanki Kādî’ye aitmiş gibi Gürânî’nin eleştirdiğini ve kenarda “Bunu söyleyen Kādî’dir” şeklinde şerh düştüğünü görmekteyiz. Bizce bu tenkitlerin gösterdiği en önemli husus, Gürânî’nin ilmî kişiliğidir ve onun inandığını hiç çekinmeden bir âlime yakışır şekilde, insaf çerçevesinde sunmasıdır. Bu da bize Osmanlı ilim geleneğinde tenkitçi tavırların varlığını devam ettirmiş olduğunu göstermektedir.

This article focuses on the role played by the Ottoman qadi in the enforcement of kanunnames and judicial control of administrative acts. The Ottoman rulers dictated the kanunnames to show the rights and responsibilities between the ahl-i 'urf and the ra'aya, and ordered the ahl-i 'urf to apply the kanunnames as required. Top administrative officials in the sanjak and states were charged with hierarchically controlling the enforcement of the kanunnames. However, hierarchical administrative control could not provide justice on its own, as the ahl-i 'urf were inclined to weigh towards oppression and were in solidarity among themselves against the ra'aya. In addition to hierarchical control, judicial control was also necessary due to the principle of balance and control in administration. Given the close relationship of the kanuns with the sharia, the most appropriate official to carry out judicial control was the qadi, the dominant judicial authority. Therefore, Ottoman rulers ordered the qadi to oversee the implementation of the kanuns and to control the administrative acts. Such assignment of the qadis, who traditionally conducted religious judgments and some religious affairs, is seen as an Ottoman innovation. Although it is generally stated in the literature that the classical period Ottoman qadis applied the kanuns as well as the sharia, the role of qadis in the implementation of the kanunnames has not been specifically studied. Therefore, this article analyzes the provisions in the reaya kanunnames enacted from the second half of the fifteenth century to the end of the sixteenth century ordering the qadis to be the regulators of the implementation of the kanuns, and it interprets them in the context of the relevant historical- legal records. A chronological examination of the kanuns ordering the qadi to regulate the acts and actions of the ahl-i 'urf could provide us with new information about the nature and historical development of the qadi's mission concerning judicial control. The ra'aya kanunnames, especially those issued for the sanjaks and the states, are of great value in terms of legal history, social and economic history studies, since they generally contain the ancient customs and traditions of the units they are related to. Many of these documents contain data on the qadi's mission to control the implementation of the kanuns and their relationship with the ahl-i 'urf. The reaya kanunnames dating back to the years following the conquest of Istanbul began to lose importance for several social and economic reasons around the second half of the sixteenth century, and towards the end of the century when they came to the point of breaking away from the real legal life. Therefore, this study is based on the kanunnames enacted from the second half of the fifteenth century to the end of the sixteenth century when they were most in contact with real legal life. Since the ra'aya kanunnames essentially lay down the principles of the collection of taxes for the treasury of the Islamic government, the supervision of the implementation of kanuns by the qadi is ultimately a judicial transaction aiming at protecting the treasury. These codes, which are generally composed of old customs and traditions regarding tax and land law, have been understood to be based upon sultan's orders to maintain social order. These characteristics provide kanunnames to be associated with the sharia on the basis of the 'urf/'ādah and the understanding of obedience to the legitimate ruler in Islamic law and thus include their implementation in the sharia court. In the typical administrative/ political organization of the Ottoman provinces in the form of the county - sanjak - state, the relationship of the qadi with the administrative officials of these units is important in understanding the judicial control mission of the qadi. The main administrative official with whom the qadi competes in terms of jurisdiction and authority in the provinces is the sanjak governor. In many kanunnames, the sanjak governor is described as an officer who is oppressive and therefore must always be checked and balanced by the qadi. The addressing phrases used in the edicts always end with the prayer of the increase/continuation of the qadi's virtue, and the continuation of the dignity of the sanjak governor. It appears the Ottoman rulers aimed to restrain the greatness and power, which the sanjak governor bears by proxy to the ruler in the provinces, through the qadi, who is the representative of virtue and moderation. When the provisions ordering the qadis to control the implementation of kanuns are examined chronologically, it is noted that there are some developments in the way the qadis performed the supervisory duty over time. In the kanunnames that were issued until the first quarter of the sixteenth century, all kinds of administrative