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This paper analyses the articulation of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) into Turkish foreign policy (tfp) during the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, akp) era. R2P has particularly become significant when the uprisings turned into full-scale civil wars in Libya and Syria. Therefore, this study examines tfp towards Libya and Syria in the framework of R2P. It argues that there is a close correlation between Turkey's support of R2P and recently increasing emphasis on the normative foundations of its foreign policy in general. It also discusses that Ankara has appeared as an active advocate of the norm insofar as it adopted a more ambitious policy agenda, particularly in the context of the Syrian civil war. However, this paper concludes that, due to Turkey's pragmatic approach, R2P has turned into a justification tool in the discourse of tfp makers for their regional aspirations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapid improvement of political, economic and cultural relations between Turkey and Russia during the 2000s reinforced the image that the two countries have been developing a strategic partnership with each other. However, in the light of the widening discord between Ankara and Moscow regarding the Syrian civil war and NATO missile defense issue since 2010, it has become increasingly difficult to define the Turkish- Russian relations as a strategic partnership. This article aims to explore the influence of these two current developments on the future of the Turkish-Russian relations and analyze the two countries' respective interest and threat perceptions with regard to the Syrian crisis and NATO missile defense issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a conceptual-theoretical as well as political perspective, this essay examines the interrelationships between the identity and foreign policy dimensions of Turkey's Kurdish question and makes policy recommendations. Recent domestic and regional developments present both opportunities and great risks for Turkey's social, political and territorial cohesion, peace and stability. In order to utilize the opportunities, Turkey needs to simultaneously achieve two goals. Domestically, it needs to successfully continue its present peace process and achieve genuine democratization. This process should culminate in a state of affairs whereby the complex social and political questions underlying the Kurdish question can be processed through the mechanisms of normal democratic politics and with the participation of legitimate Kurdish political actors. In foreign policy, Turkey should consolidate its improved relations with regional Kurds based on interdependence and its redline should be the emergence of a hostile Kurdish statehood in the region, not Kurdish self-rule per se. This, however, should be done without alienating Arabs by defending any particular status for Iraqi or Syrian Kurds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As global power shifts to east, the rise of new regional powers is creating a new poly-centric political and economic world. In this context, several emerging powers or the so-called global swing states' decisions will determine the axis of the world. This is particularly the case for Turkey's standing at the global fault line of the Middle East. In this light, this paper's main objective is to assess Turkish-American overlapping/contending visions on several regional hot spots - Palestine Issue, Iran, Iraq, and Syria - and it concludes that their long-term interests in the region will be aligned in the case that Turkey is not isolated from transatlantic dialogue and economic mechanisms such as TTIP [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish Iraqi relations have deteriorated in 2012. The relations which is its worst shape in post Saddam Hussein era have been affected by several factors. It can be assumed that most important factors that affect two countries' relations are the reflection of changing political environment in Iraq and the developments in Syria. In this context, it will be over optimistic approach if one assumes that this relation would improve in 2013. Especially, the rising political tension before the general elections which will be hold in 2014 and energy issue can cause more escalation in the relations between Turkey and Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey and Iran are on opposite sides of a bloody civil war in Syria. But competition is not novel to these countries, and the intensity of their current rivalry may be exaggerated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to explain the rise of political Islam in the last two decades in Turkey and its effects on Turkish Syrian relations. I believe, without referring to the historical and theoretical background of Political Islam, it would not be easy to understand the domestic and foreign policy practices of Turkey in recent years. In this respect, within the scope of this paper following questions will be explored in a combination: Will Turkey move away from its traditional modernity pattern? What effects will political Islam have on domestic and international politics of Turkey? What effects will Turkish-Syria tension create on regional security dynamics? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christopher Phillips explains why Turkey's recent regional resurgence in the Middle East is at risk of drowning in the Syrian quagmire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of the relations between Turkey and Syria are defined by the turning points such as; the Hatay issue, the cold war period, the Adana Agreement signed in 1998, Hafez Assad's death in 2000 and Bashar Assad's taking over the power, the 2003 Invasion of Iraq by the U.S., and the ongoing civil commotions taking place in Syria since March. The transboundary waters have occupied an important place in the Turkey-Syria relations, from past to present. The water resources, to which Turkey and Syria are riparians, are directly related to the changing balances in the Middle East as well as in the Turkey-Syria relations, and they take form accordingly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to analyze pragmatic nature of Syrian foreign policy during the rule of Bashar al-Assad and its impact on Turkish-Syrian relations. International isolation with which Syria faced after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 forced Bashar's administration to develop close relations with Turkey to diversify Syria's regional alliances. However, with the advent of the Arab Spring in Syria in mid-March 2011, Bashar began to shift his alliance with Turkey when Turkish PM Erdoğan called for him to give up power, backed opposition groups and imposed sanctions on Syria. This article argues that while Bashar al-Assad has different cards in his hands, such as Russia, China, Iran, Hezbollah and Hamas; Turkey cannot influence Syria. Thus, regime change in Damascus will continue to be a matter of uncertainty and Bashar will play all of his cards until losing the last one to protect the Baathist regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The so called Arab Spring brings a tense debate on democratization of the region into the agenda. The December-January Popular Demonstrations in Tunisia have had demonstration effect on the regional countries from Morocco to Yemen. The outcome of the uprisings in the countries are varying up to the many determinants, the rule of Gaddafi was overthrown by military means. The new are in the Libya in broad sense and the hardly debatable death of Gaddafi in narrow sense set the initial questions. The Libyan had lost their chance to judge the old regime under the name of Gaddafi by respecting rule of law that experienced in Nurnberg Trials by Germans or the International Criminal Court for Slobodan Milosević. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Middle East Yearbook / Ortadoğu Yıllığı is the property of Bilgi Kultur Dernegi (Knowledge & Culture Association) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Middle East Yearbook / Ortadoğu Yıllığı is the property of Bilgi Kultur Dernegi (Knowledge & Culture Association) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent scholarship evaluates how peace and conflict affect resource sustainability. The authors of this article address how enhanced Turkey-Syria cooperation could impact management of the Ceylanpinar Aquifer, which flows beneath both countries and accounts for over10% of Turkey's transboundary groundwater discharge. Although the Euphrates-Tigris river system apportionment has been critical for bilateral relations, allocation of the Ceylanpinar Aquifer has been neglected. The authors develop a simplified conceptual model to simulate water flow in the aquifer. Taking this model as a reference point, this article explores how political changes may impact aquifer sustainability, and proposes data-integrated modelling for sustainable management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the overlooked role of Austria in mediating the Mohammed Ali Crisis of 1831 to 1833, a conflict within the Ottoman Empire in which Egypt invaded Syria. The actions of Mohammed Ali, the pasha or governor of Egypt, are discussed, as is the diplomacy of the Austrian foreign minister, Clemens von Metternich, and the Ottoman Sultan Mahmud II. Though commonly seen as a minor European player behind Great Britain, France, and Russia in Middle Eastern diplomacy, Austria is shown to have had significant economic interests in the region which drove its foreign policy there.

