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Architecture is the stone book of history, and the evolution of architectural styles showcases a non-verbal history constructed through images. As an important part of China's historical and cultural heritage, the architectural forms and styles of Tibetan Buddhist temples were initially modeled on Tang dynasty temple architecture and gradually evolved into the most significant architectural types in regions such as Tibet and Qinghai in China. Religious architecture has also played a significant role in shaping regional cultural landscapes. Existing research on Tibetan Buddhist temples is primarily focused on qualitative studies of individual temple buildings. This research takes the spatiotemporal evolution of architectural styles of Tibetan Buddhist temples as an entry point and, for the first time, employs ArcGIS technology to visualize the spatial and geographical distribution of Tibetan Buddhist temples from the 7th to the 18th century, establishing a comprehensive academic vision that encompasses both historical stratification and cross-regional spatial correlations. By analyzing the cultural symbolic features embodied in the construction styles of Tibetan Buddhist temples and the visual characteristics reflected in their decorative arts, we propose two spatiotemporal dimensions for the formation and transmission of Tibetan Buddhist temple architectural styles: "Westward Transmission" and "Eastward Diffusion". Firstly, from the 7th to the 9th centuries, the architectural style and construction techniques of Tang dynasty Buddhist temples were transmitted westward along the Tang–Tibet ancient road, integrating with local Tibetan elements to form the Tubo architectural style, which was further refined into the "Sino–Tibetan Combined Style" with strong visual characteristics around the 13th century. Subsequently, along with the spread of Tibetan Buddhism, this temple architectural style underwent an eastward diffusion from the 13th to the 18th century, reaching regions, such as Sichuan, Qinghai, Gansu, Inner Mongolia, Hebei, and Beijing, presenting a spatial gradient from west to east in the geographical dimension. On this basis, in this research, we construct a historical evolution mapping of Tibetan Buddhist temple architectural styles based on bidirectional transmission, attempting to elucidate that the intrinsic driving forces are religious and the cultural identity that guided the bidirectional transmission mechanism of these architectural styles under the historical context of the formation and dissemination of Tibetan Buddhism from the 7th to the 18th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tibetan Buddhism has played a shifting role in the official identity discourse of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan. Established for the administration of Tibet, Mongolia, and other frontier regions in 1928, the ROC's Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission (MTAC) continued research and publication activity on Taiwan (1949–2017). A major focus of this work was Tibetan Buddhism. This article examines how MTAC portrayals of Tibetan Buddhism evolved in response to changes in the ROC's legitimating ideology and to Taiwan's shifting political and cultural context. During the martial law era (1949–1987), Tibetan Buddhism was largely portrayed as an exotic religion facing brutal Communist oppression. By the twenty-first century, the MTAC was repositioning itself as a supporter of Tibetan Buddhism within Taiwan. MTAC discourse on Tibetan Buddhism reflects both the growing detachment of ROC politics from Mainland affairs and the persistence of Orientalist views of Tibetans and their culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gelugpa is the most influential extant religious sect of Tibetan Buddhism, which is the spiritual prop for Tibetans, with thousands of monasteries and followers in Tibetan areas of China. Studies on the spatial diffusion processes of Gelugpa can not only reveal its historical geographical development but also lay the foundation for anticipating its future development trend. However, existing studies on Gelugpa lack geographical perspective, making it difficult to explore the spatial characteristics. Furthermore, the prevailing macro-perspective overlooks spatiotemporal heterogeneity in diffusion processes. Therefore, taking monastery as the carrier, this study establishes a multi-level diffusion model to reconstruct the diffusion networks of Gelugpa monasteries, as well as a framework to explore the detailed features in the spatial diffusion processes of Gelugpa in Tibetan areas of China based on a geodatabase of Gelugpa monastery. The results show that the multi-level diffusion model has a considerable applicability in the reconstruction of the diffusion networks of Gelugpa monasteries. Gelugpa monasteries in the Three Tibetan Inhabited Areas present disparate spatial diffusion processes with diverse diffusion bases, speeds, stages, as well as diffusion regions and centers. A powerful single-center diffusion-centered Gandan Monastery was rapidly formed in U-Tsang. Kham experienced a slower and more varied spatial diffusion process with multiple diffusion systems far apart from each other. The spatial diffusion process of Amdo was the most complex, with the highest diffusion intensity. Amdo possessed the most influential diffusion centers, with different diffusion shapes and diffusion ranges crossing and overlapping with each other. Multiple natural and human factors may contribute to the formation of Gelugpa monasteries. This study contributes to the understanding of the geography of Gelugpa and provides reference to studies on religion diffusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing number of lay Buddhist practitioners have sought out alternative ways to incorporate Buddhist teachings in their daily practices and make positive changes in society by "doing good" for others. Sometimes recognized as part of "humanistic Buddhism," this approach emphasizes general morality and