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The March 2024 issue of World Affairs Journal covers a wide range of topics including artificial intelligence, cyberspace regulation, defense policy, international law, populism, African governance, South Korean foreign policy, and Dalit rights in India. The editor emphasizes the importance of political scientists and policy scholars in providing sound policy advice, particularly in the area of AI regulation. The issue includes articles on the United States Space Force, international law and cyberspace operations, refugee migration, African governance, South Korean foreign policy, the concept of a republic in the United States, and caste discrimination in India. The editor encourages readers to submit their own articles and commentaries on these topics. [Extracted from the article]

In this Forum, six scholars reflect on Rahul Rao's recent book Out of Time: The Queer Politics of Postcoloniality from other geographies, themes and radical possibilities. Part I offers dialogues with Out of Time from Trump's USA and Brazil's 'hetero-military' dictatorship and Portuguese colonial roots. Emerson Maione and Renan Quinalha explore how Rao's elaborations of homonationalism, homocapitalism, homoromanticism and 'pink-washing' more generally travel in new contexts and how the 'fetishization of law' can mislead investigations of queer-, homoand transphobias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article seeks to summarize part of the political and economic debate surrounding the original Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLAC). It starts from the analysis of some minutes of meetings and letters from the year of its creation (1948), which indicate some "constraints" under which (ECLAC) was created. In order to understand how the Commission managed to free itself from some of the strategic lines that were outlined for it, it discusses the main theoretical contributions that precisely distanced the Commission from mainstream economics, a predominant theoretical line in other multilateral institutions also created in the post-war period. Next, it is discussed why, even so, the Commission was accused of limiting itself to neoclassical theory in the criticism it received from Octavio Rodríguez, an economist at ECLAC itself, in addition to rescuing the response given to him, in a kind of rejoinder, made by Raúl Prebisch, executive secretary of ECLAC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the impact of partisanship under divided government on the approval process of the US-Colombia–Trade Agreement (FTA). Focusing on the case of the FTA between the United States and Colombia, this study examines how partisan and ideological dimensions in the executive and legislative branches shape trade policy decision making. Drawing on existing literature, this study explores the determinants of FTA approval under divided governments using individual and district-level characteristics. In this case, the findings indicate that party affiliation significantly influences members of Congress’ voting behavior on FTAs, with Democrats generally being more skeptical and Republicans more supportive. The article also explores how changes in government positions and the presence of a divided government affected President Barack Obama’s stance on the FTA, highlighting the importance of republican support in Congress. Overall, this research contributes to the understanding of the relationship between divided government and FTA approval, shedding light on the role of partisanship and ideology in shaping US trade policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past decade has seen a notable increase in tensions in the South China Sea. Superficially the new situation has been triggered by Chinese territorial claims centering around the "Nine Dash Line." While there is a large body of literature digging out China's strategic interests behind its increasing assertiveness in the contested waters, it falls short of an overall investigation of Beijing's maritime grand strategy—in which the South China Sea occupies a critical position. The aim of this article is therefore to examine the geostrategic, geopolitical, and geoeconomic significance of the South China Sea which comes to the fore in China's grand strategy. It argues that these sea waters are critical in Beijing's plans to establish and protect its status as a global maritime power in light of the sea energy reservoir, fisheries, and other vital maritime economic interests to reinforce its economic powerhouse. Beijing's power projection and its increasing assertiveness in the contested waters have also served in the pursuit of controlling vital sea lanes of communication in the Indian Ocean. Significantly, the South China Sea preoccupies Beijing's leadership's strategic pursuit of being a global sea power as a balancing act vis-a-vis the United States in the Indo-Pacific region and intensifying the blockade of Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's economic growth and related assertiveness are causing significant changes in the Asia Pacific strategic environment, producing policy responses from the region's major powers, and gaining linkage with 1914 Europe. This article revisits the analogy, made in 2014, between the Asia Pacific today and Europe of 1914 to theoretically explain Asia Pacific's strategic environment vis-à-vis China's rise and the responses of four Asia Pacific powers—the United States, Australia, India, and