Focuses on the strategic mideast regional initiatives of Turkey. Victory of the new justice and development party which won during the Grand National Assembly on November 3, 2002 national elections; Developments in the relation to Syria regarding territorial issues and Kurdish rebellion within Turkey; Disagreement between the U.S. and Turkey on its approach to Syria, which The Bush administration considers a state sponsor of terrorism.

Systemic forces have twice transformed the Syrian state and the current combination of globalization and leadership change might be expected to transform Syrian foreign policy. While Bashar al-Asad is a modernizer, and economic troubles are forcing Syria to open itself to the global economy, the collapse of the peace process and entrenched political obstacles constrain his options. In order to contain Israeli and US threats while accessing the resources needed to negotiate change, Bashar has mended Syria's strained relations with Turkey and Jordan, and sustained alliances with Cairo and Riyadh while embarking on two contradictory strategic openings to Iraq and the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Turkey's relations with Iraq, Iran and Syria. These relations are shaped not only by current developments and issues, but also by deeper, structural determinants, which mold Turkish policy towards the Middle East. The first of these determinants, historical memories, has been shaped above all by the events surrounding the Ottoman Empire's final dissolution in the early twentieth century and has left a legacy of territorial grievances, resentments and mutual suspicions which continue to affect Turkey's relations with Iraq and Syria.

The article presents information about several papers based on Turkey's foreign relations with several countries including Iran, Iraq and Syria.

The article discusses common issues affecting Turkey's relations with Iraq, Iran and Syria. At the December 1980 meeting of the Turkish-Iraqi Joint Committee on Economics, the two sides agreed to establish a JTC to study matters relating to regional waters, in particular, the Euphrates and Tigris river basins. Turkey's dispute with Syria over water rights, since the early 1980s, in particular, has become closely entwined with a further dispute arising out of Syria's patronage of anti-Turkish terrorist and subversive groups.

Addresses the question of what made the Turkish threats in the 1998 October crisis with Syria different from all others made since the 1970s. Validity of traditional explanations of the October 1998 crisis; Key factor that influenced the crisis from a realist perspective; Application of the prospect theory to the crisis.

Analyzes the problems between Turkey and Syria. Cause of the problems between the two countries; Background of the identity and foreign policy of Turkey toward Syria; Information on the nature and severity of the problems between the two countries.

The article examines the political and military strategy of Turkey in regards to its occupation of territories in Syria, following the upheaval of the Syrian Civil War. Turkey has established a precedence of Turkification in the areas of Northern Syria which includes renaming cities, villages, and public areas; settling Arabs and Turkmen in regions previously held by Kurds, and the ethnic cleansing of the Kurds.

Discusses the crisis between Turkey and Syria which culminated in an agreement signed by the two countries on October 20, 1998. Background of the conflict between the two countries; Role of the Turkish military in foreign policy; Implications of the crisis on Turkey's foreign relations.

The article discusses the possible role of Turkey in solving water shortage in the Middle East. It stresses the importance of Syrian government's cooperation to the implementation of a pipeline project in the region. It cites that the most significant challenge for the feasibility of Turkey's Manavgat Project is the transportation of water from Antalya to a water station at the Mediterranean Sea. In the author's view, the growing level of diplomatic and commercial ties between Turkey and Arab countries may lead to water export from Manavgat station.