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La riche épigraphie de Cos permet de constituer un corpus de 1192 individus disposant de la citoyenneté romaine entre le ier s. av. n.è. et 212 de n.è. Cet article propose une première analyse de ce corpus prosopographique en se concentrant sur la chronologie de la présence romaine à Cos et sur l'étude des noms romains pour évaluer la diffusion de la citoyenneté romaine en Orient. Le nombre de citoyens romains est important dès le ier s. av. n.è., avant d'exploser au ier s. de. n.è., puis de diminuer au iie s. av. n.è. Le corpus de Cos présente une majorité de gentilice non-impériaux, ce qui laisse suggérer que c'est moins l'octroi de la citoyenneté romaine par les empereurs que l'installation de familles de negotiatores qui a diffusé la ciuitas Romana à Cos. Parmi les empereurs, si Claude a eu un rôle majeur dans l'octroi de la ciuitas Romana, il faut réévaluer à la hausse le rôle de César, Auguste et peut-être Tibère. Enfin, la citoyenneté romaine n'est pas restée au sein de l'élite, le corpus des inscriptions funéraires permettant de connaître un grand nombre de citoyens romains moins fortunés et éloignés des charges politiques. Summary: The rich epigraphy of Kos makes it possible to compile a corpus of 1192 roman citizens between the 1st century BC and AD 212. This article offers an initial analysis of this prosopographical corpus, focusing on the chronology of the Roman presence at Kos and on the spread of Roman citizenship in the Greek East. The number of Roman citizens was significant from the first century BC, before exploding in the first century AD and then declining in the second century BC. The Koan corpus contains a majority of non-imperial gentilices, which suggests that it was less the granting of Roman citizenship by the emperors than the settlement of families of negotiatores that spread the ciuitas Romana to CKs. Among the emperors, Claudius played a major role in the granting of ciuitas Romana, but the role of Caesar, Augustus and perhaps Tiberius needs to be reassessed. Finally, Roman citizenship was not confined to the elite: the corpus of funerary inscriptions reveals a large number of Roman citizens who were less fortunate and not holders of political offices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Images not made by human hands (acheiropoietai, Gr. ἀχειροποίηται) played a significant role in Byzantine spiritual culture and history. This paper discusses the emergence and rise of the acheiropoietai, which represented a most important and unusual element in the Byzantine Empire. The author analyses the chronological ancestors of Christian images not made by human hands, i.e. the so-called diipetes (Gr. Διιπετής), and proceeds to demonstrate the disagreements on the topic among some of the Christian Church Fathers. The imagines imperiales, i.e. effigies of Roman emperors, constituted a significant factor in the process leading to the later veneration of images not made by human hands. The most famous of the latter is the image from Edessa, also known in historiography as Mandylion of Edessa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the Roman Empire, the Greek elites expressed the greatest respect for the emperors and celebrated the advantages of Roman domination. But behind the brilliant façade, certain factors of complexity were at work. This article uses the notion of "figured speech" to detect covert advice or reservation in the works of Dio of Prusa, known as Dio Chrysostom, and Aelius Aristides, two important representatives of Greek literature and the so-called Second Sophistic (first to second century CE). By "figured speech" ancient rhetoricians meant the cases in which orators resorted to ruses to disguise their intentions, by using indirect language to get to the points they wanted to make. Our method consists of linking certain texts by Aristides and Dio and passages from theoretical treatises together to make clear the precise procedure of figured speech that is used in each case: eloquent silence, "the hidden key," blame behind praise, generalization, and speaking through a mask. Figured speech is an avenue of research that is opening up to interpret Greek rhetoric and literature better. The Greek case is particularly rich, and it could help analyze the return of the same phenomenon in other epochs and other cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses Rome in the Greek novel "Chaereas and Callirhoe." The Greek novelists, like other Greek writers of the imperial era, inherited from the texts and traditions of the classical period a template that divided the world into "Greek" and "barbarian." From a Greek perspective, Rome occupied an ambiguous position in this dichotomy. After emperor Alexander, Greek identity lost its rootedness in the landscape of Greece and became something that could be acquired through education. Rome's presence outside of the spatial and temporal frames of the extant Greek novels brings perspective to representations of other empires—in particular, the Persian empire. Persia stood for the "other" in classical Greek thought. Roman emperors deployed an Orientalist paradigm to position themselves, and Rome in general, as the champions of civilization in the face of ongoing barbarian aggression in the east.

Argues that Nero redivivus is a modern scholarly construction, at least as far as the 'Sibylline Oracles' and the Greco-Roman sources are concerned. Passages that supposedly concern Nero redivivus; Stages of a Nero redivivus myth; Coagulation of Nero's image with that of other rulers.

The article focuses on the different terms used to address the ruler by the Greeks, when Greece was under the Roman Empire. The socio-religious implications of such terms are examined. The usage of theos, both in general and in relation to a Roman emperor is discussed. It is noted that theos has a different meaning from its conventional usage and that its predication of the emperor must be understood in a Greek context. Some of the implications of this point by looking at other related aspects of the language used both in describing and in addressing the emperor in religious contexts are also explored. The significance of this language for one's understanding of Greek religion is also mentioned.