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Drawing from Moral Foundations Theory, in this article I hypothesize that higher scores on binding moral foundations are related to having children or being in a committed relationship. I support this assumption by presenting empirical evidence gathered from one meta-analytical analysis involving of nineteen studies about moral foundations and marital status (k = 27; N = 38,044), one meta-analytical analysis involving ten studies about moral foundations and parental status (k = 12; N = 24,521), and four independent samples t test, involving a subsample of eight studies (k = 8; N = 6,982). The results support my hypothesis for parental status, and partially support my hypothesis for marital status. Limitations regarding the scarcity of available data and others, are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mormonism, seen in 1865 by French critic Hippolyte Taine as an American religious and social experiment conducted “for our benefit,” appears frequently in French thinking in the second half of the nineteenth century. Whether Taine intended it or not in his use of the word “benefit,” this American religion was mobilized in French conversations about pressing sociopolitical issues such as gender identity, marriage, and the social norms surrounding those issues. Relying on a cultural studies approach, we illustrate in this article how French literary critic and playwright Philippe Gille uses Mormonism in Camille, a play in which he explores issues of gender in the context of the état civil during the Third Republic. First performed at the French national theater (Comédie-Française) in 1890, Gille’s play stages the transatlantic encounter of Franco-American cultures and values as a way to displace questions about the capacity of the French state to regulate marriage and family relationships.

This article investigates the notions of 'civil state' and 'civil party' as constructed by the Tunisian Islamist party Ennahdha through its process of 'specialization' in partisan action and its interactions with both 'secular' forces and the different groups composing – or are associated with it. The various conceptualizations of these notions reveal a multilayered political group, seeking to adapt to the new political environment by recombining the links between religious and political activities. Analyzing the debates that led in 2014 to the constitutionalization of the civil nature of the state and the controversies surrounding religiously inspired bills, as well as interviews with the various actors involved, we show how the reconfiguration of the Islamist movement into two components, a civil party specialized in politics and a faith-based civil society, does not imply a clear separation of state and religion, but rather the affirmation of a civil state inspired by Islamic values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two notions have been at the center of the Egyptian constitutional debates since 2011: the 'civil state' and the 'religious party'. The Muslim Brothers have played on the ambiguity of the notion of a 'civil state' as being neither secular nor theocratic, just as their understanding of an Islamic state. The Salafi al-Nūr Party has long refused to embrace the notion. Nevertheless, in 2019 it obtained from the Parliament's Speaker a definition close to the one defended by the Muslim Brothers and endorsed it as a victory against the secular interpretation of the term. The same ambiguity appears regarding the notion of a 'religious party'. The al-Nūr Party tried to prevent the interdiction of such parties in the 2014 Constitution. At the same time, it distances itself from the notion, and abides by the law, including Christian members, presenting female candidates, and organically separating political and religious activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By putting in the Moroccan context the concept of 'multiple secularities', this paper digs the process of conceptualization of 'secularization' at the initiative of the Islamist leader, Saadeddine al-Othmani. The latter supported the acceptability of a secular principle adequate to religion, its symbols and their presence in the political and public space. Through the analysis of his writings as well as of other leaders' discourses, this article follows the compromises between religious and secular revendications during the process of conceptualization inside the PJD-MUR. Using the theories of 'secularization' and 'de-théologisation', this study highlights the strategy of 'rejection' and 'adaptation' developed by the PJD. Rejecting the hypothesis of a linear secularization of Islamist ideology, it also examines the ongoing or incomplete structural mutations resulted from the 'distinction' (tamiyyîz) between the party and the movement, as well as between the socio-political spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of African Journal of Reproductive Health is the property of Women's Health & Action Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Dans les sociétés occidentales, la filiation est une construction sociale et juridique. Deux formes de filiation coexistent, la filiation classique qui, en principe, s'appuie sur l'engendrement biologique, et la filiation adoptive, pure construction juridique. La filiation s'est longtemps référée au modèle sexué père/mère. En