Japan. Using the notion of "security dilemma," I argue that a perceived threat of China's newfound confidence expressed in military aggressions creates distrust, fear, and uncertainty in the Asia Pacific, resembling Germany and its ambitions in the first half of twentieth century Europe. However, the similarity does not necessarily mean that the two environments and periods would produce similar outcomes because the strategic conditions are different. Asia Pacific today is more constrained in alliances than twentieth century Europe. I conclude by critiquing the balance of power to propose a power-sharing mechanism in the region to ensure peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Twitter is regarded today as an essential communication platform of U.S. diplomacy. Of all diplomatic tweets, those published by U.S. presidents carry the greatest weight and hold great potential to influence perceptions of the country. In this study, we conduct cross-presidential comparative analyses on an original dataset of over 2,000 tweets published by the first two presidents of the Twitter era. In particular, we test the commonly held notion that the substance and tone of Barack Obama's communication reflected positively on America's image abroad, with the potential to expand soft power—a vital foreign policy asset—while Donald Trump's communication reflected negatively on America's image, potentially eroding the nation's image and its soft power. Findings demonstrate that what and how presidents communicate on Twitter may produce profound and disparate impacts on America's image abroad and on U.S. soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Emergency Use Authorization (EUA) policy, a representative biodefense policy, was legislated in the United States in 2001 based on lessons learned from Amerithrax, whereas Korea's EUA policy was based on lessons learned from the Middle East Respiratory Syndrome outbreak in 2015. Due to these divergent origins, the U.S. EUA's homeland security objectives were specialized to deal with highly pathogenic biological agents that could be exploited for bioterrorism, whereas the Korean EUA pursues disease containment purposes to strengthen mass-testing practices. During the early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic, the U.S. EUA revealed limitations in its integration with public health surveillance, laboratory partnerships, and insurance systems, which hampered the rapid expansion of testing capacities. Thereafter, once the limitations of the EUA were circumvented, the testing capacity of the United States began to catch up with that of South Korea, and later skyrocketed after solving these issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With its emphasis on anti-immigration rhetoric and actions, protectionism, as well as populism, Donald Trump has transformed the Republican Party into a party that closely resembles populist radical right-wing parties in Europe. In this article, we first illustrate how the Republican Party has transformed into a radical right-wing party. Second, we examine the degree to which the Trump voter has the same or similar characteristics as the prototypical radical right-wing voter. To do so, we compare some key features of voters for the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and Trump voters. Through original survey research, we find that the two voter types are alike. Both AfD and Trump voters espouse anti-immigrant sentiment, reject globalization, and position themselves on the right on a left-right ideological scale. This implies that, both from a supply and demand side perspective, the Trump Republican Party has become a prototypical radical right-wing party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States and China are locked in a strategic rivalry covering numerous fields, like trade and finance. The most important one, however, is technology. Given how rapidly this rivalry is growing, we can speak of two ever more clearly defined, albeit still interrelated, ecosystems in the areas of semiconductors and artificial intelligence (AI). In turn, global production chains are being reshaped partly on economic grounds, but, without question, for geopolitical reasons too. These changes will not only impact trade flows throughout the world, but also foreign direct investment (FDI), gradually splitting production into two major blocs, based on differing technologies and standards. Where does the European Union (EU) stand in in all this? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Policy & Internet is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Bolivar Archaeological Project exemplifies the possibilities of archaeology as service, incorporating descendant communities and local stakeholders into the fabric of the research design and planning for a state infrastructure project. This collaborative, multidisciplinary project attends to marginalized histories to offer a model for how publicly funded cultural resources management archaeology can serve multiple goals. The Bolivar Archaeological Project was conceived as a public archaeology project, with dual goals of being community driven and yielding scholarly contributions. In the shifting rural–urban landscape of Denton County, a Texas Department of Transportation road improvement project has supported archaeological investigations of two nineteenth-century sites—a blacksmith shop and hotel—associated with the historic Chisholm Trail. The blacksmith shop belonged