focuses on people who need help as a way to fulfill Buddhist teachings in this world. Some Chinese Buddhist practitioners who follow the Tibetan Buddhist tradition also carry out similar humanistic engagements but use more subtle space‐making processes and often "brand" these as Buddhist practices. Drawing on the ethnographic observations of lay Buddhist practitioners in urban China, this article examines how urban practitioners promote (middle‐class) morality and well‐being lifestyles through what I call "atmospheric Buddhism." Ultimately, the article argues that an alternative mode of Buddhist practice is emerging in Chinese urban environments in order to cope with politically constrained environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mount Wutai, China's earliest Buddhist center, dating to the Han Dynasty's first century (206 BCE–220 CE), boasts over a hundred monasteries, numerous monuments, and ruins, drawing global pilgrims and travelers. Over its long history, as the geographical focus of imperial support shifted, the ideological underpinnings for structuring the monastic habitation on Mount Wutai also underwent a transformation, consequently altering the pilgrimage paths, monasteries, and mountain gates. However, there remains a paucity of understanding regarding these changes. This paper aims to map out the representative dynamic pilgrimage routines influenced by geo-capital shifts and to reveal the changeable Buddhist ideology of monasticism on Mount Wutai. Through archival studies on ancient transcripts and maps, the interpretation selects the three most significant periods in the development of Buddhism in Mount Wutai: the Northern Wei (386–534 CE), the Sui Tang (581–907 CE), and the Qing Dynasty (1630–1912 CE). The article indicates that Mount Wutai's monastic strategies have transformed significantly, progressing from free monasticism to the Mañjuśrī maṇḍala mode and ultimately adopting a predominant Tibetan Buddhist character. These changes were driven by shifting Buddhist ideologies and heritage, with pilgrimages and monastic construction responding to these shifts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of religious belief in disasters has attracted increased scholarly interest in recent years. This paper shows that religious belief can generate disaster resilience through the pathways of disaster framing, mental health, and disaster behaviours. Drawing on interviews conducted with Tibetan Buddhist believers in the Yushu earthquake area of China, this study indicates that notions of Tibetan Buddhism, as well as religious practices, helped locals to make sense of the 2010 event, obtain spiritual support in its aftermath, foster a sense of community, and develop a prosocial post‐earthquake environment. These religious notions and practices also assisted in sustaining a faith‐based network composed of two kinds of important local social relationships, layperson–layperson and layperson–monk, which increased local disaster resilience at the level of response behaviour. The findings enrich our understanding of the religious source of disaster resilience and yield insights into disaster risk reduction in religious regions, especially where Buddhist belief is prevalent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Four Heavenly Kings, Sida Tianwang 四大天王, are the guardians of the four quarters of the world in Buddhism. They are among the most frequently represented protective deities in Buddhist art across different traditions. In their standard iconographies developed in China popular during the Ming and Qing dynasties (1368–1911), they wear full armor, and each holds exclusive attributes—lute (pipa 琵琶), sword, snake, and parasol—from the east, south, west, to the north respectively. There is no direct textual base in the Chinese cannon for such iconographies. Neither can we find prototypes in India or central Asia. Indeed, how did this iconographic group develop in China? In the past, since the standard iconographies of the Four Heavenly Kings are clear, and identification is no problem, comprehensive in-depth study on this is lacking. Actually, those attributes came from a Tantric tradition related to Tibetan Buddhism filtered through the Xi Xia (1036–1227) and Yuan (1206–1368). What revealed in the development of this iconography is the complex relationship among the Tibetan, Tanguts, Mongols, and Chinese Buddhism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents various institutional responses of Buddhist groups and leaders to COVID-19, adding a focus on how Tibetan Buddhist practitioners in China have responded to the pandemic. In particular, it examines the predicament of practitioners of Tibetan Buddhism. The article focuses on the material characteristics of Tibetan Buddhism and how they were manifested among Han Chinese urbanites during the pandemic through (1) a teleological inquiry, which looks into the concept of merit (sk: puñña, ch: gongde) 功德, and (2) an organizational inquiry, which explores the modalities in which Han Chinese groups practice Tibetan Buddhism in the socio-political sphere of the Chinese state. Within this inquiry, the article deals with a Buddhist community based in Shanghai and an individual account of pilgrimage in Tibet. Based on these two case studies and their contextualization, the article aims to assess how the COVID-19 crisis has affected the practices, modalities and religious technologies of Tibetan Buddhism practiced by Han Chinese. The article argues for a degree of resilience of lay practice in Tibetan Buddhism; it stresses that while some aspects of the practice called for accommodations and change, the particularities of the practice have pre-existing conditions (such as state regulation on religion and the physical distance of their religious authority) which could accommodate the practical, sociological and psychological implications of the COVID-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "three scholars" ( I mkhas pa mi gsum i , which Willock translates as "three polymaths"), along with a number of others, including Rin chen bzang po (958-1055) and Ati'sa (982-1054), played pivotal roles in the reestablishment of the Dharma to Tibet. Willock's discussion is superficial and fails to delve into the contentious issues involved in the state's attempts to arrogate to itself the authority to oversee religious affairs even though its official ideology is antireligious. In I Lineages of the Literary i , Nicole Willock provides a well-researched and insightful analysis of the lives and works of three influential Tibetan scholars of the twentieth century: Tshe tan zhabs drung 'Jigs med rig pa'i blo gros (1910-85), dMu dge bSam gtan rgya mtsho (1914-93), and Dung dkar bLo bzang 'phrin las (1927-97). [Extracted from the article]

