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Cities are home to more than half of the world’s population, and urbanization is expected to further increase. They face increasing environmental pressures and infrastructure needs-and growing demands from residents to deliver a better quality of life and to do so at a sustainable cost. Smart technologies can enable all urban infrastructures thus helping cities meeting these challenges. This chapter deals with sport arenas-and in particular with stadiums. It presents the most advanced worldwide practices to show how sport arenas can improve sport clubs’ economic performance and fans satisfaction and how they may strongly contribute to create smarter cities. Rebranding stadiums, modernising them to better calibrate their capacity, refurbishing old venues and new stadium projects involve high-level investments, and they require an organisational transformation both for sport clubs and cities. Municipalities and sport clubs can, therefore, be partners in developing technologically advanced and resilient sport arenas and related infrastructures that will be well integrated into the urban design both inside and outside the areas where they are built supporting rather than putting a strain on cities in many ways. A modern stadium must be safe, smart, green, accessible, efficient and innovative: digital solutions let creating a user-friendly urban environment that enhances citizens’ wellbeing, welcoming them in a space where emotions and needs can meet.

Why don’t new stadia seem to reach their expected objectives, namely in terms of occupancy rates? To answer this question, studying the process of both club attachment and stadium attachment seems particularly relevant, especially in the following two conceptual frameworks : (1) proximity → perceived value → attachment and (2) attachment to the old stadium → proximity → perceived value → attachment to the new stadium.Twenty-three hypotheses are tested on three samples of spectators: 1,446 spectators of Yves-du-Manoir stadium in Colombes, 668 spectators of Paris La Défense Arena in Nanterre and on a panel of 328 spectators of both stadia.The results confirm the validity of both conceptual frameworks and offer some food for thought to the sports industry professionals who would like to improve their stadium occupancy rates.; Pourquoi les nouvelles enceintes sportives n’atteignent-elles pas les objectifs escomptés, notamment en termes de taux de remplissage ? Pour répondre à cette question, étudier le processus d’attachement au club et d’attachement au stade nous semble particulièrement porteur, notamment dans les chaînages conceptuels proximité → valeur perçue → attachement et attachement à l’ancien stade → proximité → valeur perçue → attachement au nouveau stade.Vingt-trois hypothèses sont formulées et testées auprès de 1 446 spectateurs de stade Yves-du-Manoir de Colombes, 668 spectateurs de la Paris La Défense Arena et 328 spectateurs des deux enceintes. Les résultats obtenus confirment la validité des deux chaînages conceptuels testés et offrent des pistes de réflexion managériale pour les professionnels de l’industrie du sport professionnel qui souhaiteraient améliorer le taux de remplissage de leur enceinte.

