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Interpreters have often struggled to account for the way in which the author of James employs the figure of Job as an example of ὑπομονή (Jas 5:11). Since a "steadfast" or "patient Job" is clearly incongruous with the book of Job, the Testament of Job is often forwarded as the preferred source of James' Joban tradition. This article argues that James' language of ὑπομονή should be read against its wider Greco-Roman literary background, and when done so, the Greek term emerges as an active, aggressive virtue, best rendered "enduring resistance." The article posits that the author of James has reread the book of Job within this Greco-Roman literary framework, resulting in a congruent, though thoroughly Hellenistic, reading of Septua-gint Job in which the virtue of endurance takes on a newfound centrality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literary criticism is presented on the Greek Epigram by Perses. Topics discussed include that epigrams are the statements, often satirical or ironic, and are used in poetry or prose of Greek origin; mentions that Perses is a poet of Meleager's "Garland" and an early Hellenistic epigrammatist; and the work of Pierre Waltz, regarding paleography terms.

This article provides a detailed interpretation and suggests a literary background for the brief (26 verses) elegiac recipe against colic (SH 690), written by Philo of Tarsus in the first century AD. Although on one level it is a serious pharmacological prescription, on another level it is also a literary piece, concerned with a marked tone of voice, Homeric play, and general display of paideia. Particularly its play of substituting certain ingredients with mythological riddles is striking. Its appeal to both doctors and men of culture fits the intellectual pattern of the culture of the Second Sophistic. As a poetic hybrid it also plays on different genres inherited from the previous Hellenistic era. Moreover, it constitutes a telling example of the late subgenre of elegiac pharmacology, in an era in which elegiac had all but vanished from Greek literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hellenistic ruler cult has generated much scholarly interest and an enormous bibliography; yet, existing studies have tended to focus on the communal character of the phenomenon, whereas the role of private individuals (if any) in ruler worship has attracted little attention. This article seeks to redress this neglect. The starting point of the present study is an inscription Διὶ | καὶ βασιλεῖ | Φιλίππωι Σωτῆρι on a rectangular marble plaque from Maroneia in Thrace. Since the text was published in 1991, it has been disputed whether the king in question is Philip II or Philip V of Macedon. The question is further complicated by a newly published text from Thasos, plausibly restored to read [Β]ασιλέως Φιλί[ππου] | σωτῆρος. The identity of the king in these texts is a matter of great historical significance: if Philip II is meant, not only would this impinge on the question of his divinity, he would also be the first king called Sōtēr, thus providing the earliest attestation of a cult epithet spreading from the traditional gods to monarchs. The first part of this article will re-examine the king's identity by studying these two texts in connection with other dedications similarly addressed to a ‘King Philip’ and apparently set up by private individuals. The second will move beyond Macedonia: it will draw on potential parallels from the Attalid, Seleucid and Ptolemaic kingdoms and explore the possible contexts in which individuals set up similar objects. It will be demonstrated that, while there is evidence from other Hellenistic kingdoms of seemingly ‘private’ dedications set up according to civic or royal commands, in Macedonia the piecemeal and isolated nature of the evidence does not permit a conclusive answer. But whether set up spontaneously or by civic command, these objects provide important evidence for the interaction between the public and the private aspects of ruler worship. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The author discusses Hellenistic poet Vergil's possible interpretation of the author Theocritus, by way of scholar Theon's commentary, in the composition of his "Eclogues." Topics covered include the evidence via lexical items of etymology and wordplay, and correctio and aemulatio, and the invention of and Vergil's motivation on writing pastoral poetry. The author also notes the additional insight into Vergil's poetry afforded by Theon's commentary.

Hellenistic and Roman acrostich inscriptions are usually full of verbal and visual clues, which point the reader in the direction of the ‘hidden message’ contained in the vertical lines of the text. The authors of such inscriptions want their audiences to appreciate the skill that has gone into their composition. There are several complementary ways in which the presence of an acrostich might be signalled to the reader or viewer and their attention directed towards it. These include direct verbal statements, or more subtle allusions, within the text of the inscription. But, even without having read its text, the viewer of an inscription containing a ‘hidden message’ is often immediately aware that some kind of wordplay is at work. Acrostichs, palindromes and various kinds of word square are all graphically striking, or their appearance may be enhanced to make them more so. Regular spacing, the repetition of the acrostich in a separate column and the use of painted or incised grids are all ways in which the layout of the text on the stone can invite the viewer to play a word game. In some cases, as I will argue in this paper, acrostich makers envisaged—even intended—the participants in this game to include the illiterate as well as the literate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In July 455 AD the Roman general Eparchius Avitus was proclaimed Emperor by his soldiers in Arles. Avitus' son-in-law, Sidonius Apollinaris, delivered a panegyric to mark the new emperor's first consulship. In this poem Avitus controls his ira to repel the barbarians and counter their fear inducing behaviour. Avitus' manipulation of the barbarians relies on auctoritas rather than eloquence. Sidonius styles Avitus as an impressive military and political leader, ideally suited to confronting the Vandals and restoring a broken Roma to her former glory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues, in a series of discrete but interconnected notes, that Statius engages consistently and consciously with mythographical works--prose collections and exegesis on myth as myth--in the creation of his two major catalogs in the Thebaid, the catalog of Argive allies at 4.1-344 and that of Theban allies at 7.243-373. Both are patently based on Homer's 'Catalog of Ships', but Statius reshapes his model by engaging ingeniously with mythographical and geographical works in prose to invent a unique pre-Iliadic landscape. This paper also explores some of the literary ways in which Statius reinvents Homer's catalog, including offering his readers mythological puzzles that require knowledge both of Homer's text and subsequent scholarship thereon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the papyri containing Boeotian poetry provide no evidence in support of a dialect-specific accentuation of Boeotian. Lectional signs on the extant papyri of Boeotian poetry follow for the most part the current accentuation practice of the 2nd and 3rd centuries CE, equating Boeotian to the standard of Attic and the Koine: in their editions of Boeotian texts modern editors should refrain from introducing accentuation that does not follow that standard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the traditions and contexts in hellenistic poetry. Topics discussed include issues related to dating of the poem 'Catalepton 9' and its poem's authorship, the identity of the addressee, and its chronological relation to other texts; the close textual similarities of the poem with the Eclogues; and literary aspect of the poem.

This article discusses the relationship between Apollonius Rhodius and pseudo-Hesiod. It argues that the ecphrasis on Jason's cloak (Arg. 1.721-767) alludes extensively to the Shield of Heracles and to other Hesiodic poetry. Although some of the parallels in question have been noted before, many have been underplayed or overlooked. Apollonius' references to 'Hesiod' should direct the audience's reading of the Argonautica: the echoes of the Shield of Heracles focus attention on Heracles, who functions as a foil to Jason throughout the Argonautica, and invite comparison and contrast between the two heroes. The recognition of these allusions also has implications for certain problems in Hellenistic poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the relationship between Apollonius Rhodius and pseudo-Hesiod. It argues that the ecphrasis on Jason's cloak (Arg. 1.721-767) alludes extensively to the Shield of Heracles and to other Hesiodic poetry. Although some of the parallels in question have been noted before, many have been underplayed or overlooked. Apollonius' references to 'Hesiod' should direct the audience's reading of the Argonautica: the echoes of the Shield of Heracles focus attention on Heracles, who functions as a foil to Jason throughout the Argonautica, and invite comparison and contrast between the two heroes. The recognition of these allusions also has implications for certain problems in Hellenistic poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article refutes the scholarly opinion of AP 12.48 that the hero Meleager begins the epigram with a wrestling metaphor and ends by drawing on a koinos topos, or the arrows and fire of Love. It explains the argument that Meleager is introducing a military image aimed at evoking the commonplace love-war equivalence in the first line, which is already exemplified in Greek lyric, tragedy and Hellenistic poetry. It also describes the motifs of combat within the epigram.

An essay is presented on the works of German philosopher Hans-Georg Gadamer and the Greek poet Giorgos Seferis that are perceived to show concern regarding the problem of classical reception. It argues that both writers felt it important to connect the modern reader with ancient Greece poetry. It cites Gadamer's views against certain contemporary trends in support of the historical tradition in "Truth and Method" and similarly, Seferis' work in "Dialogue on Poetry: What is Meant by Hellenism."

In a recent note, I collected instances of ‘stichometric allusion’, the technique in which poets allude, in one or more of their own verses, to source verses with corresponding line numbers. The technique existed in Hellenistic Greek poetry, but seems more prevalent (or at least, detectable) among the Latin poets of the Augustan era, who applied it to Greek and Latin predecessors alike, as well as internally to their own work. New illustrations of each type may be added here to those previously brought to light. Further examples, detected in an unsystematic fashion, no doubt lie dormant in published discussions and commentaries. Callimachus is still the only known Greek practitioner; perhaps his Roman successors considered the technique not merely Hellenistic but Callimachean. Authors of later ages employ the same techniques in equally haphazard fashion, although this does not mean that they had necessarily noticed examples from antiquity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a report from a June 26-28, 2014 conference in Graz, Austria on the ancient history of sports. Topics of presentations delivered included the social significance of sport and nudity in ancient Rome, the cults of personality and worship which surrounded ancient athletes, and portrayals of ancient Greek athletes in songs and literature.

