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Sexual violence against men in conflict settings is neither a rare nor recent phenomenon, yet its absence in academic scholarship and humanitarian initiatives remains glaring. Despite the advances in our understanding of the determinants of wartime sexual violence against women, surprisingly little empirical research exists on sexual violence against men in conflict. Acts of sexual violence are commonly enacted against men in war, yet because they do not fit more narrow definitions of rape, accounts of these experiences are often misclassified as "torture." Moreover, in many countries experiencing pervasive conflict-related sexual violence, there exist restrictive laws regarding sodomy and homosexuality, reducing the chances that males will report their experiences. Using originally coded data on sexual and gender identity laws and reported incidents of sexual violence in civil conflict, I find that laws that outline the protection of sexual and gender identity expression including the decriminalization of same-sex activity are significantly associated with reports of acts of sexual violence against men. The results speak to the gap in the literature on male sexual violence with tangible consequences for the distribution of humanitarian aid, availability of medical and psychological services for victims, and aims of peacekeeping missions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sexuality, Gender & Policy Journal is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia Regional is the property of Historia Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bolivia prohibits discrimination based on gender identity and passed a ground-breaking gender identity law. These laws had little support among voters and passed along with heteronormative measures. Why did activists succeed in proposing and passing legislation that most voters did not support? Why were Bolivia's advances in LGBTQ+ rights accompanied by heteronormative laws? We argue that parties with deep ties to social movements are more likely to advance legislation that expands LGBTQ+ rights than other parties and that contradictory laws emerge where both organized religion and LGBTQ+ activists are party constituents. We describe how Bolivian trans activists leveraged their access to ruling party legislators, using interviews with activists and officials, and briefly discuss the cases of Argentina, Chile, Ecuador, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an act of resistance against the recent surge of anti-transgender legislation targeting transgender and nonbinary youth in the US, we share our experiences of accessing lifechanging, lifesaving gender-affirming surgery with you through poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender-diverse individuals are over-incarcerated and experience uniquely harsh conditions in prisons in comparison to cisgender individuals. This paper proposes using sentencing law as a tool to minimize these disparities, specifically through the use of individualized proportionality, to arrive at a fit and just sentence for the criminalized person. Specific ways in which gender-diverse individuals experience suffering in prisons include: placement in prisons that do not accord with gender identity; increased risk of physical, emotional, and sexual violence; the use of strip searches; increased use of solitary confinement under the guise of safety; and insufficient culturally competent, gender-affirming healthcare. These conditions of confinement of gender-diverse individuals should be considered in sentencing to conclude whether a custodial sentence is appropriate, and if so, for what period of time. This paper looks at case law in which gender identity is acknowledged as a circumstance of the criminalized person, and more recent case law that considers how the conditions of confinement will uniquely affect the gender-diverse individual before the court. A more consistent, proactive assessment of these conditions is appropriate and may reduce the suffering experienced by gender-diverse individuals at the hands of the carceral state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policies about changing gender/sex on identity documents provide insights into definitions of gender/sex, and impact especially transgender and/or nonbinary lives. We investigated these on U.S. driver's licenses and birth certificates to understand variability in these policies, including in comparison to an earlier report in 2014, and to explore what kinds of "bio/logics" (decision rules rooted in biological or biologistic thinking) might be at play. Results show that the most common requirements in 2020 included proof of gender affirming surgery, a letter from a medical doctor, and hormone therapy. Compared to 2014, results showed an increase in requirements for hormone therapy and letters from therapists or medical doctors, and a decrease in requirements for gender affirming surgery. We highlight how this suggests a shift to "pubertal bio/logics": rooting gender/sex definitions in secondary sex characteristics. This contrasts with previous requirements that pointed to "newborn bio/logics": rooted in genital definitions of gender/sex affirmed by a surgico-medical authority. Both support policy framings of gender/sex as a biophenomenon, though with different impacts for trans and/or nonbinary livability. Our study provides insights into U.S. state definitions of gender/sex, and their multiple and contradictory biological views on gender/sex, with implications especially for transgender and/or nonbinary individuals' lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The measurement of sexual and gender identity in the United States has been evolving to generate more precise demographic