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This article examines how people gathered and transmitted political information in Colombia during the second half of the nineteenth century. Existing scholarship has predominantly focused on the study of the press in Colombia and Latin America. However, few historians have explored other forms of information, such as telegrams, rumours and letters, or how Colombians combined these. By focusing on how various forms of information circulated through political, familial and commercial networks, this study offers a new dimension to our understanding of communications in Colombia. It argues that this was a period of increasing circulation of information due to social, political and economic change, as well as new links between oral and written practices. Thus, this article illuminates how Colombians circulated political information in a society of restricted literacy in post-colonial Latin America, offering new insights into politics, communications and the interplay between written and oral culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research analyzes the content of 416 fake news items identified during the first half of 2021 by Maldita.es and Newtral.es, from Spain, and Colombiacheck and La Silla Vacía, from Colombia. The results show that the majority of the authors of fake news are anonymous, and that this especially harms the current governments and other public officials. The interests of the promoting actors are political-governmental, political-institutional and reputational. The study also asked about the topics, formats and distribution channels of fake news. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Española de Sociología is the property of Federacion Espanola de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article titled "Micro processes of construction and deconstruction of democracy" analyzes the origins and evolution of democracy throughout history. It highlights that Greek democracy, precursor to modern democracy, only included privileged sectors in decision-making. Throughout the centuries, the struggle for equality and civil rights has led to advances in democratic participation through peaceful, institutional, slow, and persistent processes. The article also presents studies on female representation in the Legislative Assembly of Costa Rica, the fight for democracy in the Tosepan Pajti Health Cooperative in Mexico, transparency in public policies, and censorship in entertainment. Additionally, it analyzes the case of the patrimonialization of petroglyphs in Colombia and cooperativism in Argentina. Lastly, it examines the intervention of the State and international organizations in the training of Social Work professionals in Costa Rica and the construction of peace and democracy in the narratives of boys and girls in Colombia. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Revista de Psicologia GEPU is the property of Universidad del Valle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Enunciación is the property of Revista Enunciacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Brazilian Journalism Research is the property of Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Feminism in Latin America reveals significant advances of a political scope, both in its theoretical construction and the objective-subjective problematic dimension, expressed from its manifestations in social praxis, oppositions, struggles of women, and the recognitions achieved in public spaces. However, structural claims continue on the agenda according to the priorities of the status quo, the institutionalization of the moment, and the convenience of female insertion in positions of power that are not necessarily in favor of their inclusion but in the validity of established relationships. In Colombia, since the mid-twentieth century, there have been substantial changes in the participation of women, actions, and diverse contexts that have contributed to or co-opted the movement. Therefore, a look at the indigenous historical and political past is necessary without neglecting an approach to the world concert in a general review that does not ignore essential coincidences and contributions. As a purpose, more than 40 years of history are retrospectively reviewed, the categories analyzed in a qualitative, critical-interpretative, hermeneutical, documentary, and bibliographical way. From women's suffrage to the Political Constitution of 1991 and its derived applications, a content of protection of women's rights is provided for their indirect and direct, active political participation. They are leaving in evidence the impulse of feminism in the Colombia of the time, in the projective, egalitarian, intersectional construction, both in the assimilation of recognition and in the unresolved issues on the public agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Cultura del Cuidado Enfermería is the property of Revista Cultura del Cuidado Enfermeria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Cuadernos de H Ideas is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, I follow the discourses elaborated around música latinoamericana («Latin American music»), a broad musical category encompassing a wide range of Latin American --but especially Andean-- folk genres within successive, interrelated «cultural projects». I examine the extra-musical meanings attributed to this stylistic mode in the nueva canción (new song) movements of protest music in the Southern Cone, the transnational nueva canción latinoamericana (Latin American New Song) network to which they gave rise, and ultimately focus on música latinoamericana's development in Colombia. During the mid 1970s, the initial Colombian practitioners of música latinoamericana adopted several facets of the discourse pertaining to this music --along with the musical models themselves-- from nueva canción latinoamericana. However, they later reined claims about the style's significance, its distinctiveness from other musical genres, and its political symbolism to fit changing cultural contexts in the cities of the Colombian interior. I argue that the discursive «work» undertaken in these cultural projects has ensured that música latinoamericana continues to be equated with anti-establishment politics in Colombia, and hence that it remains closely tied to canción social («social song»), the present-day category for socially conscious music. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Universitas, Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Politecnica Salesiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Universitas, Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Politecnica Salesiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lúdica Pedagógica is the property of Universidad Pedaggica Nacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The main objective of this article is to analyze the electoral narrative of Gustavo Petro in the framework of 2018 presidential elections in Colombia, where his candidacy represented a turning point, reaching -for the first time in the electoral history of the political left- more of 40% of votes in the second round. Taking into account that political communication and the construction of electoral narratives around a political myth are factors that allow the construction of a leadership (Tannenbaum, Weschler and Massarik, 1961), this article is a first revision of the narrative construction of the new progressivism in Colombia. The investigation of the narrative construction of Gustavo Petro is based on the analysis of 11 speeches in public demonstrations during 2018 electoral campaign. The content of the speeches was addressed from a textual analysis (Ávila, 2012) to identify and define the mythological narratives that the candidate represented as the culmination of his campaign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Ciencias de la Salud is the property of Colegio Mayor de Nuestra Senora del Rosario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This investigation seeks to vindicate the importance of constructing, as an object of study, a category of law called operational law, to contribute to the socio-juridical debate of the relations that arise or occur in the actions of the Public Force, understood these as Military Forces and National Police. In that sense, it is entirely plausible to build complete knowledge around the normative imperatives that regulate the procedures of military and police institutions, respectively. Thus, an attempt is made to make an approximation to the axial or defining axes of this legal arrangement. Eventually, it could give in-deep explanations to phenomena of the social environment and that are related to the containment of the threats of society. Finally, the document proposes an analysis of the validity and effectiveness of the operational rules, given their administrative roots, justifying them as a principle of lex artis of the science and art of military operations and police operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colombia's eastern plains contain two super-giant oilfields. Sitting on one of those fields is El Morro: a sub-municipal and semi-independent rural zone of Yopal, capital of the department of Casanare. Colombia's governmental decentralization of the early 1990s allowed El Morro's Association of Community Action Boards some autonomy over government of their labor in the hydrocarbon industry and over the lands that are fundamental to their agricultural practices. Most residents of El Morro depend on a combination of agriculture and the hydrocarbon industry for household income. Synthesizing research on sub-national hydrocarbon governance and politics with seminal social science theory on government and capitalism, this article analyzes how residents and small-scale government of El Morro developed and implemented an effective practice of local hydrocarbon politics based on selective and strategic acceptance of the hydrocarbon industry. The locally-operating hydrocarbon company, partially-owned by the state, seems intent on projecting its benevolence and dedication to community and to rural spaces where hydrocarbons are produced. In response, the workers/peasant farmers of El Morro frame labor and land in El Morro not as mere factors of production, but as complex cultural and spatial processes upon which the hydrocarbon industry depends. By doing so, the residents of El Morro have shifted the actions of both company and state in their favor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Curable and incurable sexually transmitted infections (STI) are acquired by hundreds of millions of people worldwide each year. Undiagnosed and untreated STIs cause a range of negative health outcomes including adverse birth outcomes, infertility and other long term sequelae such as cervical cancer. In 2016, the World Health Organization (WHO) launched the Global STI Strategy (2016- 2021). The WHO Global STI Strategy's public health approach focuses on three causative organisms of STIs that need immediate action and for which cost-effective interventions exist: (a) Neisseria gonorrhoeae as a cause of infertility, a risk factor for coinfection with other STIs and because of increasing bacterial resistance to antibiotic treatment, (b) Treponema pallidum given the contribution of syphilis to adverse birth outcomes including stillbirth and neonatal death and (c) Human papillomavirus due to its link to cervical cancer. The range of actions recommended for countries includes: (a) strengthening surveillance, with program monitoring and progress evaluation, (b) STI prevention, (c) early diagnosis of STIs, (d) patient and partner management and (e) approaches to reach the most vulnerable populations. This summary describes the WHO Global STI Strategy alongside findings from a STI surveillance workshop held in Colombia in May of 2017. Observations related to the Global STI Strategy and findings from the STI estimation workshop are described here for stakeholders in Colombia to consider as they identify opportunities to improve STI services and surveillance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines indultos after the Golpe de Melo of 1854. While the government hoped that these acts of clemency would erase all traces of the rebellion, a flood of appeals for indultos ensured that the post-war reckoning went on longer than the war itself. Drawing on archival and published material documenting this phenomenon, the article documents post-war politics in New Granada. The tension between popular ideals concerning pardonable behavior and the dispassionate constitutionalism promoted by the government documents the limits of the early republican project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have shown how memory is an embodied and spatial practice that potentially generates more just possible futures, and that peace is a politicized and contextually specific process, but how does place-based memory performance actually contribute to social movements’ construction of peace? This article explores massacre commemoration pilgrimages and stones painted with victims’ names in the Peace Community of San José de Apartadó, a group of small-scale farmers living in the war-torn region of Urabá, Colombia. Based on 15 months of ethnographic research in Colombia from 2011 to 2014, including participant observation and 49 interviews, I explore the relationship between these spatially embodied practices and the community’s resistance to forced displacement and peace-building project. I argue that these forms of memorialization cultivate key elements for an autonomist ‘other politics’, including solidarity with allies; mobilizing bodies across space to defend life and land; and ongoing reflection, education and strategic planning that strengthen community cohesion and organization. Integrating scholarship on memory performance, peace geographies, and social movements, I illustrate how the San José de Apartadó Peace Community’s massacre commemorations and stones reject vindictive violence and instead build an alternative, transformative and emancipatory politics through internal and external solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Introduction: Obesity is the most prevalent non-communicable chronic disease. The increased prevalence of the disease is associated with early age, due to this, college students are an important group, which can be influenced by student welfare programs. Materials and Methods: A reflection article was prepared, which discusses the Colombian policies and strategies for the prevention of obesity and cardiovascular disease in this population. Results: Literature shows that there are critical points applicable in prevention of obesity and cardiovascular disease in the college community. These points include poor participation of academic institutions prevention, inadequate articulation of sectors involved to resolve deficiencies in the system and thus expect better outcomes in the community. Discussion: Despite the knowledge of strategies that promote physical activity in the student population and the general population, there is an articulated network between universities and the government to allow an impact in the prevention of cardiovascular disease and obesity. Participation of colleges (Welfare programs), students and leaders to promote and implement sustainable programs and policies over time is required. Conclusions: Despite the existence of laws and regulations governing the academic institutions in Colombia, there are no effective obesity prevention interventions. It should involve risk groups and adapt appropriate spaces for food and doing physical activity. These reforms involve the coordinated participation of students, staff and political leaders, in coordination with welfare programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tendencias: Revista de la Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Administrativas is the property of Universidad de Narino, Facultad de Ciencias Economics y Administrativas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This article discusses the resettlement policies enacted by the Colombian government in 2005 as a response to the danger of eruption of the Galeras volcano, with a particular focus on the territory of Jenoy. The authors comment on the indigenous population in this region and describe the history of their relationship with the Colombian government dating back to the colonial era. The re-establishment of the Cabildo Indígena (Indigenous Council) as a consequence of the government-sponsored resettlement is also explored.

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Copyright of Analisis Politico is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One optimistic expression that hides one of the most recurrent political phenomena in Colombian history was uttered by constitutionalist lawyer Diego Uribe Vargas: eternal "loyalty to the law and respect for juridical norms", reinforced by the idea of affection for democracy and its institutions. This situation contrasts dramatically with the political and partisan crises and the perennial constitutional and legal changes, which allows for an approximation to the so-called authoritarian use of the law as a consequence of the predominance of politics over the law; of the personality of whoever represents an institution and the will of whoever rules, over the theoretical constitutional mandate, of the rite that hides powerful interests. In order to unveil the phenomenon mentioned above, this article reviews two constitutional processes of the 19th century that shaped the political regime and whose permanent features, paraphrasing Hernando Valencia Villa, have perpetuated themselves and have resisted any change from above. Perhaps 1991 cracked the system to a certain extent but only time, the long time, could make it evident. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early twentieth century, reading and writing processes in Colombia aimed at developing strategies that, in one way or another, strengthened political, pedagogical or ideological projects. Elementary education adopted textbooks as a tool for the projection of the confessional, hispanistic and conservative values of the time. With this in mind, a series of textbooks were analyzed in order to find the overlapping traces and voices (Bakhtin, 1982) in the text. For this, the content analysis technique was used, along with elements of qualitative and quantitative interpretation. Some of the features that characterized this historical period of the nation were identified in the selected textbooks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the goal of building a more detailed critique regarding the concept and practice of certain cultural categories in Colombia, this study intended to analyze legal, political, institutional and academic on Colombian public education. Culture has played a major role in the public arena of Colombia at the beginning of the century. As a means of development, promoting national culture became the aim to achieve progress. However, much remains to be done in Colombia to get a proper understanding of the approach and the role of culture as an essential element for development. The aim of this paper is to analyze the main views built in the last three decades (legal, political, institutional and academic), this analysis shows that not only have not been consistent but sometimes have been contradictory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cadernos PAGU is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