to Tom Cook, an African American freedman, whose descendants reside nearby and became active participants in the investigations, including as collaborative authors in this article. The project illustrates the importance of representation and praxis to realize inclusive community engagement, with this article outlining the development of the project and ongoing research. Informed by Black feminist archaeologies, the project works at the intersections of local communities and state infrastructure while navigating landscapes of fraught histories and presents to forge an archaeology for the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both ranked‐choice voting (RCV) and runoff seek to prevent the election of candidates with only minority support by enabling more broadly approved rivals to win through come‐from‐behind victories (CFBVs). Although CFBVs are intrinsic to RCV and runoff, they have received little scholarly attention. This study suggests that, amid voters' status quo bias, CFBVs provoke dissatisfaction. In a survey experiment fielded on U.S. voters, CFBVs under RCV significantly reduced satisfaction, while there was a weaker negative effect under runoff. Similarly, RCV was repealed or faced a visible repeal attempt in the vast majority of U.S. jurisdictions that experienced a CFBV in the first or second use of the rule. This was not the case for runoff. We encourage greater voter education, including regarding the rationale for and mechanics of CFBVs under RCV as well as consideration of runoff and other rules that encourage the election of candidates with majority support. Related Articles: McCarthy, Devin, and Jack Santucci. 2021. "Ranked Choice Voting as a Generational Issue in Modern American Politics." Politics & Policy 49(1): 33–60. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12390. Nielson, Lindsay. 2017. "Ranked Choice Voting and Attitudes toward Democracy in the United States: Results from a Survey Experiment." Politics & Policy 45(4): 535–70. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12212. Stiers, Dieter. 2019. "Static and Dynamic Models of Retrospective Voting: A Clarification and Application to the Individual Level." Politics & Policy 47(5): 859–76. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12324. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Salvador Allende's victory in 1970 was not only a determining event in the Chilean national context, but also had a global echo, transforming the incipient experiment that sought to create a democratic pathway to socialism into an event that captured the attention of militants from all over the world. Within this captive audience, three members of the US New Left, linked to the Yippie movement and disillusioned with the state of their struggles at home, decided to embark on a journey to experience the new Chile firsthand. Our article reconstructs this trip, with the aim of showing the particular interactions that each of the travelers had with the Chilean reality: the characteristics and limits of the Popular Unity project, culture as a constituent element of the project of change and the parallel development of the youth counterculture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article follows the issues related to Mexico during Donald J. Trump's first pre-campaign and campaign for the U.S. presidency, showing the situations where they arose and how they were posed, as well as their place in the candidate's electoral and communications strategy. The author presents these elements in the context of the functioning of the U.S. institutionalelectoral framework, the development of agendas, and the handling of domestic matters closely linked to foreign policy. The article contributes to an understanding of the formal and informal rules in a presidential election, as well as Trump's positions in different spheres of bilateral relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the twenty-first-century semiconductor industry functions and discusses different industrial policy instruments used by the United States and China to move ahead toward a resilient, geographically-close chain in the face of the technological dispute between them, deepened by the 2020 health crisis. The authors consider the role Mexico will play in this reorganization, using the analytical framework of global value chains and recent industrial policy conceptual developments. They conclude that the chain has a predominantly relational governance, high barriers for entry and concentration, and that its high interdependence and specialization generates a collaboration among global companies based in the United States and Asia. The strategic coupling in North America fostered by the United States will deepen Mexico's insertion into this, given the crisis in manufacturing since 2000 and the lack of active industrial policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the evolution of a pivotal element of the jurisprudence of the United States Supreme Court: the doctrine of strict scrutiny and its application to racial classifications. Since the 1990s, the Supreme Court has applied the strict scrutiny test to all racial classifications, even those designed to benefit historically disadvantaged groups. According to a critical academic sector, subjecting affirmative actions to the same constitutional standard of review that is applied to traditional forms of discrimination runs counter to the original rationale of the two-tiered review. A doctrine born to provide