The idea of 'two loves at one time' (3498 + 3250b r. col. ii.2) is a topos at the start of a poem in classical and Hellenistic poetry. 3250c r. col. i.3 is a prose heading. 3250c r. col. i. 5 confirms that Alcaeus fr. 42.1 V. is the beginning of a poem. The quotation of Anacreon PMG 395.1 in 3250c r. col. i.7 confirms that Stobaeus quoted the beginning of the poem and falsely dates it to the second century AD. 3250c r. col. ii.1 is probably a new verse by Anacreon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through Plutarch, Strabo and the Suda, it is known that Herodotus of Halicarnassus migrated to Magna Graecia and got involved in the foundation of the Panhellenic colony of Thurii. The account of his stay is generally accepted, but the synchronic relationship of the historian and his work with this city has not been sufficiently explored. In the following essay a hypothesis is proposed which suggests that Herodotus did accomplish a task of capital importance at Thurii, not only for the benefit of the new city but in the shaping and performance of the Histories as well. It is reasonable to think that when Herodotus was there, he may have been in direct contact with a complex cultural conglomerate that could shed light on the possible links between ἱστορίη, legislation and foundation poetry; correlations that, in turn, may be explored through the study of the uses of the word ἀτρέκεια and through its forms of articulation with some other archaic concepts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pseudo-Aristotelian Mechanical Problems is the earliest known ancient Greek text on mechanics, principally concerned with the explanation of a variety of mechanical phenomena using a particular construal of the principle of the lever. In the introduction, the author—thought to be an early Peripatetic—quotes the tragic poet Antiphon to summarise a discussion of the technē-physis (art-nature) relationship and the status of mechanics as a technē. I argue that this citation of a poet is an Aristotelian cultural signature, intended to guide its readers towards a better understanding of the nature of mechanics as expounded in the Mechanical Problems. By analysing several instances where Aristotle cites Antiphon (as well as other tragic poets) in the Aristotelian corpus, I propose that both the author of the Mechanical Problems and Aristotle use poets for the purpose of persuasion. This is in turn explained by understanding the homologous relationship between mechanics-as-technē (according to the author of the Mechanical Problems) and poetics-as-technē (according to Aristotle) in terms of their shared status as poiētikē technē (productive art) and claims to universal knowledge. A final facet of the proposed relationship between mechanics and poetry is hypothesised on the grounds of their mimetic nature. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper explores the differences between poetry and prose in philosophical writing by examining two Pre-Socratic fragments, one in verse and one in prose, that express a very similar thought: Empedocles 59 B 17 Diels/Kranz and Anaxagoras 31 B 8 D./K. Although at first it might seem as though there is a simple division between Empedocles’ opaque and allusive hexameters and Anaxagoras’ sober prose, when we look in detail at the language used by the two authors, a close reading of the passages reveals a more complex picture. Both authors place rhetorical emphasis on their own role as innovator; Anaxagoras’ prose shows a careful attention to style and word choice no less than Empedocles’ poetry, and Empedocles’ poetry itself reflects the range of stylistic registers and types of material that hexameter could be used for in antiquity. There is no simple antithesis between prose style and hexametric poetry, and the words and stylistic devices an author chooses are constitutive of the thought he expresses. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article discusses the Hesiodic character of the Metamorphoses vis-à-vis the Homeric character of the Aeneid, taking as a case study the tale of Atalanta. On the one hand I focus on the intertextual dialogue between Homeric and Hesiodic epic, on the other I argue that the interplay between the Iliad and the Catalogue of Women (also known as theEhoiai) is reflected in Ovid's Atalanta as a juxtaposition between the Aeneid and the Metamorphoses. Ovid's references to the Catalogue, which have not been noticed by critics, evoke an intergeneric discourse between martial epic and ehoie-poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The construction of images in the speeches of Dion Chrysostom was drawn from references in Homer. When the orator uses images from Greek epic poetry, Dion Chrysostom intimates the representation of images found in the literature to propagate his philosophical and political ideas during the first century A.D. under the administration of the emperors Domitian, Nerva and Trajan. Current analysis of the author's works discusses literature as one of the representational forms of Hellenistic identity under Roman domination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Odyssey there are frequent occasions for disguise and dissimulation. Considering anonymity a peculiar case of disguise, Ulysses often disguises himself, making this a distinctive part of his personality. Of a different nature, metamorphosis is also a common phenomenon in the poem and in Greek mythology. Gods transform themselves and have the power to modify other beings, affecting their corporal nature by radical transformations. We explore metamorphosis's categories and functions in the Odyssey, how it helps constructing divine and human characters and how it influences weaving the poem's action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to put forward a reading and a critical commentary on the main ideas developed by Jean-Pierre Vernant about the conception of death in ancient Greece. According to the proposal of the author, elucidating the core meaning of myth and religion among the Greeks is the key path to define the significance of death in their epic, lyric and dramatic poetry. Once achieved this goal, the way death is represented on stage in the tragic works as a mímesis and a rite is examined under the guidance of Vernant's anthropological and philological system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper offers a commentary on Callimachus' fragment 227 Pf. Firstly we discuss the fragment possible location in the poet's book of lambi, which has been mailer of a long and controversial discussion among the scholars. Secondly, We examine the text of the diégesis and, finally, I study the poem main difficulties to conclude with a brief reflection upon the theme of the symposium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On line 23 of the Epistula ad Pisones (denique sit quod uis, simplex dumtaxat et unum), Horace -following Aristotle- postulates the necessity for any literary work to observe an essencial unit. Many scholars have understood that this has not been fulfilled in the whole of Ars Poetica and even in many of Horace's Odes. The aims of this article are: 1) to elucidate the stated theoretical principle; 2) to observe its fulfillment in Ars Poetica; 3) to observe its fulfillment in the Odes, regarding poetical experience prior to theoretical formulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the techniques used by poet Posidippus in writing the collection of poems known as "Lithika." It discusses the two main themes of Lithika such as beauty and craftsmanship of the gems and the manner in which they are perceived. It cites the two main poetic techniques employed by the author and how the techniques used bind the collection of poems into a ring composition. Moreover, the author considers Lithika as an appropriate introduction to Posidippean art and aesthetics in its historical context.

Analyzes the context of a Hellenistic memorial epitaph written by Callimachus for his father. Existence of riddles and paradoxes in the verses; Callimachus' omission of his father's name; Assertion that Callimachus' father was named `Battos'; Political factors affecting anonymity; Influence of the Cyrenean legend on the epitaph.

Discusses the possible text of the missing left-hand column of the first 34 lines of Alcman's poem `Partheneion' which was discovered in 1855. Interdependence of the two halves of the papyrus text; Preeminent positions given to two Spartan women in the choir; Recounting of a legend in the first 70 lines.