The article examines the historical and religious features of state formation and public administration in Tibet. Tibet experienced different moments of its history: from empire to theocracy and autonomy. But at all times the religious factor played a significant role in the social life of Tibet. The traditional national religion of Tibetans is the Bon religion. Tibetan Buddhism is a synthesis of classical Buddhism and Bon religion. The religious factor is still important in the lives of Tibetans. Therefore, the imperial and communist authorities of China are forced to reckon with the religious traditions and social norms of Tibetans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tibetan stupas are the symbolic buildings of Tibetan Buddhism, widely distributed on the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, with a long history and rich cultural connotations, holding a lofty position in the hearts of Tibetan monks and laymen. In the new era of advocating national cultural confidence, Tibetan stupa, as the representative of Tibetan culture, should be explored for its historical significance and artistic value. In recent years, many scholars have conducted in-depth studies on Tibetan stupas from different disciplinary perspectives. In order to further promote the research on Tibetan stupas, this paper reviews the research on Tibetan stupas in China in the past century, and comments on the problems and deficiencies of the research on Tibetan stupas in China in the past century on the basis of the analysis of the previous research status, so as to provide a valuable reference for the further research on Tibetan stupas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gelugpa is the most influential extant religious sect of Tibetan Buddhism. The spatial patterns of Gelugpa monasteries have been affected by complex terrain, multiple Tibetan culture, and different socioeconomic levels. Given the diversity and complexity of Gelugpa monasteries surroundings, the geographical distribution of the monasteries presents spatial heterogeneity. Therefore, it is necessary to adopt a multi-scale perspective to provide insights into macroscopic rules on large scales and special features in the locality. The objective of this research is to propose a multi-scale framework for analyzing spatial patterns of monasteries at three scales of Tibetan Inhabited Regions, based on a new geodatabase of Gelugpa monasteries. The results show that the Tibetan Inhabited Regions present a south-eastern and central polycentric aggregated pattern with one super-center and several multilevel centers. Among the Three Tibetan Inhabited Regions of U-Tsang, Kham, and Amdo, U-Tsang appears a highly aggregated "dual cores" pattern, while Amdo emerges a highly aggregated wide-ranging "dual cores in one center" pattern. There is a distinct "dual parallel strips" pattern in Kham. The results also elaborate the connection among the multi-scale spatial patterns, having distinctive features but sharing some common rules. The multi-scale spatial patterns analysis can provide scientific evidence for the protection of Gelugpa monasteries by revealing the spatial variations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present studies investigated how particular religious beliefs shape compliance with preventive measures in adherents of Gelug and Nyingma schools of Tibetan Buddhism. In Study 1, Gelug and Nyingma monks were asked to report their compliance with various infection prevention measures surrounding COVID-19. Results showed that the former group showed higher compliance with public health guidelines than the latter. Extending beyond self-report measures, Study 2 added a behavioral outcome measure and observed the same effect. Together, our results provide the first empirical evidence that various Tibetan Buddhist traditions are related to different degrees of compliance with precautionary measures against COVID-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a case study of a lay Buddhist community that employs a business model called "living hall" (Shenghuo guan 生活馆) to facilitate the practice of Tibetan Buddhism among its members. The living hall model is explored in the context of the politics of religion in the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the dynamics of Tibetan Buddhism among Han Chinese in the past decades. The author investigates the model's origin, its implementation in a contemporary Buddhist community, and its interaction with the discourse on Buddhism in the PRC. The article joins a recent academic endeavor to illuminate the different modalities in which lay practitioners carry out Buddhist practice outside the sphere of institutionalized Buddhism. The article sheds light on the delicate dynamics between religion and state control in the PRC and the role of entrepreneurs and materiality within lay Tibetan Buddhism. 文摘: 本文是关于佛教居士群体的案例研究。该群体通过采用生活馆的商业模式促进了藏传佛教汉族信徒的修行。对生活馆模式的探索基于过于几十年内中华人民共和国的宗教政治环境，以及藏传佛教在汉族中的动态演变。作者考察了该模式的起源、它在当代佛教居士群体的实施，以及该模式与中国佛教主流话语的互动。本文顺应近期的学术努力，旨在阐述佛教居士在制度化宗教领域之外的不同佛教实践。本文揭示了宗教和国家控制之间的微妙动态，以及在藏传佛教居士中企业家和物质性的作用。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perhaps most significantly, rather than the usual watershed years of 1949, 1966 and 1978, Willock shows how the Three Polymaths constructed an alternative "timeline for Tibetan Buddhist history ... that ignores the standard historical sequencing of events" (p. 38) promoted by the state. In turn, the reform era is cast not as an end of ultra-leftism, but as the start of a new Buddhist epoch, the I Yang-dar i period or "Era of the Dharma's Rediffusion" (p. 38) during which time "these three men took up the charge of transmitting Buddhist knowledge after a period of tyranny and destruction" (p. 67). And while they may quibble with some of the sweeping statements Willock makes about the Mao era, one hopes that historians of the PRC will also give serious consideration to this pioneering study. [Extracted from the article]

The orthodox theory of most dynasties in China is based on Confucian concepts such as "inheriting the mandate of heaven" and "transforming people to virtue", and this orthodox theory was mainly inherited and interpreted by the Han nationality. In that respect, the Qing Dynasty was different from its predecessors. The territory of the Qing empire extended to areas inhabited by a variety of non- Han people, especially the vast areas in the northwest and southwest. Clearly, the Confucian orthodox view could not fully accommodate the beliefs and customs of the people in these areas. Thus, how the Qing Dynasty ruled its frontiers remains an important research topic. This article seeks to elucidate a new model of legitimacy formed respectively in the heartland and the frontier of Qing territory. The Qing emperors relied on the Confucian moral education in the heartland but utilized the belief in Tibetan Buddhism in the frontier areas where the inhabitants were mainly minorities. A new system was thus established to adapt to the unique situation in which the concept of legitimacy needed to be amended. In tins respect, the meaning of "rule” can be distinguished from that of "governance." "Rule" mainly refers to the utilization and respect of the imperial power in a set of imaginary symbolic metaphors, while "governance" bears more technical meaning supported by a profound ideological background. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tibetan Buddhism is a doctrine that is based on the Vajrāyana of Buddhism, whose foundation was laid in Tibetan geography but eventually reached countries such as China and India. Tibetan Buddhism, which emerged as a result of the synthesis of Bon religion and Shamanist elements in response to Buddhism, attaches importance to tantras composed of speeches whose origin is attributed to Buddha. Tibetan Buddhism, also known as Tantric Buddhism, Esoteric Buddhism, or Secret Buddhism, has an understanding that attaches importance to ceremonies, symbols and prayers. Tibetan Buddhism introduced the formulas of magic to Buddhism. The species that enrich Buddhism in terms of magic are mantras and dhāranīs. These texts, known as the magic formula, take place in Buddhist sūtra and make their believes comfortable by promising long life, rebirth, peace and health. Tantric Turk Buddhism, on the other hand, corresponds to the Tantric Buddhist understanding that the Uyghurs put forward based on Tibetan Buddhism during the Yuan dynasty. One of the most important concepts of Tibetan Buddhism, the Tantra understanding, Uyghurs who turn to formulas, 13-14. century, mainly contributed to this field with religious works translated from Tibetan. Among the texts of this field, the most well-known texts are Unnīna Vijayā Dhāranī Sūtra and Sitātapatrādhāranī which are the source of our study. In this study, the views of the concepts of mantra and dhāranī, which are concrete evidence to show the magic direction of Buddhism through these texts, have been tried to determine the religious value of these terms in line with the promised life style. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines two domains in which wealthy Chinese seek to cultivate social distinction. The first section examines luxury consumption and highlights the ambivalences surrounding global luxury goods in China. Given that luxury goods often fail to deliver on their promises of distinction, many wealthy Chinese have turned to new forms of money-mediated spirituality—in particular, patronage of Tibetan Buddhism. I argue that in a context in which forms of value, authenticity, taste, morality, etc., are all too easily reduced to quantitative, monetary terms, appropriation of the spiritual power of Tibetan lamas and the authenticity associated with Tibetan Buddhism has become increasingly attractive to wealthy Han Chinese. This appropriation, however, has generated tensions between practitioners for whom Buddhist patronage is an extension of worldly projects of social distinction and wealth accumulation and those for whom Buddhism is imagined as an isolated spiritual retreat from those same concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can Tibetan Buddhism point the way toward a revitalized and productive relationship between China, India, and the Tibetan diaspora? Using as a case study the recent pan-Asian revival in India of an ancient Buddhist teaching university called Nālandā, this paper traces the contours of the Chinese-Indian-Tibetan politico-religious triangle, and compares the approaches that China and India take in influencing religion in general, and Tibetans' brand of Buddhism in particular. It also considers whether we are approaching, through the return of an institution of Buddhist learning that disappeared from the historic record in the 13th century, a convergence point on one of East Asia's most contested geopolitical concerns. I conclude that although a path toward greater Sino-Indian-Tibetan religious accommodation exists, and there is precedence for such an evolution, at the moment, the Sino-Indian Nālandā revival framework is being used more as a tool for transnational "governmentality" than an opportunity to engage with the Tibetan "religious field.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how published episodes from the life of Gesar—a king described in Tibetan epics—are assigned literary classifications inside and outside China. Outside of China, Tibetan publishers categorise these narratives using the explicitly Buddhist terms 'tale of liberation' (rnam thar) and 'expression of realisation' (rtogs brjod). By contrast, state-invested publishers within China designate these narratives as 'story' (sgrung). Although this agenda is never stated explicitly, categorising narratives from Tibetan tradition as 'stories' rather than Buddhist genres serves the Chinese state's goals of constructing a 'secular' Tibetan culture removed from the traditional authority of Buddhist institutions. Secularising the Gesar epic helps to produce a Tibetan citizen prepared to participate in and cede authority to China's multi-ethnic nation state, while also relegating Buddhism to a personal, private, and apolitical phenomenon. This case study has larger implications for analysing genre as a site where ideas of religion and secularity are negotiated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the book "Making Saints in Modern China" edited by David Ownby, Vincent Goossaert, and Ji Zhe. The book explores the construction of charisma and authority within the context of Chinese religion in the 20th and 21st centuries. It focuses on twelve figures from various religious traditions, excluding Christian and Muslim figures, and includes only one woman. The book examines the process by which these figures became revered and the impact they had on Chinese religiosity. The chapters in the book provide theoretical analyses of charisma and saint formation, although some chapters focus more on biographical data. The primary audience for this book is scholars of Chinese religion, but it may also be used as a resource for comparative studies of saints across cultures. The book is well-formatted and of high quality, with each chapter able to stand on its own. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses material religion in a commercial setting and sets off this discussion with Walter Benjamin's The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction (1936). Benjamin argues that mechanical reproduction emancipated works of art from religious rituals and evaporated the aura of art. This has resonance among some Tibetan Buddhists in the context of mass-produced Buddhist material objects. Are such objects fit to be given as gifts, implemented in rituals, and worshipped on altars? Based upon ethnographic work at a Tibetan Buddhist market in urban China, the article argues that although objects manufactured in factories for profit are not made or handled according to Buddhist tradition, the aura can be produced in different ways and at different points of an object's life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how certain Tibetans and Han Chinese converts to Tibetan Buddhism in Diqing Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture and Beijing are articulating various forms of environmental discourse, both in terms drawn from Tibetan ‘geopiety’, and/or from a Western model of environmental protection. In relation to these trends, I further explore how certain Tibetans are articulating their understanding of Tibetan Buddhism within an apparently localised context, while other Tibetans are more obviously appropriating from discourses originating in the West and/or wider Chinese society to become more ‘modern’, while at the same time retaining a conceptualisation of Tibetan Buddhism that is hybridised between traditional and modernist understandings. I also explore how some Han practitioners may seek to become more ‘Tibetan’ by endorsing localised forms of Tibetan Buddhism and/or ‘performing’ certain Tibetan modes of religiosity, while others, due in part to geographical distance from the Tibetan landscape and cultural context, endorse an understanding of Tibetan Buddhism which is more closely tied to discourses of environmental protection originating in the West. In both Tibetan and Han Chinese cases, informants reflect upon their own beliefs and identity by gazing at the Other (Tibetan, Han, or Westerner), and marking out differences and similarities between Self and Other. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The paper discusses the Tangut translation of the famous Entry into Two Truths. This composition by Atiśa (982-1054) was important in the formation of the doctrinal system of the Tangut Buddhism. The paper examines the possible variations of the source text of the Tangut translation, its relationship with the texts on valid cognition. The paper discusses the possible division of the text and provides the translation of the Tangut version and compares it with the Tibetan original. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What Western academic literature described as ethnic or cultural Tibet in fact implies something composite and processually constructed: Tibet then often appears as a typical example for explanations of collective identity (and ethnicity). Such approaches increasingly are applied in present-day anthropology and historical studies, highlighting the historical conditions and the politically, socially and ideationally constructed features of identity. In Tibet, identity-building was strongly related to the spread of Buddhism. The new religion was introduced in the time of the Tibetan Empire (seventh to ninth century), but it was only its later spread (from the eleventh century) that led to the effective, all-embracing establishment of Buddhism in the Highlands. It was interlinked with regionally different forms of political manifestations—the founding of Buddhist kingdoms at the periphery and the emergence of monastic hegemonies in the central regions. These developments correlated with processes of conversion, which in its narrative model is described as an act of conquest, taming and civilizing the physical universe and which in theory actually never ends. Apart from considering current anthropological discussions of the phenomenon of religious conversion, this paper will include a comparative view of the history of Christianization in early medieval Europe (especially in Western Europe—the Frankish kingdom and the barbarian zones North