heightened protection for certain minorities appears to have become an instrument serving the interests of the dominant majority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the origin and deployment of a set of operational networks that were formed, during World War II, with the explicit aim of cultivating a favourable environment for the United States in the Latin American press. Coordinated by a state agency, the Office of Inter-American Affairs (OIAA) or "Rockefeller Office", these networks served as a link between public and private sectors and, as such, facilitated the mobilization of power resources beyond the realm of the state for the purpose of creating incentives and disincentives aimed at influencing editorial orientation related to issues relevant to US foreign policy. In order to reveal the impacts and also the limits of such a deployment of power, this article focuses on the particular case of the Colombian press, analysing primary sources such as foreign and local press articles, as well as the OIAA archives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's invasion of Ukraine began on February 24, 2022 and is still ongoing, generating impacts at different levels and with different degrees of intensity both in Europe and in other regions. This crisis cannot be disjointed from the first invasion carried out by Russia in February 2014: rather they are directly related, generating on this occasion a more unpredictable and truly systemic crisis. This article uses a wide range of categories or axioms of contemporary realism, as well as a review of primary and secondary sources, to point out the main security and geopolitical implications, the energy impact, and to discuss the use of economic and financial sanctions as a weapon of war in the old continent, mainly by the United States, the European Union and Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the analysis of the historian Stephen F. Cohen (1928-2020) on what he called the "New Cold War", i.e., the confrontation between the United States and Russia caused by the expansion, promoted by the United States, of NATO to Eastern Europe. The theoretical framework is the theory of imperialism, and the methodology consists in the analysis of primary sources, academic works and journalistic articles. The conclusion is that Cohen's analysis was vindicated by the outbreak of the current war in the Ukraine, but that his "Russo-centric" view is too narrow, and that his analysis must be placed in the larger global context within which the war in Ukraine takes place: US's two-pronged aggression against both Russia and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to analyze the impact of education in an emergency situation, among transnational students who experienced precarious school (re)enrollment before the COVID-19 emergency in Oaxaca, Mexico, and who are members of families separated by deportation. The results were obtained at a critical time of the pandemic in the United States and Mexico (September 2020-March 2021). The study's methodology included interviews conducted on the Meet platform and by cell phone, as well as observations posted to online teaching platforms and WhatsApp groups. The results point to ongoing, worsening educational inequalities and the appearance of new inequalities. They reveal a continuum of educational inequalities that transcend the emergency situation, demonstrating that the educational challenges of transnational students do not respond to a specific crisis but to a structural problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Caribeña de Investigación Educativa is the property of RECIE and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Novedades en Población is the property of Universidad de La Habana, Centro de Estudios Demograficos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal on Criminology is the property of Policy Studies Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Revista Crítica de Relaciones de Trabajo, Laborum is the property of Ediciones Laborum S.L. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista CienciaUAT is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Tamaulipas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La narrativa de Washington sobre las características y el valor de la democracia es uno de los elementos que enmarcaron los vínculos bilaterales con los países latinoamericanos. En los 40 años desde la redemocratización Argentina no fue una excepción y, por ello, el objetivo de este artículo es revisitar las distintas conceptualizaciones que Estados Unidos adoptó sobre democracia y su impacto en la política exterior argentina desde fines de los 70 hasta la actualidad. Esa revisión sustenta nuestra hipótesis de trabajo la cual argumenta que el excepcionalismo; las preferencias de los presidentes estadounidenses frente a distintas tradiciones de pensamiento y teorías de Relaciones Internacionales utilizadas como fuentes para el diseño de Política Exterior; más los intereses materiales que buscaron fortalecer, mantener o imponer la hegemonía son componentes de la “cadena de causalidades” o de “la orientación de sentido” de la narrativa estadounidense sobre democracia.

Este artículo tiene por finalidad examinar los aspectos particulares de la temprana renegociación de la deuda externa-abarcando el período 1983 a 1985-llevada a cabo bajo el gobierno del presidente Raúl Alfonsín. Para ello haremos uso de los aportes del Autonomismo puigiano en nuestro análisis.