France, le législateur du XXe siècle et celui du XXIe ont tenté d'adapter les règles régissant le droit de la filiation aux nouvelles techniques de procréation, ainsi qu'à l'évolution du désir d'enfant, quelle que soit la composition de la famille. La loi du 17 mai 2013 (dite mariage pour tous) a ouvert l'adoption aux couples de personnes de même sexe. La loi bioéthique du 2 août 2021 permet à un couple de femmes de devenir mères toutes les deux, par reconnaissance conjointe : une maternité de 3e type a été créée, sans accouchement ni jugement d'adoption. Mais l'assistance médicale n'est pas ouverte aux couples d'hommes, ni a priori aux personnes transgenres. La référence au sexe est constante : si le mot sexe est référencé à trois reprises dans le code civil, articles 57 (acte de naissance), 61-5 (modification) et 143 (mariage pour tous), le mot genre, lui, n'y figure pas. Notre construction juridique de la filiation n'a donc pas appréhendé la question du genre apparue récemment. L'article 57 impose la déclaration du sexe de l'enfant dans son acte de naissance à l'état civil. La loi française du 18 novembre 2016 a prévu la possibilité de changement de sexe à l'état civil (C. Civ. articles 61-5 à 61-8), sans obligation de traitement hormonal ni d'intervention chirurgicale. La loi prévoit que la modification de la mention du sexe est sans effet sur les filiations établies avant cette modification, mais rien pour l'après. Or, si la fonction sexuelle d'engendrement a été conservée par la personne transgenre, la question qui se pose est de lui reconnaître – ou non – une parenté genrée telle qu'elle la revendique. La Cour de cassation a rappelé que la loi française ne connaît pas le « parent biologique ». La solution concrète consisterait à remplacer les termes « né de père et mère » dans les actes de naissance, par « fils ou fille de... ». Mais l'assignation d'un sexe à la naissance est-elle justifiée ? Un arrêt de la Cour constitutionnelle belge du 19 juin 2019 a censuré la loi belge du 25 juin 2017, relative au changement de sexe à l'état civil, parce qu'elle se limite à un choix binaire et qu'elle prévoit que le choix fait lors du changement de sexe est irrévocable. In Western societies, filiation is a social and legal construct. Two kinds of filiation exist, classical filiation, which rests in principle on biological engendering, and adoptive filiation, which is a purely legal construct. Filiation has long referred to the sexualised father/mother pattern. In France, twentieth- and twenty-first-century lawmakers have sought to adapt legal regulations on filiation to new reproductive techniques and to evolving wishes to have children, regardless of the family makeup. The law of 17 May 2013 (introducing "marriage for all") opened up adoption to same-sex married couples. The bioethics law of 2 August 2021 allows each partner in a female couple legally to become a mother through joint recognition: a third type of motherhood is thus created, which does not involve giving birth or an adoption order. Assisted reproductive technology (ART) is not open to male couples nor a priori to transgender persons. Legislation regarding filiation includes references to sex designation: the word "sex" appears three times in France's Civil Code: articles 57 (birth certificate), 61-5 (sex change) and 143 ("marriage for all"). In contrast, the word "gender" does not appear. Our legal construction of filiation does not address gender, a notion that has appeared more recently. Article 57 makes the designation of sex mandatory when a child's birth is registered. French legislation introduced on 18 November 2016 allows people to change the sex recorded on their birth certificate (Civil Code articles 61-5 to 61-8), without obligation of hormone treatment or sex-change surgery. The 2016 law considers that the change of sex has no effect on previous filiations, but does not address future filiations. Yet, if a transgender person has retained the sexual possibility to procreate, the question arises whether their wish to establish a gendered parentage should be recognised. Case study: On 16 September 2020, the Court of cassation examined the following affair: Mr X and Mrs Y were married in 1999 and gave birth to two children. In 2011, a court ruling allowed Mr X to obtain a change of sex on the civil register, while keeping their male sexual organs. In 2014, the couple had a third child. The genitor, now Mrs X, signed a pre-natal acknowledgement of parentage as a "non-gestational mother". The civil registrar refused to transcribe this recognition. The Court of cassation ruled in favour of this refusal, recalling that under French law a mother or father cannot be designated as "biological parent" in the civil registry and that it is not possible to establish a double maternal filiation (except in the case of adoption or, henceforth, through joint recognition of a child born of assisted procreation). Moreover, the child's best interest is preserved since their filiation may be established with both parents, enabling the third child to have the same filiation as their brethren born before the registration of sex-change. In a separate case, two men, one cisgender, the other transgender, registered the birth of a baby girl born of the transgender partner. The practical solution consisted in replacing "born of father and mother" on the birth certificate by "son or daughter