of the Rhine and the Danube, fifth to tenth century). Inter alia this also raises questions about the initial social forces and interests promoting the new religion's adoption, and to what extent formal similarities with the Tibetan case are ascertainable in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The paper is an attempt to generalize the results of the previous scholarship concerning the nature and specific features of Sinitic Buddhism in the Tangut Empire. The major claim of the paper is that certain dimensions of Tangut Buddhism are traceable to their Sinitic parental tradition, the Buddhism in the Tangut Empire evolved in a specific manner, which was influenced by the Buddhism of the Liao Empire. This implies that Sinitic Buddhism in Xixia was modeled according to the model 'perfect teaching,' promoted by the Liao Buddhists. Thus, the approach based on the traditional 'school' (including 'Chan School') paradigm is inappropriate for the study of Tangut Buddhism. In this stead I am suggesting a 'perfect' approach, which allows grouping the available texts on the basis of their position in the scheme of the 'perfect teaching' and explores the contents of these texts from this angle. Thus, the specific nature of the texts traditionally deemed as Chan in the Tangut Buddhist system is seen in their relationship to the ultimate practice of the 'contemplation of the Dharma realm.' Finally, the paper introduces some new translations from Tangut. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There were much fewer Buddhist plays than the Taoist ones in the miscellaneous drama of Yuan Dynasty and also there was the absence of Tibetan Buddhi sm which had the high political sta tus in the Buddhist plays. The causes for these are the use of non-Chinese to hold the activities of Tibetan Buddhism mostly in the royal court and the playwrights of the miscellaneous drama mainly from the Han nationality. The Buddhist plays in the miscellaneous drama of Yuan Dynasty mainly dis play the life of two sects--Caodong and Linji of Chan Buddhism, which is in accordance with the ecology of Chinese Buddhism. The Buddhist plays in Yuan Dynasty are public-ori ented and have the di stinct game playing cha racter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most striking trends in urban Chinese Buddhism is the adoption of elements of Tibetan Buddhism by ethnically Han Chinese Buddhists. The author offers a preliminary exploration of this phenomenon. Focusing on regular lay Buddhists, she describes the characteristics of Han involvement with Tibetan Buddhism and explores the reasons for this trend. The author combines a structural perspective that focuses on how Tibetan Buddhism is supplied in eastern cities with a cultural perspective that examines how the appeal of Tibetan Buddhism is constructed for a Han Chinese audience. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An interview with Lobsang Sangay, the elected Kalon Tripa, or prime minister, of Tibet, is presented. Sangay examines the relationship between spiritual and political leadership in Tibet, particularly commenting on the figure of the Dalai Lama and Tibetan Buddhism. He reflects on the relationship between China and Tibet. The Arab Spring Uprisings of 2011 are also considered.

In recent years what has been witnessed is that Indians have been encouraged to study contemporary China not only due to the cultural richness of that civilization, but also because of China's already significant influence on world events. In fact, with the incorporation of Tibet into the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1950 and the Government of India's oft-repeated official acknowledgement of Tibet as an autonomous region of China, the PRC ceased to be a ‘distant neighbour’ and became as proximate to India as the states of the Indian subcontinent itself. Obviously, for Indian scholars whose prime focus is South Asia, there is an imperative to study China as well. Tibet, which has been one of the key areas of China studies, needs to be researched comprehensively so as to gauge the extent of its influence on China studies in India in general and India-China relations in particular. It is in this context that this paper seeks to examine how academics, journalists, policy makers, politicians and China studies experts in India have viewed Tibet so far as its influence on India-China relations in the broader context is concerned. It also highlights the viewpoints of Chinese scholars on such issue, besides examining whether Tibet would continue to be an important factor impacting China Studies in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper outlines the present situation of Tibetology in contemporary China and shows the achievements and latest developments of Tibetology in contemporary China. It highlights the characteristics of Tibetology in contemporary China, based on analyzing the main fields of Tibetology. Furthermore, this paper assesses the dynamics and excellent features of Tibetology in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers the author's insights regarding the interpretation of Mou Zongsan on the Buddhist doctrine of the tãthagatagarbha in China and his contribution to the understanding of the tãthagatagarbha theory. He cites that the analysis of Mou has similarities with the interpretation of the rNying ma tradition of Tibetan Buddhism. He adds that the comparison of the two versions of the doctrine reveals that it was composed by someone from northern India or Central Asia.

Tibetan Buddhist Tantra and Jungian depth psychology represent two of the world's more dynamic psycho-spiritual traditions. This comparative study explores their respective insights, cosmologies, and often striking similarities, with particular emphasis on the manner in which mythic imagery is employed in both disciplines as a powerful agent of healing and transformation. The ontological status of Tibetan deities and archetypal entities is also given careful consideration, especially in relation to the phenomena of psychic projection and autonomous spiritual dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The buddha-nature literature has a significant place within the Indian Mahāyāna tradition and Tibetan Buddhism. While it is usually included in the so-called Last Wheel of the Buddha's teachings, many Tibetan thinkers began to cast doubts about the textual significance of buddha-nature discourse in fourteenth-century Tibet. In this article, I will examine one particular case where there is apparent tension between multiple Tibetan masters over the importance of buddha-nature teachings. This paper primarily analyzes Dratsepa's commentary to the Ornament ( mdzes rgyan) written by his teacher, Buton. Dratsepa construes the Ornament as a work critiquing Dolpopa's interpretation of the buddha-nature literature. He levels a barrage of criticisms against Dolpopa by referring to Indian śāstras and sūtras that are equally important to both of them, and also by tracing his own assessment of the tathāgata-essence teachings to early Tibetan scholars. In contradistinction to Dolpopa's claims, Dratsepa offers several nuanced readings of the buddha-nature literature and complicates the notion of what it means to have tathāgata-essence, what a definitive or provisional meaning entails, and the relationship between the Middle Wheel and the Last Wheel teachings. In brief, Dratsepa's text sheds light on one of the earliest discourses on the tension between self-emptiness and other-emptiness presentations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The wartime period between 1937 and 1945 provided an exceptional opportunity for the Guomindang state to experiment with a wide array of schemes that sought to further its nation-state project in the borderland regions of China. Under the rubric of ‘frontier reconstruction’ (bianjiang jianshe) it devised a series of plans that encompassed both the economic and cultural transformations of these regions. This paper discusses a particular scheme devised by Chinese anthropologist, Li Anzhai (1900–1985), during his stay at the Tibetan Buddhist monastery of Labrang where he sought to transform borderland societies into a modern Chinese citizenry. A key aspect to his strategy was the mobilization of youth where trained cadres and students performed what became known as ‘frontier service’ (bianjiang fuwu) establishing a dialogue with the community's own particular demands by means of building schools, hospitals and agricultural projects. This paper argues that the notion of ‘frontier service’ and the ‘cultural reconstruction’ project propounded by Li not only sought to modernize and unify China around a distinct multicultural identity, it was also an important mobilizing force amongst sectors of wartime youth which arguably introduced young Han Chinese to a region which they had hitherto only imagined in the pre-war period. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper is based upon five years of ethnographic research among the Tibetan exile community in Dharamsala, India, and extensive interviews with the medium of the State Oracle of Tibet and other spirit mediums. It investigates the nature of the oracular phenomenon and its place in the Tibetan Buddhist cosmology as well as the sociopolitical role of the Tibetan State Oracle, or Nêchung. The topics explored include spirit possession, shamanism, and spirit mediums. The central theoretical question addressed is whether or not magico-religious practitioners such as the medium of Nêchung and other Tibetan spirit mediums can legitimately be categorized as shamans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's insights on the changes and the salient characteristics of the cultural-political landscape at Ta'er Temple, a Tibetan Buddhist Monastery in Qinghai, China, from 1993-2003 in reference to the advent of the Lantern Festival. It explores the history of Ta'er Temple popularly known as Kubum or Ta'ersi in the province in relation to culture, territory and politics. It examines the political uses of the space and the occasion wherein the monastery is considered as the most important of its kind in the region and one of the six great Gelugpa monastic structures of the Tibetan world. Also, it cites the visit of Qinghai Vice-Governor Zhao Yongzhong at the temple to visit the living Buddhas and monks on February 13, 2003.

On the surface, religious policy in China may appear contradictory. On the one hand, the state is officially atheist. It has mounted a highly publicised campaign to suppress Falun Gong, and maintains restrictions on Islam, Tibetan Buddhism and Christianity that reveal a profound fear of independent religious organisation. On the other, China insists that it respects religious freedom. The Chinese government proudly supports the staging of certain religious festivals, finances reconstruction of historic temples, and sponsors Chinese Muslims to visit Mecca. In fact, both tendencies are part of a consistent pattern of religious policy that seeks to establish firm political control over religious organisations, while visibly integrating religion into nation-building discourses. This same policy impulse applies to the treatment of both illegal and legal religions. Suppression of groups such as Falun Gong recreates the political theatre of earlier political campaigns, while support for ethnic religions and Christianity also allows the state to interpret religious ideology within a nationalist framework. In this regard, the most overt and successful ideological policy has been the state's sponsorship of Confucianism, which, unlike the other religions mentioned, has no existing organisation to overcome, and can thus be completely moulded to fit political needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo expone una breve historia de las minorías étnicas chinas y sus relaciones con la Han mayoría en China. Se provee una historia breve de las dinastías chinas, incluyendo los orígenes de los pueblos nómados en la periferia de china. Se destaca la historia de la región de Tíbet, incluyendo su desarrollo religioso y sus conflictos con el gobierno chino.