estimates of the population and a better understanding of health and well-being. Younger cohorts of sexual- and gender-diverse adults are endorsing identities outside of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) labels. Current population-level surveys often include a category such as "something else" without providing further details, and doing so inadequately captures these diverse identities. In this research note, our analysis of the most recent federal data source to incorporate sexual and gender identity measures-the Household Pulse Survey-reveals that younger birth cohorts are more likely to select "something else" for their sexual identity and "none of these" for their gender identity. The observed sexual and gender identity response patterns across birth cohorts underscore the importance of developing and applying new strategies to directly measure sexual- and gender-diverse adults who identify with identities outside of those explicitly captured on surveys. The integration of sexual and gender identity measures in population-level surveys carries broader implications for civil rights and for addressing health inequities and therefore must be responsive to cohort differences in identification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores how the Academy Award for A Fantastic Woman facilitated the adoption of Chile's Gender Identity Law. Approved in 2018 after languishing for over five years in Congress, the law establishes individuals' right to modify their national identification documents without the need to change their physical appearance or receive prior court authorisation. While trans rights activists extensively lobbied for a law that guaranteed access to gender marker changes, conservatives rejected the initiative, framing their opposition in terms of Christian values and against the 'gender ideology' that purportedly informed the bill. We argue that this backlash dissipated in the wake of the award. International recognition made support for trans rights temporarily a matter of national pride, thereby opening a window of opportunity for the approval of the law. The case of Chile's Gender Identity Law illustrates how international status cues can foster normative change by mobilising affect in domestic audiences. It contributes to recent debates on status and domestic political change, and the role that emotion and affect play in world politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article details a counter-protest against the "1 Million March4Kids" movement, highlighting concerns over misleading signs and the influence of conservative ideologies on education policies. Topics include the impact on democracy, human rights, and the erosion of inclusive education, with examples from Nova Scotia and other Canadian provinces.

We propose an analysis of the ontoepistemological aspects involved in the current debates around the sex-gendered body in Argentina. We use theoretical tools of feminist phenomenology, feminist epistemology and new feminist materialisms to analyze, on the one hand, how the Argentinian State understands the sex-gendered body and, on the other, a series of statements present in trans-exclusionary discourses that intervene in a conflictive way in these debates. We seek to clear the field of feminist debates in order to determine which positions allow us to advance, and which ones make us go back. We conclude that, while the notions contained in the gender identity law are supported by current feminist knowledge, trans-exclusionary discourses that dispute its content represent a patriarchal ontoepistemological framework of understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this research is to analyze the narratives of psychologists and psychiatrists in terms of how they address matters concerning gender and sexuality. The qualitative research, which began in 2020, involved thirty in-depth interviews with psychologists and psychiatrists working in Buenos Aires. The approach used to conduct the study of the data was narrative analysis. Specifically, the focus is on exploring the narratives related to gender-affirming medical interventions among the LGTBIQ+ community. The unique features of the Argentine context, with its advancements in acquired rights through sexual dissident activism in the last decade, make this study particularly relevant and offer an original contribution from the field of socioanthropological health studies. In particular, the Gender Identity Law enacted in 2012 regulates name change, registry updates, and access to medical interventions (surgical and hormonal) without the need for psychiatric/psychological consultations. This aspect sparks debates within expert knowledge circles, where pathologizing notions are problematized. Simultaneously, it instigates discussions about certain bodily schemas that are more or less recognized/accepted. While the analysis reveals an increasing number of spaces working from a gender perspective, in other cases, conceptions persist that are influenced by a heteronormative and cissexist logic. In these cases, conceptions of corporeality come into play that reproduce, based on the notion of sex as something biological, the female/male binary. Thus, certain practices and bodily interventions fall within the realm of what is expected, while others, such as when the self-perceived gender does not align with the assigned gender at birth, give rise to narratives emphasizing the importance of "going slowly," referencing their "radical" nature, and the "irreversibility" involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ability to reclassify legal sex as male (M), female (F), and even X, is a core issue of trans and non-binary legal engagements. A wave of legal reform and debate has recently swept across the United States, resulting in a spectrum of laws and policies, from a complete ban on reclassification to the innovative framework of self-identification. This Article provides a comprehensive study of American sex reclassification law, exploring a paradigmatic shift in legal preconditions for recognition: from demanding proof of medically authorized "sex reassignment" toward protecting the individual right to "gender identity." Investigating these shifts, this Article argues that even the most expansive reclassification framework fails to address the pervasive harm caused by the initial act of assigning sex at birth. The Article argues that the incongruence experienced by trans legal subjects is not between their body and identity but between their birth assigned sex and the gender expectations associated with it. Instead of merely seeking improved reclassification frameworks, the Article asks how sex classification impacts both trans and non-trans (cisgender) legal subjects. Linking the needs of trans and non-binary people to broader questions of sex in law, the Article lays the groundwork for envisioning the potential end of assigning sex at birth and the separation of the differentiated status M/F from the natal body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracy theories have recently come under the scrutiny of social psychology. While some theorists have treated them as a deficient way of thinking, others have considered them as a form of political rhetoric with important social implications. We focus on conspiracy theories in the context of online public deliberation on legislation allowing registration of self-defined gender in Greece. Employing the tools of Critical Discursive Psychology, we analyse comments posted on the Ministry of Justice's website created for public consultation about the law change. We focus on the mobilization of conspiracy theories by people who oppose Law 4491/2017 ("Legal Recognition of Gender Identity – National Mechanism for the Development, Monitoring and Evaluation of Action Plans on Children's Rights and Other Provisions"). These commentators often argued that powerful groups are behind the proposed legislation, aiming at decreasing Earth's population, disrupting moral order, and violating humanness. We demonstrate how these constructions helped participants to perform various tasks, such as delegitimizing the legislation while at the same time avoiding the stigma of prejudice, promoting far-right political practices, and rebutting accusations of political partisanship. The results are discussed in relation to conspiracy theories' role in countering "gender ideology" and in promoting cisgenderism and heteronormativity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the court case, Kluge v. Brownsburg Community School Corp., which involves a school district's policies on behavioral or procedural expectations with respect to conforming to students' expressed gender identities. It discusses facts of the case, details of protection on rights to free speech under the U.S. First Amendment, and the Court of the Southern District of Indiana's decision on the case.

The article, titled "A Note from the Editor," discusses the challenges faced by feminists in the current social and political climate. The editor acknowledges the existence of various issues such as abortion restrictions, anti-trans legislation, violence, and climate change, which make it difficult for feminists to remain hopeful. However, the editor also highlights the importance of feminist work and celebrates the 50th year of publication of Signs: Journal of Women in Culture & Society. The issue features articles that reevaluate and reclaim feminist figures from the past, as well as envision a feminist future. The articles explore the legacies of feminist icons like Luce Irigaray, Andrea Dworkin, and Germaine Greer, and also address contemporary issues such as abortion restrictions and sexual violence. The article concludes with a roundtable discussion on gender and political economy, emphasizing the significance of feminist legal scholarship in creating a more equitable world. [Extracted from the article]

Transgender women of color experience interlocking systems of oppression rooted in racism and transphobia, which fuel economic vulnerability and overrepresentation in the criminal-legal system. Legal gender affirmation, which refers to changing one's name and gender marker on official documents, has the potential to mitigate these issues by improving access to employment, housing, education, health care, and social services. These services are particularly important for transgender women of color with criminal records, a history of incarceration, or other legal infractions; however, 23 states have policies that restrict access to legal gender affirmation for these individuals. Alongside eliminating restrictive policies to obtain legal gender affirmation, medical-legal partnerships in these states may address recidivism and health inequities among transgender women of color. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past few years, the national conversation surrounding youth sports centered on efforts to systematically exclude a vulnerable subsection of children from athletics. Transgender youth, particularly transgender girls, have become the targets of laws with innocuous-sounding titles like "Fairness in Women's Sports" or "The Fairness Act." As of March 2023, eighteen states have enacted laws regulating K-12 and collegiate athletics. The consequences of these transphobic laws are dire. Numerous studies highlight the disproportionate rates of suicide and adverse mental health among LGBTQ+ youth. However, research indicates that gender-affirming policies have life-saving impacts on transgender, nonbinary, and LGBTQ+ young people. Action by the federal government has so far proved ineffective at shaping state and local policies through executive orders. While the Supreme Court recently granted a major win to the LGBTQ+ community in Bostock v. Clayton County, the Court limited its scope. Ultimately, trans children and their families are subject to a fractured national policy, all while increasingly aggressive state legislators wage war against LGBTQ+ people, particularly children. Anti-trans sports laws violate both Title IX and the Fourteenth Amendment; ensuring the protection of trans youth athletes in the coming years requires challenging anti-trans legislation in courts and enacting federal laws that protect transgender student-athletes, including amending Title IX to embrace an expanded definition of sex. This Comment describes the current state of trans inclusion in athletics and aims to forge a path forward for policymakers, activists, and allies alike. By analyzing methods for legal changes and barriers to equality at the federal, state, and local levels, this Comment concludes that a simple approach to trans inclusion in sports is not evident. Rather, to achieve greater inclusion and protect the lives of LGBTQ+ youth, policymakers must work for change at the national, state, and local levels to realize true equality for trans children. By prioritizing strategic litigation and reworking federal statutes, advocates have the power to turn the tide on discrimination, avoid health disparities, and defend transgender youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study was to examine whether anti-transgender rights legislation among state legislators is associated with increased suicide- and depression-related Internet searches. Employing a quasi-experimental non-equivalent control group design, we focused on bills that were introduced to state legislatures from July 2019 to July 2020. As our panel is constructed of 51 states/territories over a 52-week time frame, our final dataset is composed of 2,652 observations. Results showed that states' passing of anti-transgender rights bills were linked with suicide- and depression-related Internet searches. Second, introducing or debating the bills did not have an association with Internet searches. Third, the defeat of anti-transgender bills was linked with fewer depression-related searches. Finally, the LGBT context in the state affected the results: anti-transgender legislation had a particularly strong association with suicide-related Internet searches when the state had a high LGBT population density. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The meaning and significance of gender is currently a focus of heated and, often, polarised debate in the UK and elsewhere. This article provides a new perspective in the gender debate through focused exploration of UK-based non-binary people's perceptions of legal gender status and reform. Binary gender/sex systems, such as the legal gender system in the UK, are underpinned by cisgenderism and are challenged by those whose identity falls outside of the binary of woman and man. In contrast to most lay participants in the Future of Legal Gender (FLaG) project, the majority of non-binary participants reported support for reform (85.5% (n = 165) in favour) to the current UK legal gender system. Over half (57%, n = 110) were in favour of abolishing legal gender (i.e. the state would no longer assign a legal gender status), although this was constructed as 'an impossible dream'. Situating non-binary people's perspectives at the heart of the debate about the certification of gender offers novel insight which could have significant ramifications for how societal structures could support undoing gender in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

OBJECTIVES: Geographic barriers limit access to clinical care in the United States for transgender and gender-diverse (TGD) youth. Some factors differentiating access to care are variability in state laws/policies, the number of available clinical care programs and mental health providers for TGD youth. METHODS: We aggregated data from the Human Rights Campaign for pediatric clinical care programs for TGD youth, the Movement Advancement Project for state-by-state assessment of gender identity laws and policies, and Psychology Today for mental health providers for TGD youth by state. Current prevalence rates for TGD youth were applied by state with 2020 Census data. Findings were summarized as a whole and per capita by state, region, and country overall. RESULTS: The South has the highest number of TGD youth per clinic (36 465-186 377), and the lowest average equality score in gender identity laws and policies (1.96). The Midwest has the highest number of TGD youth per mental health provider (278-1422). The Northeast has the lowest number of TGD youth per clinic (11 094-56 703), the highest average equality score in laws and policies per state (17.75), and the highest average number of TGD youth per mental health providers (87-444). CONCLUSIONS: Findings support there are barriers to TGD youth care throughout the United States, especially the South and Midwest. Increasing medical and mental health care for TGD youth is likely to improve their health and well-being. Enacting gender identity protective laws/policies would allow for equal treatment and access to care among TGD youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the author discusses the dilemmas facing feminist activists in their efforts to fight (trans-)feminicide and gender-based violence in Mexico. Also cited are the feminist struggles for women's rights in the country, the hierarchy of normative heterosexuality, the dominant concepts of gender and violence, and the rigid binary order of masculinity and femininity.