acts regarding tax, land, and criminal law are required to be carried out under the supervision of the qadi. The qadi functions as an authority of control and approval. He is responsible for submitting the illegal acts of the ahl-i 'urf to the central government rather than preventing them personally. It is observed from the sources that especially from the first quarter of the sixteenth century, the qadis were indeed given the task of preventing the illegal acts of the ahl-i 'urf and rectifying them when they took place. These kanunnames, which contain provisions that order the qadi to carry out the duty of preventing and rectifying illegal dispositions, show the characteristics of adalatname. The duty of protecting the kanuns that represent the authority of the rulers by using force against the ahl-i 'urf demonstrates who were assigned to dominate this authority but can also be seen to be among the first reflections of the deterioration that took place in the Ottoman military-administrative structure. Increasing deterioration during the sixteenth century caused the qadis to spend more and more time enforcing the kanun. This article tries to base all these findings mostly on the relevant provisions found in the provincial kanunnames and related historical-legal records. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnography of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts / Glasnik Etnografskog Instituta SANU is the property of Institute of Ethnography, SASA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Developments in tabiin period during the formation of fiqh sciences have not been adequately addressed in contemporary fiqh history studies. It is important to reveal the effect of the interpretations and ijtihads of the jurists / judges who lived in this period on the schools formed in the following periods and the extent of this influence, especially in order to better understand the effort made in the context of the development of fiqh in the first Hijri century. In this study, in the early periods of Islam, Shurayh b. Harith’s understanding of fiqh has been examined. He was one of the famous jurists and judges of tabiin period. For about sixty years he was a judge in Kufa, which was one of the most important centers since the time of the caliphate of Umar to the Umayyad state. Shurayh is a judge / jurist who became famous for his judicial ijtihads, also he passed on the scientific knowledge before him to the next generations. The aim of this article is to reveal the outline of Shurayh’s thought of fiqh and the sources that based this thought. In general, Shurayh is considered a jurist who is a member of Ahl-i Ra’y school of Kufa. For this reason, the Hanafi school valued the views of Shurayh and he was referred to in many places in the first sources such as Shaybani’s al-Asl. However, his views and decisions influenced not only Hanafis but also other fiqh schools and were generally respected and appreciated by the jurists. The views of Shurayh, one of the brilliant jurists and judges of the first period, have preserved their influence until today and preserve its value as a resource to be used when necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Emirate of Bukhara is the one of the Turkish Khanates in Central Asia, which was ruled by the Mangitian dynasty between 1747-1920 years. It was called as "Khanate of Bukhara" in the periods of the Shaybanid and Ashtarhanid dynasties. By the rule of Mangitian dynasty, the khanate was named as "Emirate of Bukhara". The emirate is named after their capital city, Bukhara that is situated at the heart of Central Asia. The city had become the cradle of Islamic sciences and Islamic civilization, from its conquest by the Umayyads and the Abbasids until its occupation by Chinggis Khan. However, the contribution of the emirate to Islamic civilization by means of a miscellany of works and activities regarding Islamic sciences had been continued until the Russian invasion. Although a number of academical works on the Emirate of Bukhara can be found, there is a dearth of scientific studies on the judical system, particularly the shariah courts in Emirate of Bukhara. Therefore this article deals with the judical system of the emirate, the shariah courts in particular. Based on the data, it attains significant findings and conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to present an assessment of Musa Efendi’s, a rural Kadi in Ottoman, life, family, his house, daily life, fortune, and his commercial activities. These assessments largely depend on the data obtained from court records. Court records are among the most important data sources to assess someone’s daily life activities. The events that contain clues of the social and economic structure of the society such as division of the inheritance, appointing an executor, disagreements between individuals, and commercial activities, which are brought to the court, play an important role in revealing the adventures of individuals, relationship between relatives, and the structure of families. In this context, by referencing the court records by Musa Efendi who was a Kadi in different cities and died during his mission as a Kadi in Konya, this paper will attempt to reveal his life, albeit partially, and a general assessment of his socio-economic status and family ties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rule of law is a moral ideal that protects distinctive legal values such as generality, equality before the law, the independence of courts, and due process rights. I argue that one of the main goals of an international rule of the law is the protection of individual and state autonomy from the arbitrary interference of international institutions, and that the best way to codify this protection is through constitutional rules restraining the reach of international law into the internal affairs of a state. State autonomy does not have any intrinsic value or moral status of its own. Its value is derivative, resulting from the role it plays as the most efficient means of protecting autonomy for individuals and groups. Therefore, the goal of protecting state autonomy form the encroachment of international law will have to be constrained by, and balanced against the more fundamental goal of an international rule of law, the protection of the autonomy of individual persons, best realized through the entrenchment of basic human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article were examined the complex processes that took place in the Prut-Dniester area between the end of the 15th and the end of the 16th centuries. As a result of the expansion of the Ottoman empire north of the Danube, the country of Moldova loses several territories, which were successively transformed into Ottoman administrative-territorial units that were under the direct jurisdiction of the Ottoman Porte. components of Dar al-Islam, in these “rayas” the administrative and military organization of the Ottoman empire of that period is established. The annexations by taking territories from Moldova and their transformation into Ottoman administrative-territorial units have had created a problem not only regionally, but also internationally. Both the interests of the country of Moldova and those of the kingdoms of Poland, Hungary and the Habsburg empire were prejudiced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All the decisions taken by the kadi who is the most important representative of the Ottoman judicial system and the copies of the documents containing official records in various periods were recorded in the books called “Şerʽiyye Sicili”. These books are among first hand sources for revealing the political, military, economic, social and cultural structure of the Ottoman Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The path towards establishing and advancing human rights' protection within the EU legal system seemed straightforward a decade ago. With the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU became part of primary law, together with a commitment of accession to the European Convention on Human Rights. In 2010, Protocol 14 to the ECHR entered into force, allowing the EU to accede to the ECHR. A draft agreement on accession was finalized thereafter. In 2014, however, the Court of Justice of the European Union issued a negative opinion on the draft accession treaty, citing perceived threats to autonomy of EU law, competence of the EU and powers of the Court. A year earlier, in February 2013, the CJEU rendered judgments in cases Fransson and Melloni whereby it provided crucial rules for interpretation of clauses 51(1) and 53, respectively, of the Charter. The field of application of the Charter was equated with the scope of EU law. Primacy, effectiveness and unity of EU law, both primary and secondary, were prioritized over human rights and fundamental freedoms recognized by international agreements, including the ECHR, as well as by the Member States' constitutions. The realm of fundamental individual rights remains to this day the decisive grounds for asserting the core principle of EU constitutionality: the autonomy of EU law. Accession to the ECHR remains to this day a proclaimed goal of EU governing bodies, but little palpable progress is being made. Protection of fundamental rights at EU level has remained a point of contention among academics. Some question the very need for its existence, in view of constitutional guarantees by Member States and the ECHR. Others, however, claim that the CJEU sacrificed protection of individuals' rights for the interest of promoting constitutionality of the EU. These critiques seem unwarranted. Article 2 TEU necessitates existence of an efficient mechanism for protection of fundamental freedoms at EU level. Historical examples of political communities built on multi-ethnic, civic model all show necessity of integrating human rights protection at the constitutional level. Constitutionality of the EU has been developing for six decades, for the most part under the guise of autonomy of EU law. It requires that primacy of fundamental rights, as guaranteed by EU law, be affirmed both vis-à-vis Member States and international treaties. However, one may not expect that fundamental rights and freedoms within the EU be protected in a uniform and efficient manner unless a system for enforcing such rights and freedoms is not put in place first. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]