According to Hargreaves and Shirley (2009a, 2012), recent educational changes have often followed three stages: a First Way of teacher autonomy characterized by great professional freedom, but little system coherence; a Second Way of standards, markets, and accountability; and a Third Way of data-driven decision-making. Hargreaves and Shirley argue that each of these stages of change is limited. They present international evidence that a Fourth Way of democratically-governed educational professionalism yields greater student outcomes while preserving and enhancing local school and community cultures. But does this framework for educational change contribute to our understanding of recent educational reforms in Latin America? This article serves as a first exploration of this question, drawing on the cases of a national policy reform in Chile; a single school in Porto Alegre, Brazil; and a rural school improvement network in Colombia. The cases indicate that the region has already enacted examples of Fourth Way principles and practices, such as inspirational school leadership, educational networks, and student voice that manifest core principles and practices of the Fourth Way. These, in turn, can be instructive for advanced school and system-level change both within and beyond the boundaries of Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will explore the role played by the Society for Teaching Elementary Primary Popayan (Seepp) in public life, education and political payanesa in the 1830s. The aim is to observe how the association was able to influence the social and political dynamics of the region, building a space for their actions. The association has three main functions: to promote republicanism in the province of Popayan extending it to various social sectors, venture into the field of education for the state to enter the control education and taking the power to go to church, and finally, was the political platform that used local elites to increase their power in the province. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the modalities and strategies that produce collective subjects to deal with violence, from a case study of collective action produced in the context of the Colombian internal armed conflict, characterizing them as forms of political action trying to reverse, transform or alter the power relations through such violence is intended to implement. Ending in the emergence of a new stage of the public, positing the existence of guidelines and forms of action armed opposition to domination and illustrations of a plurality of alternative cultural, political and social civility and democratic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Criticizing the conventional political theory, this article demonstrates that the rise of multiparty electoral competition, rather than improving the quality of democracy, ended up worse because increase the risk of emergence of candidates linked with criminal agents of different type (drug traffickers, guerrillas, paramilitaries and parapoliticians). This shows how the low institutionalization of the party system at the regional level makes easier and less costly in political and judicial terms, the relationship between politicians and bandits. Finally, it revised a couple of theories suggesting the electoral success of criminalized candidates as a product of patronage, income, poverty and party affiliation. The results of a non-parametric statistical model indicated the predictive limits of such theories. However, the authors find out that “fiscal laziness" is significantly associated with the likelihood of electoral success of candidates who allied themselves with illegal agents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disciplinary proceedings to a student from Pedagogical University of Colombia, in 1958, made evident a clear violation to his freedom of speech by the institution. This is due to a lack of internal rules. Conclusions are that such rules did not previously exist and higher and academic councils, who were in charge of writing them, did not do that. Then, external rules should be applied in that case, such as those of National University of Colombia, to meet the institution's operational needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of CIVILIZAR: Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Sergio Arboleda and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study presents the partial results of research conducted between 2010 and 2011, whose objective was to investigate how youth at a public university are emerging as political subjects. The research had a qualitative design consisting of eight paris. A semi-structured questionnaire, a case study and a reflective exercise called "the human figure," were used with students from the Technological University of Pereira (Universidad Tecnológica de Pereira) in Colombia to help them contribute their ideas as to how they see politics. Three general tendencies were identified: politics as normative action, politics as solidarity and politics as negativity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Nexus (1900-9909) is the property of Universidad del Valle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article is a weave of multiple visions of justice, law and politics; it is drawn as a guide for anyone who wants to venture into the path of no return to find a better possible world, through the understanding of the democracy. A road, as you will see below, that is not one but many, that does not lead to The Truth but to many. This article doesn't pretend to reveal a truth that will fill our lives with quietness. It aims the opposite. It is a quest for what is supposed to be impossible and improbable. A search for what is restless, and therefore uneasy. We 7/ start by pointing out the need to transform our reality, through the understanding of the everyday crisis in which we are immersed as Colombians; thus determining if the struggle for law andjustice from democracy, is the way to move the political action to a better possible reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nothingness was a cultural movement in Colombia in the sixties and seventies to express a voice of opposition to the literary traditions, culture and politics of the moment. Its members had in common the desire to create a collective consciousness of both aesthetic and social character that was in line with the profound political and cultural changes of the time. Shape freely, think freely, speak freely was the radical legacy of the new spirit of nothingness and other Latin American avant-garde. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ciencias De Gobierno is the property of Instituto Zuliano de Estudios Politicos, Economicos y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nexus (1900-9909) is the property of Universidad del Valle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The political articulation between the indigenous people of the Guajira and the Colombian state, during the period 1830 to 1880, was based on a variety of political strategies that involved the recognition of the indigenous authorities, political alliances with native chiefs, sending priests and missionaries to the region, and controlled support for native-creole commerce. These strategies show that the subjugation of the indigenous people to the state rested on complex processes requiring negotiation and accommodation on both sides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Analisis Politico is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)