In this paper, I think about gender identity of transgender people from George H. Mead’s ideas. I use Mead’s self theory’s concepts, emphasizing links between concepts of Generalized Other and Me, and society’s principles, values and beliefs. Based on these concepts, I think about ways we predominantly understand individuals’ gender in Argentina, I analyze the challenge posed by transgender persons to gender hegemonic conceptions, and I consider changes in ways we conceive gender in Argentina in recent years — specially after Gender Identity law enactment. Conclusions: Mead's ideas allow us to think about individuals’ gender identity as an interaction between subjective experience of self-perceived gender and society’s prevailing gender conceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of Equality Act in protecting LGBTQ+ communities from discrimination in the U.S. Topics mentioned include the history of the Civil Rights Act, the use of sex discrimination jurisprudence, the implications of the Act for bisexual and nonbinary individuals, the influence of religious freedom issues on the passage of the Act, and the decisions of the court on the case Bostock v. Clayton Country.

In the literature on morality issues, the most famous typology distinguishes countries from the "religious" and "secular" worlds, based on the presence or absence of partisan religious cleavages. Portugal belongs to the former world, yet in 2018, the Portuguese Parliament passed a law on the self-determination of gender identity. This article asks how such an outcome was possible, focusing on the role of political parties and civil society actors within advocacy coalitions. Our analysis reveals that, in addition to the role played by civil society actors, the "change coalition" won the dispute because it assembled a majority of votes in the parliament from left-wing progressive political parties. Moreover, actors from the "change coalition" developed a clear strategy of articulation before and during the debate. In contrast, the "blocking coalition," composed of right-wing political parties and a few health-related actors, failed to define a coherent advocacy strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the growing recognition of transgender individuals, gender identity laws are slowly embracing a paradigm in which self-determination becomes an entitlement. As the possibilities for either abolishing or registering multiple genders now seem politically plausible, this article examines global developments and identifies different legal models of identity recognition via a comparison of the United Kingdom, Portugal, and Nepal. Drawing on Axel Honneth's notion of spheres of recognition and Nancy Fraser's critique of the identity model of recognition, it is argued that not only does identity recognition implicate misrecognition but also that different forms of recognition work in ways that produce fragmentation and disjunction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Colombiana de Sociologia is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas, Departamento de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The first three chapters review the regional history of LGBTQ rights in the last 60 years, with a focus on three major themes: cultural attitudes, political institutions and the internal characteristics of the LGBTQ movements across time. In his book, Javier Corrales sets out the ambitious task of summarizing the scholarly literature on political challenges and achievements in LGBTQ rights in Latin America and the Caribbean since the 1960s. Latin America is a region that has seen much progress in LGBTQ rights, including the decriminalization of same-sex sexual conduct, marriage equality in six countries and the implementation of anti-discrimination laws for sexual orientation. [Extracted from the article]

In Bostock v. Clayton County, the Supreme Court held Title VII's prohibition on sex-based employment discrimination applies to discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. Although the opinion is an important victory, if history is any guide, Bostock was only one battle in a larger war against invidious workplace discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. Prejudiced employers and managers will seek alternative, less obvious ways to discriminate. Judges and civil rights lawyers must prepare themselves to recognize and reject pretextual rationales for adverse actions taken against lesbian, gay, and bisexual employees. A better understanding of history can inform those efforts. This Article examines an unexplored chapter in the United States' history of anti-gay discrimination in the workplace: punishing gay workers for concealing their sexual orientation. Beginning