Uma das primeiras medidas adotadas pelo governo Trump na guerra comercial sino-americana foi a imposição de tarifas de 25% ao aço importado e 10% ao alumínio, decisão que gerou, para além dos impactos econômicos internacionais, reverberações para a indústria siderúrgica doméstica. Porém, o papel dos grupos de interesse da indústria siderúrgica norte-americana na imposição dessas tarifas em 2018 é ainda abstrato e, em grande medida, especulativo. Assim, objetivando avaliar a influência da indústria siderúrgica norte-americana nessas medidas tarifárias, este artigo consiste em uma pesquisa em fontes primárias para compilar dados referentes às principais empresas do grupo de interesse da indústria siderúrgica norte-americana e analisá-los à luz de testemunhos e documentos oficiais. Esse banco de dados aponta que de fato há uma influência do grupo na imposição de tarifas sobre o aço e o alumínio e abre caminhos para novas pesquisas sobre o tema.

O artigo discute as “amarras” nas quais a Comissão Econômica para América Latina e Caribe (CEPAL) foi criada, a fim de entender como a Comissão conseguiu se libertar de algumas das linhas estratégicas que lhe estavam traçadas. A análise de atas de reuniões e cartas do ano de sua criação (1948) permite observar que era esperado que ela tivesse certa “comunhão” com outras instituições sob tutela dos Estados Unidos, igualmente criadas no pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial, como FMI e OEA, e signatárias da teoria neoclássica. Em seguida, são discutidas as principais contribuições que justamente distanciaram a CEPAL do mainstream e debater por que, mesmo assim, a Comissão foi acusada de se circunscrever à teoria neoclássica nas críticas que recebeu de Octavio Rodríguez, economista da própria CEPAL, além de resgatar a resposta dada a ele, numa espécie de tréplica, por Prebisch.

La invasión de Rusia sobre Ucrania comenzó el 24 de febrero de 2022 y sigue en curso, lo que genera en distintos niveles y con diferente grado de intensidad afectaciones tanto en Europa como en otras regiones del mundo. Esta crisis no puede estar desarticulada de la primera invasión llevada a cabo por Rusia, en febrero de 2014, sino que están directamente relacionadas y crea, en esta ocasión, una crisis más impredecible y realmente sistémica. Este artículo utiliza una amplia gama de categorías o axiomas del realismo contemporáneo, así como una revisión de fuentes primarias y secundarias, para señalar las principales implicaciones en seguridad y geopolíticas, la afectación energética y la utilización de sanciones económicas y financieras como arma de guerra en el viejo continente, principalmente por Estados Unidos, la Unión Europea y Rusia.

Focado em uma faceta particular da governança privada de clima e energia este estudo revela um novo conjunto de oportunidades para a aceleração política das transições energéticas. O estudo revela que a governança privada de energia e eletricidade pode, na verdade, servir para alterar a política de transições energéticas, especificamente, a análise apresentada neste artigo mostra que as interações de governança público-privadas podem desestabilizar a política de aprisionamento de carbono, expandindo coalizões para a descarbonização e desencadeando feedbacks regulatórios públicos-privados positivos, analisando o contexto empírico do setor elétrico dos EUA.

El sistema de medidas coercitivas unilaterales impuesto por los Estados Unidos de América hacia la República Bolivariana de Venezuela forma parte de la estrategia de ataque híbrido liderada por este país contra la nación sudamericana. Desde el inicio de la Revolución Bolivariana, las distintas administraciones estadounidenses han aplicado medidas punitivas que han ido escalando a medida que fracasaban sus intentos de derrocar al Ejecutivo venezolano. El entramado legal de estas medidas está conformado por la Ley de Defensa de los Derechos Humanos y de la Sociedad Civil de Venezuela y siete órdenes presidenciales. Además, se complementa con las regulaciones emitidas por la Oficina de Control de Activos Extranjeros, la aprobación de fondos federales a la subversión interna y la ejecución de acciones de política exterior dirigidas a coaccionar a socios económicos del país. El propósito del presente artículo consiste en realizar una descripción concisa del sistema de medidas impuestas y sus implicaciones en contra de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela.