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In Latin America, approximately 70 million individuals live with a disability. Although global evidence suggests that people with disabilities are one of the poorest groups and present lower employment rates, the evidence for Latin America is still weak. This article aims to contribute to the literature by estimating and analysing the levels of employment opportunity for persons with disabilities in six countries in Latin America (Chile, Bolivia, Mexico, Peru, Colombia, and Costa Rica). Using household survey data, we measure inequality of opportunities using the Paes de Barros approach and compare the probability distributions of being employed for people with disabilities according to different individual characteristics. This research makes several contributions to the literature. First, it analyses and compares the characteristics of persons with disabilities in six countries of the region. Second, it is the first paper in the region that computes and compares the levels of employment opportunities for persons with disabilities, using the Human Opportunity Index. Third, it analyses which are the main aspects contributing to the levels of employment opportunities for persons with disabilities in each of the countries. The main results of the study reveal that people with disabilities face high levels of inequality of employment opportunity compared with people without disabilities in the six countries. Peru shows the lowest disadvantage, with higher coverage of opportunities for people with disabilities. Colombia and Costa Rica were the countries where this group presents the largest disadvantages to be employed. In addition, women with disabilities and people with disabilities living in rural areas have a lower probability of being employed compared with people without disabilities. These findings reveal that policies in the region aiming to include this group in the labour market have not been effective, and there is a necessity to guarantee the proper labour inclusion of this group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to analyze the effect of political instability on rural credit in Lima between 1835 and 1865. In particular, it explores the effects of wars on interest rates for the agricultural sector. Design/methodology/approach: The paper relies on primary sources for the study of the early credit market of Lima. In particular, the study relies on a sample of more than 800 notarized loans for 1835–1865, collected from the National Archives of Peru, to determine the effect of wars on the cost of credit. Findings: The evidence shows that wars increased interest rates on rural loans and that the impact of wars on the cost of credit was greater when the State lacked fiscal resources. Political instability made funding more costly for landlords and farmers, especially in the late 1830s and early 1840s. Originality/value: This paper is one of the few historical studies on the role of wars on rural credit in Latin America. It contributes to our understanding of the linkages between political instability and financial development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Non-Hodgkin Lymphoma (NHL) is a neoplasm associated with a group of malignancies called AIDs-Defining Malignancies (ADMs) in Human-Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) -patients. Similar to the case of NHL in Latin America, particularly in Peru, the amount of research done on others ADMs is limited, especially in the case of Kaposi's Sarcoma (KS). Prior investigations have talked about the great potential risk that represents this illness in latin american population, but topics as prognosis factors are yet to be well defined. In this letter, we address the importance of investigation in this area and include previously reported data that may enlighten the current national standpoint. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existing macro-historical scholarship tends to assert rather than demonstrate the wider impact of nationalism. Yet, state-sponsored national ideologies permeate the broader reaches of society to varying degrees. To investigate variations in the consolidation of official nationalism, this paper combines the content analysis of school textbooks as state-regulated and picture postcards as primarily market-driven sources. Building on this novel methodological approach, we find that textbooks published in mid-twentieth-century Argentina, Mexico, and Peru promoted a similar popular nationalism that portrayed the lower classes as "true" national subjects. However, picture postcards from the same period demonstrate that the consolidation of this official national ideology varied. In Mexico and Peru, the new state-sponsored conceptions of nationhood gained presence in public life, but they did not to take hold in Argentina. We conclude that studying the top-down nationalist messages promoted by states should not be equated with studying their ideological impact in public life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The current focus on monitoring health inequalities and the complexity around ethnicity requires careful consideration of how ethnic disparities are measured and presented. This paper aims to determine how inequalities in maternal healthcare by ethnicity change according to different criteria used to classify indigenous populations. Methods: Nationally representative demographic surveys from Bolivia, Guatemala, Mexico, and Peru (2008–2016) were used to explore coverage gaps across maternal health care by ethnicity using different criteria. Women were classified as indigenous through self-identification (SI), spoken indigenous language (SIL), or indigenous household (IH). We compared the gaps through measuring coverage ratios (CR) with adjusted Poisson regression models. Results: Proportions of indigenous women changed significantly according to the identification criterion (Bolivia:SI-63.1%/SIL-37.7%; Guatemala:SI-49.7%/SIL-28.2%; Peru:SI-34%/SIL-6.3% & Mexico:SI-29.7%/SIL-6.9%). Indigenous in all countries, regardless of their identification, had less coverage. Gaps in care between indigenous and non-indigenous populations changed, for all indicators and countries, depending on the criterion used (e.g., Bolivia CR for contraceptive-use SI = 0.70, SIL = 0.89; Guatemala CR for skilled-birth-attendant SI = 0.77, SIL = 0.59). The heterogeneity persists when the reference groups are modified and compare just to non-indigenous (e.g., Bolivia CR for contraceptive-use under SI = 0.64, SIL = 0.70; Guatemala CR for Skilled-birth-attendant under SI = 0.77, SIL = 0.57). Conclusions: The indigenous identification criteria could have an impact on the measurement of inequalities in the coverage of maternal health care. Given the complexity and diversity observed, it is not possible to provide a definitive direction on the best way to define indigenous populations to measure inequalities. In practice, the categorization will depend on the information available. Our results call for greater care in the analysis of ethnicity-based inequalities. A greater understanding on how the indigenous are classified when assessing inequalities by ethnicity can help stakeholders to deliver interventions responsive to the needs of these groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary This paper studies the impact of mining activity on socioeconomic outcomes in local communities in Peru. In the 1990s and 2000s, the value of Peruvian mining exports grew by 15 times; and since the early 2000s, one-half of fiscal revenues from mining have been devolved to local governments. Has this boom benefitted people in local communities? Using the district-level “poverty map” of 2007 (the latest available with accurate data on consumption, poverty, and inequality) together with district-level data on mining production and fiscal transfers to local governments, we present some evidence to answer this question. We find that mining districts have larger average consumption per capita and lower poverty rates than otherwise similar districts. These positive impacts, however, decrease drastically with administrative and geographic distance from mining centers. Moreover, consumption inequality within mining districts is higher than in comparable nonproducing districts. This dual effect of mining is accounted for by, first, the better educated immigrants required and attracted by mining activity and, second, the jobs that some community natives obtain in industries and services related to mining. The inequalizing impact of mining, both across and within districts, may help explain the social discontent with mining in Peru, despite its enormous revenues. An area for future research highlighted in the paper regards the usefulness of fiscal transfers to local governments (the Mining Canon ), a key component of the fiscal decentralization reform of 2002. We find neither a detrimental nor a beneficial effect from the Mining Canon in Peru. Whether this is explained by our early measurement of results (5 years into the decentralization program) or by the lack of implementation capacity of local governments remains to be answered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary Participatory approaches have proven effective at producing more inclusive and democratic forms of development, in which marginalized groups are given increased recognition. However, these approaches can also reinforce social hierarchies and political exclusion if they are not developed and implemented carefully. In particular, participatory approaches can be problematic if they too simplistically conceptualize democratic engagement as the folding of individuals into pre-existing governance structures. Utilizing a combination of feminist and postcolonial theories, this paper argues that practitioners of participatory methods must extend their thinking to the ways in which their projects foster engagement across multiple social and epistemological perspectives. Participatory geographic information systems (PGIS) methodologies are particularly effective at enabling these cross-perspectival engagements—geospatial technologies have unique capabilities for storing and visualizing knowledge from different types of knowledge systems. These different forms of knowledge can not only be visualized as multi-facetted and multi-scalar layers, but they can be directly placed in conversation with one another within the space of the map. In this way, they can be used to fundamentally transform historically unjust governance practices, rather than simply folding new subjects into unjust political structures. The authors examine these claims in the context of a case study with the Maijuna indigenous group of the northeastern Peruvian Amazon. The authors collaborated with the Maijuna to create and use a digital, spatial database to influence policy decisions about land tenure and environmental management. We show that geospatial technologies were uniquely capable of encouraging dialog and integration across indigenous, Western scientific, and state-based perspectives of the Amazon. These technologies are particularly effective at empowering traditionally marginalized perspectives within governance processes. This project therefore offers lessons about the benefits and dangers of geospatial technologies and methodologies for improving the democratic potential of development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The informative treatment of educational outcomes reveals fundamental aspects of educational policies. This study examines media representations of international (PISA 2015 and TERCE 2013 for Latin America) and national (ECE 2016 for Peru) assessments constructed by the Peruvian press through informative notes of digital versions of the main printed periodicals. The methodology used was interpretative analysis of the quantified contents obtained from newspaper repositories. The information was extracted and organized in texts or units of significance, which were reproduced as news-values. The results confirm the predominance of media representations of the PISA test over the ECE and the relegation of TERCE. The mediatization and politicization of educational evaluations are expressed through messages about the failure of the national education system that highlight the last positions in the ranking, ignore improvements and generate a sense of social alarm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the proposal of healthy universities as an approach to health promotion feasible and necessary to work in higher education institutions. It exposes its definition and basic features, the steps to facilitate proper implementation and a historical review about the existing projects in universities of America and Europe. In Peru, there are several initiatives, among which the work of the Consortium of Universities and currently the start of the PUCP Healthy Program at the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru. Finally, it is done a brief review of the work implemented to date by this program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a critical analysis of the transnational interplay of cultural, educational and economic forces that culminated with the establishment of a Chinese language and cultural centre in Peru, the Confucius Institute. Confucius Institutes are government-sponsored cultural centres devoted mainly to Chinese language education around the world. They have been referred to as examples of China’s soft power and subjected to criticisms. With a substantive theory of power as the departure point, this article analyses the power relations surrounding the case of Confucius Institutes in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most Latin American countries, if not all, have struggled with issues of national consciousness, identity formation within unifying political systems where some countries have struggled more than others in fostering one common goal: national identity or nacionalidad. Can one speak about a Latin-American identity? Are there Latin-American uniformities that identify its people other than language? This paper compares the Mexican and Peruvian national identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the integration of Latin American marine fisheries into the global production system in the post-1945 period and the role of foreign and domestic fleets in this process. Through reference to the state-denial theories found in the globalisation literature, it charts the impact that the globalisation process has had upon the exploitation and sustainability of fish stocks in Latin American waters. It argues that while globalisation may indeed boost environmental awareness and lead to a more sustainable level of production through the decreased influence of local political interests, this has yet to happen in the principal Latin American fishing nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deploys an Andean case to suggest that Latin America's nineteenth-century histories may usefully intervene in contemporary discussions of colonialism and the postcolomal. Such an intervention potentially pluralizes the 'abstract singularity' or 'universal historicism' of much contemporary postcolonial discourse produced from diasporic-metropolitan, South Asianist, and Africanist perspectives. The proposed move also brings history, particularly history thought from the predicament or location of subaltern Latin America, to the center of post-universal discussions that link postcolonialities to subaltern(ist) perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Adolescents in the Latin American and Caribbean region continue to experience poor reproductive health outcomes, including high rates of first birth before the age of 20 years. Aggregate national level data fails to identify groups where progress is particularly poor. This paper explores how trends in adolescent births have changed over time in five countries (Bolivia, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Peru) using data disaggregated by adolescent age group, wealth and urban / rural residence. Methods: The study draws on Demographic and Health Survey data from five countries where three surveys are available since 1990, with the most recent after 2006. It examines trends in adolescent births by wealth status and urban/rural residence. Results: There has been little progress in reducing adolescent first births over the last two decades in these countries. Adolescent first births continue to be more common among the poorest and rural residents, and births among the youngest age-group (< 16 years) are particularly concentrated among these populations. Conclusion: Adolescent first births continue to be a major issue in these five countries, including amongst the youngest group (< 16 years), although the contexts in which it is occurring are changing over time. Efforts are needed to expand sexual education and services for adolescents and young people, as well as introduce and enforce legislation to provide effective protection from abuse or exploitation. Greater disaggregation of adolescent fertility data is needed if we are to measure progress towards the attainment of the Sustainable Development Goals to “leave no-one behind”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]