in the 1960s, as federal and state law implemented procedural protections for publicsector workers, employers developed a new mechanism to evade those protections: the gay perjury trap. At its core, the strategy is simple. An employer asks job applicants about their sexual orientation. If they reveal that they are gay, decline to hire them. If gay workers conceal their sexual orientation and it is later discovered, terminate them for their dishonesty. Either way, gay workers are purged from the workforce. This Article provides historical examples of the federal government and local school districts using this strategy to terminate highperforming workers who were later discovered to be gay. After discussing the inherent unfairness of the gay perjury trap, this Article explains how prejudiced employers may attempt to deploy this strategy as a means of circumventing Title VII liability in the post-Bostock era. Finally, this Article discusses how courts should prevent employers from using the gay perjury trap in the post-Bostock work environment. Dismantling the gay perjury trap entails three components. First, courts should interpret Title VII as prohibiting employers from inquiring about an applicant's or employee's sexual orientation. Second, courts should not afford employers a general right to penalize gay workers for concealing or misrepresenting their sexual orientation. Third, courts should construe Title VII to protect employees who refuse to answer questions about their sexual orientation. Whether Title VII can effectively deter and remedy anti-gay discrimination will in significant part depend on courts' ability to recognize and prohibit employers from using the gay perjury trap. The post-Bostock Title VII cannot succeed if employers can use alleged dishonesty about sexual orientation as a means of punishing gay workers and avoiding liability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews Portugal's path in addressing non-normative gender identities, focusing particularly on legal gender recognition. While recognition is not limited to enshrining rights in the law – especially the right to the acknowledgement of (self)identity by the state – the legal step is one that is clearly fundamental to making overall recognition a reality. Portugal is an interesting case study, having shifted in less than a decade – the second of the twenty-first century – from a complete absence of trans issues in legislation to the passage of a law on gender identity based on self-determination. Using analysis of legislation and interviews of trans people and representatives of the LGBTQI+ movement conducted during two research projects spanning the last fifteen years, we analyse the macro-level transformations and how they are reflected, at the micro-level, in the trans people's inclusion in or exclusion from legal recognition, and in the extension of this basic condition of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on developments pertaining to employment and labor law in the U.S. during 2020. Topics discussed include sexual orientation and gender identity discrimination in Bostock v. Clayton County, Georgia, joint employer rules under the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) and the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), and civil rights decision in Comcast Corp. v. National Association of African American-Owned Media.

This paper is concerned with when, if ever, deceptive sex should be criminalised. It defends the idea that it is necessary to distinguish between deceptions that will generally be punishable from those that will not and puts forward a novel framework for carrying out this task. Based on the concept of identity nonrecognition, this framework also offers a new way of understanding what makes certain kinds of deceptive sex wrongful. After setting out this framework, I analyse each of the deceptions that is most often carried out within 'ordinary' contexts, explaining why only some of these should generally be punished. The paper concludes by suggesting that identity nonrecognition has the potential to inform criminalisation debates more generally, and that its relevance extends beyond discussions about deceptive sex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores how private consultants, textbooks, online resources, and workshops to help applicants improve their interviewing skills and help programs maximize the success of their recruitment efforts for African Americans. Topics include effect of microaggressions on applicant performance is profound, and experiences can affect the Black applicant's chances of matriculating to a program; and institutional racism and inequality of educational opportunities for African Americans.