Religious pluralism characterized Tibetan Buddhism by the eleventh or twelfth century, allowing for the development of many schools and sects with little differentiation in religious products. The early Ming dynasty (1368-1424) saw a significant shift in policy on Tibetan affairs compared to the Mongolian Yuan dynasty (1271-1368). Relative disengagement from Tibet translated into a liberalization of local politics, resulting in a shift from secular politics and clan wealth to ecclesiastical monastic institutions. The Geluk sect formed during this period, introducing superior technology in its organizational characteristics—celibacy, ordained abbots, casuistical adherence, scholastic training, and doctrinal orthodoxy—that distinguished it from other schools and sects. With the loss of its major Tibetan patron, the Gelukpa faced a serious challenge from its fiercest competitor, the Karmapa, and raised the stakes by introducing the incarnate position of the Dalai Lama and his labrang (financial estate). This allowed the Gelukpa to directly compete with the Karmapa for wealthy patrons. By forming an alliance with the Mongols, the Gelukpa were willing to counter violence with violence to become the monopoly religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the newly released Rehe archives and explore the Qing government's allotment of enormous financial subsidies to the Rehe region for the purposes of enhancing the empire's border defenses in that area. During the Qing dynasty, tax revenue consisted primarily of monies collected from land taxes, and this revenue was an important financial base for the local and central governments. The land in the Rehe region, however, was largely barren and infertile, and thus, land tax revenue was insufficient to support the residing troops and lamas there. Consequently, financing for the area was mostly provided by the Imperial Household Department and the Board of Revenue. After 1771 (the thirty-sixth year of the Qianlong reign), temples in the Rehe region enjoyed increasing budgets for construction and renovation. Prominent examples include the Putuo Zongsheng (Potala) Temple and the Xumi Fushou (Tashi Lhunpo) Temple. Both of these temples were decorated with brilliant golden cupolas and cost over a million taels to erect, and their construction demonstrates that the income of the Imperial Household Department had increased by that time. Especially after the Lianghuai salt case, during which salt merchants had refunded to the government over ten million taels, the Qianlong emperor was able to construct temples in a manner of much greater extravagance than was previously possible. During his reign, the Qianlong emperor visited the Mountain Resort in Rehe forty-nine times. Each time he held religious ceremonies in the temples there, and Mongolian nobility participated in these activities as well. Two important temples in the region, the Putuo Zongsheng Temple and the Xumi Fushou Temple, were replicas of the two most significant centers for Tibetan Buddhism at the time, the former imitating the Potala Palace of the Dalai Lama, the latter the Tashi Lhunpo Monastery of the Panchen Lama. The Putuo Zongsheng Temple and the Xumi Fushou Temple reproduced the significance and function of the original edifices they imitated, subtly shifting the religious center of the Mongolian peoples from Tibet to Rehe. The Qianlong emperor built the Puning Temple for his birthday religious services, the Pule Temple for his esoteric practices, and the Yongyou Temple for ritual offerings to his ancestors. He hung pictures of himself and the Seventh Dalai Lama in the Putuo Zongsheng Temple and constructed a glass longevity tower in the Xumi Fushou Temple. All of these examples demonstrate the Qianlong emperor's faithful devotion to Tibetan Buddhism. Seen from a historical perspective, the Qianlong emperor's establishment of Tibetan Buddhist temples in the Rehe region helped to maintain more than a century of peaceful relations with the Mongolian government. When compared with the seven to eight million taels the Ming dynasty spent in wars with the Mongolians every year, it is clear that the Qing dynasty's strategy for rule was both more successful and more cost effective than that of the Ming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Buddhism in Tibet, China. It offers an overview of the history of Tibetan Buddhism which was introduced in the 8th century and expanded in 760 Common Era with two Tantric masters, Shantarakshita and Padmasambhava. It explores the four main orders of Buddhism that were developed in the region such as Nyingma, Sakya, Kagyu and Gelug. Buddhist temples are also cited including the Ramoche Temple, Jokhang Temple, and Pabongka Monastery.

A biography of scholar Alexander Csoma de Kőrös is presented. His interest in the ancient homeland of the Magyars, training in theology, and ethnographic research on the Tibetan language in the Himalayas are discussed. Other topics include the adoption of Buddhism in Tibet, preservation of Buddhist texts, and development of Buddhist terminology.

The dramatic population crashes of 3 species of Gyps vulture have raised concerns about the status of their lesser-known congeners. Among these is the Himalayan griffon, G. himalayensis, an iconic vulture of the Tibetan plateau. The continued existence of this scavenger has not only ecological but also cultural implications because of their unique role in the centuries-old sky burial tradition that is followed by nearly 5 million Tibetan people. A lack of baseline information of the Himalayan griffon limits our ability to take conservation measures. The presented data, which were collected during 1996 and 2004 to 2007, indicate that this species is still widespread throughout the plateau and has not experienced a major population decline, likely as a result of protection by Tibetan Buddhism and limited disturbances from human activities largely due to the remoteness of the plateau. Both site and road counts showed that open meadow habitats had the highest griffon abundance, followed by alpine shrub and forest habitats. Estimates based on road transect counts showed that 229 339 Himalayan griffons (± 40 447) occupy the 2.5 million km² Tibetan plateau. In contrast, the maximum carrying capacity of the plateau, on the basis of the total biomass of potential food resources, is 507 996 griffons, with meadow habitats accounting for about 76% of the total population. Griffons depend largely on livestock carcasses for food and forage in groups averaging 5.5 (range 1-100) individuals. Domestic yaks provide about 64% of the griffons' diet, while wild ungulates and human corpses provide 1% and 2%, respectively. Compared with its lowland congeners, this, the only high-elevation Gyps species, had both low population density and small group size, a likely response to the harsh environmental conditions. Although griffon abundance appears relatively stable in their fairly pristine environment, precautionary measures, including investigation of threats, monitoring of population dynamics, and establishment of modern conservation consciousness among Tibetan Buddhists, should be carried out to ensure that this abundance continues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines whether the patronage of Tibetan Buddhism at Wutai shan particular to the rule of conquest elites and the reason behind the travel of the Kangxi emperor to Wutai shan in China. New Qing historians argue that patronage of Tibetan Buddhism was one of the defining characteristics of conquest dynasties. The lack of evidence in Ming patronage of Tibetan Buddhism on Wutai may indicate that patronage had lapsed toward the late Ming. During the Qing, Wutai continued to be the important center for the ritual protection of the state that it had been in preceding dynasties.