of". Yet, is sex assignation at birth justified? On 19 June 2019, a ruling of the Belgian Constitutional Court censured the Belgian law of 25 June 2017 allowing the civil registration of sex-change for limiting this possibility to a binary choice and considering it irrevocable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2006 Constitution of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) provides for the government of the people, by the people and for the people. Sovereignty belongs to the people who exercise it directly through referendum or elections and indirectly through their representatives. Since the coming into operation of this Constitution, presidential, parliamentary and provincial elections have been held three times. The first elections took place in 2006; the second in 2011 and the most recent in 2018. A common feature of these elections is that they were all disputed by the losers who considered them rigged and rejected the outcome even after the courts of law had adjudicated the matter. This article deals with the linkage between the registration of the population, electoral roll and elections in the DRC. The author argues that a well-organized and functional civil register is likely to contribute to more credible, peaceful and transparent elections with. He recommends several measures, including the rehabilitation of the statistics service, the establishment of a coherent,, modern and functional system of socio-demographic information, massive popular support for civil registration, simplifying of the procedures for civil registration, computerization, digitalization, centralization and the uploading of the civil status register; the adoption of consensual electoral legislation and the drawing up of a map of constituencies polling stations ahead of elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows a part of the reflections that have been made, based on authors of the modernity, in this specific case Thomas Hobbes, on the concept of education and the sense that this philosopher gives to it within his political theory. For this, in the first place, the state of nature will be established, because that initial condition of the man, exposed by Hobbes, has to be described and, in this sense, to analyze the function of education; then the idea of social pact as the foundation of the Civil State will be developed, and finally the function of education is explained, taking into account Hobbes's thought, the man in his state of nature and what the pact seeks to solve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ethnologie Française is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cet article envisage l’état civil comme une modalité d’identification des individus pour la construction de l’Etat français. L’auteur relève des étapes et des problèmes liés à l’identification, dans l’état civil, de quelqu’un en tant que personne. Il touche aussi à des questions concernant la vérité des informations comprises dans ces registres.

Until now falsification of identity under the Old Regime has scarcely been addressed, and only through biographies of famous impostors or studies of the progress of identification, which has meant approaching the subject through individual cases or from the point of view of public authority. This article proposes, on the contrary, to offer as complete a panorama as possible of the falsification of identity, beginning with the reality of the phenomenon, namely, the motivations and methods of the falsifiers. This panorama, which makes it necessary to examine astonishingly varied aspects of social life, is accompanied by two indispensable parts: the first offers a rigorous definition of the falsification of identity; the second analyzes penal legislation in this field. This study shows that it would be an oversimplification to envision the falsification of identity exclusively as a category of crime, more or less nourished by the progress of identification. Through the diversity of its social manifestations, this fraud transcends at once the history of criminality and that of the construction of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé Dans nombre de droits occidentaux, comme le droit français, le sexe est considéré comme une caractéristique de l’identification des individus et sa mention est obligatoire dans l’acte de naissance, même si quelques accommodements sont permis. Mais l’appartenance à une catégorie sexuelle n’est pas une vérité naturelle intangible, c’est une différenciation sociale qui peut être modifiée en cas d’erreur ou lorsque la personne ne s’identifie pas avec le sexe indiqué à sa naissance. C’est ce que montre l’étude de plusieurs systèmes juridiques qui reconnaissent à la personne le droit de changer leur mention du sexe sans leur imposer de reconstructions mutilantes. Mais ces avancées du droit à l’autodétermination sont réservées aux personnes majeures, capables d’exercer leur autonomie, et laissent sans protection les mineurs ayant des caractères sexuels ambigus, dont la stigmatisation s’est renforcée. En effet, quand l’enfant vient de naître c’est d’abord au médecin, et non plus à l’officier de l’état civil, que revient la charge de déterminer son sexe. Lorsque le sexe demeure incertain, les médecins, avec le soutien des parents désemparés, ont entrepris des interventions normalisatrices précoces, supposées favoriser l’insertion sociale future des enfants intersexes. Ces pratiques aux effets aléatoires et irréversibles, ne répondant le plus souvent à aucune nécessité médicale ni surtout à aucune urgence, ont fini par être remises en cause, mais elles n’ont pas pour autant disparu. C’est la progressive consécration, au niveau européen et international, du droit à l’autonomie de l’enfant et au respect de son intégrité corporelle qui pourrait bien annoncer le coup d’arrêt des opérations de normalisation génitale sur les mineurs. In many Western countries, as in France, sex is a characteristic of a person's legal identity and, as such, law requires that the birth certificate bear the mention of the child's sex even though in certain cases, accommodations can be made. However, in associating a person with one of the two sexual categories the law has always distanced itself from the reality of anatomical and biological evidence, chiefly concerned with instituting social differentiations, in line with political purposes, rather than with imitating a “natural order”. Therefore, transitioning from one to the other of the two categories is allowed for individuals who claim that their sexual designation at birth was erroneous or who no longer identify with the sex they were born with. Several of the world's legal systems do allow for changes in sex markers on documents, in a much freer and more liberal way, without requiring any sort of reconstructive surgery to change the body. But this progress in the right to self-determination is limited to persons over 18 capable of exercising their independence. The protection it offers against ostracism comes too late: intersex persons are most vulnerable in childhood, when they are still minors. Indeed, when an infant is born, it is the responsibility of the physician, and no longer that of the clerk at the vital records registry, to determine the sex of the child. If uncertainty remains even after all of the available evidence for evaluation has been assembled, doctors are urged by distressed parents to perform surgery on the child's genitals. Parents and physicians share concern to seek what they believe to be the child's best interest. What is more, this medical authority over children's sexual identity is backed up by law in many countries like France, where the child's sex must be indicated on the birth certificate. These practices have been finally challenged. Scholars, human-rights movement and activist groups have contested the legitimacy of sexual conformation surgery procedures imposed on the body of the intersex child, charging that they are irreversible despite the fact that some fail, and are only in very rare cases medically necessary; besides they might seriously damage the health and sexual sensitivity of intersex persons. If the rate of these “normalization” procedures has slowed down, it will take much more before such operations on the body of a minor have completely disappeared. In any case, the lobbying efforts of several activist groups are productive, by drawing the attention of European and international institutions, both political and judiciary, to the issue. The will of these institutions to promote human rights may prove to be a valuable instrument in protecting the infant's right to bodily integrity. Indeed, many Europeans reports have called on EU Members States to ban medically unnecessary “normalizing” treatment on intersex persons without their free and informed consent. Protection of the child's right to respect for his/her body could very well herald the end of the medicals hegemony over the gender identity of intersex persons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

OBJECTIVES Reducing child mortality requires good information on its causes. Whilst South African vital registration data have improved, the quality of cause-of-death data remains inadequate. To improve this, data from death certificates were linked with information from forensic mortuaries in Western Cape Province. METHODS A local mortality surveillance system was established in 2007 by the Western Cape Health Department to improve data quality. Cause-of-death data were captured from copies of death notification forms collected at Department of Home Affairs Offices. Using unique identifiers, additional forensic mortuary data were linked with mortality surveillance system records. Causes of death were coded to the ICD-10 classification. Causes of death in children under five were compared with those from vital registration data for 2011. RESULTS Cause-of-death data were markedly improved with additional data from forensic mortuaries. The proportion of ill-defined causes was halved (25-12%), and leading cause rankings changed. Lower respiratory tract infections moved above prematurity to rank first, accounting for 20.8% of deaths and peaking in infants aged 1-3 months. Only 11% of deaths from lower respiratory tract infections occurred in hospital, resulting in 86% being certified in forensic mortuaries. Road traffic deaths increased from 1.1-3.1% (27-75) and homicides from 3 to 28. CONCLUSIONS The quality and usefulness of cause-of-death information for children in the WC was enhanced by linking mortuary and vital registration data. Given the death profile, interventions are required to prevent and manage LRTI, diarrhoea and injuries and to reduce neonatal deaths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]