Through this research we intend to understand the social effects of the Sports Mega Events Confederations Cup 2013 and World Cup 2014, as well as the transformations carried out at Castelão Stadium, and comprehend in what way they have contributed to changes in the dynamics of the fans who operate in the city of Fortaleza/CE, especially fans linked to Ceará Sporting Club. For that, we have outlined the following specific goals: present normalizations thought for the World Cup 2014, especially through the General Law of the Cup and the Code of Conduct in the Stadiums continued to be applied in the Ceará Sporting Club soccer stadiums even after the end of the Sports Mega Events; specify how the new normalizations applied in the Ceará Sporting Club soccer stadiums, especially in Castelão Stadium, intervened in the performance of the Ceará Sporting Club fans; and describe which elements compose the performance of the Ceará Sporting Club fans nowadays. To better analyze the object, we use the qualitative approach, and as for procedures, we adopt bibliographic, documentary and field research. Regarding the field research, we accompanied the Cearamor Organized Crowd Drums Team and the Vai Rolar a Festa Team in the spaces where their activities were carried out, especially in Plácido Aderaldo Castelo Stadium, the Castelão. Through the research, we could see that the Brazilian stadiums have undergone intense transformations over the years and that these transformations have caused refractions for fans and supporters. In addition, we identified three stadium construction cycles in the country. The third and final cycle began when Brazil was chosen to host the World Cup 2014. On that occasion, twelve stadiums were built or refurbished to meet FIFA's requirements. Among them, the Castelão Stadium in Fortaleza. From the fan reports, it is possible to infer that, after the remodeling of Castelão Stadium into an Arena and after the World Cup 2014, the mechanisms of surveillance and control of fans have increased, as well as the bans, especially on the instruments that make up the fan performance. This occurred because part of the guidelines that were passed on by FIFA to be applied during the Mega Events continued to be used in Brazilian stadiums even after the World Cup. Therefore, we believe that the World Cup 2014 has had an impact on fan practices and has changed the dynamics of Brazilian fans and fans. One of the impacts observed was the replacement of instruments to perform the fan performance and the expansion of the party held in the stands. Presently, these parties resemble huge concerts, as they need several people involved in the elaboration and assembly stages; as well as good amounts of money and preparation time. In addition, it was possible to see the shows promoted by the Organized Supporters and the Party Teams gain other contours when they are performed on Clássico-Rei days, because the show itself becomes an element of dispute. Thus, the Organized Supporters and the Party Teams dedicate days of preparation to ensure victory in the stands and hope that their team wins on the field. Através desta pesquisa, buscamos compreender os efeitos sociais dos Megaeventos Esportivos Copa das Confederações 2013 e Copa do Mundo 2014, assim como as transformações realizadas no Estádio Castelão, e entender de que forma eles contribuíram para as alterações na dinâmica das torcidas que atuam na cidade de Fortaleza/CE, sobretudo as torcidas vinculadas ao Ceará Sporting Club. Para isso, traçamos os seguintes objetivos específicos: apresentar as normalizações pensadas para a Copa do Mundo 2014, sobretudo através da Lei Geral da Copa e do Código de Conduta nos Estádios, que continuaram sendo aplicadas nos estádios de futebol cearense mesmo após o término dos megaeventos esportivos; especificar como as novas normalizações aplicadas nos estádios de futebol cearense, sobretudo no Estádio Castelão, intervieram na performance das torcidas do Ceará Sporting Club; e descrever os elementos que compõem a performance das torcidas do Ceará Sporting Club atualmente. Para melhor análise do objeto, utilizamos a abordagem qualitativa, e, quanto aos procedimentos, adotamos as pesquisas bibliográfica, documental e de campo. Em relação à pesquisa de campo, acompanhamos a Equipe de Bateria da Torcida Organizada Cearamor e a Equipe Vai Rolar a Festa nos espaços em que foram realizadas suas atividades, sobretudo no Estádio Plácido de Aderaldo Castelo, o Castelão. Por meio da pesquisa, foi possível perceber que os estádios brasileiros foram submetidos a intensas transformações ao longo do anos e que estas transformações causaram refrações para os torcedores e para as torcidas. Além disso, identificamos três ciclos de construção de estádios no país, com o terceiro e último ciclo iniciado quando o Brasil foi escolhido como sede da Copa do Mundo 2014. Na ocasião, doze estádios foram construídos ou remodelados para atender às exigências da FIFA. Entre eles, o Estádio Castelão, em Fortaleza. A partir dos relatos do torcedores, podemos inferir que, após a remodelação do Estádio Castelão para Arena e após a realização da Copa do Mundo 2014, os mecanismos de vigilância e controle dos torcedores aumentaram, assim como as proibições, sobretudo dos instrumentos que compõem a performance torcedora. Isto ocorreu porque parte das orientações que foram repassadas pela FIFA para serem aplicadas durante os megaeventos continuaram a ser utilizadas nos estádios brasileiros mesmo após o Mundial. Portanto, acreditamos que a Copa do Mundo 2014 causou impactos nas práticas torcedoras e alterou a dinâmica dos torcedores e das Torcidas brasileiras. Um dos impactos observados foi a substituição de instrumentos para realizar a performance torcedora e a ampliação da festa realizada nas arquibancadas. Presentemente, estas festas se assemelham a grandes espetáculos, visto que necessitam de várias pessoas envolvidas nas etapas de elaboração e montagem; assim como necessitam de dinheiro e tempo de preparação. Além disso, foi possível perceber que os espetáculos promovidos pelas Torcidas Organizadas e pelas Equipes de Festa ganham outros contornos quando são realizados em dias de Clássico-Rei, isto porque o próprio espetáculo se torna elemento de disputa. Assim, as Torcidas Organizadas e as Equipes de Festa dedicam dias de preparação para garantir a vitória nas arquibancadas e torcem para que o seu time vença em campo.

Libre propos; National audience; Depuis quelques années, les collectivités territoriales et leurs groupements recourent de plus en plus fréquemment à la technique du "naming" de leurs équipements publics, dans une optique de valorisation et de rentabilisation de leurs biens. En marge des nommages traditionnels (associant une entreprise ou une marque privée à un équipement public) se développent de nouvelles approchent, dont la logique interpelle : nommage avec soi-même (la personne publique le nom de l’une de ses marques sur une enceinte dont elle est pourtant propriétaire) et nommage inversé (la personne publique appose son nom sur un équipement appartenant à une personne privée).

National audience; For many studies, inspired by an urban political economy approach, the construction movement of stadiums and arenas in North America is one of the concrete symbols of urban neoliberalism. While these studies highlight mechanisms of domination and alienation, they do not pay much attention to the controversies that these projects generate (or, when they do, they emphasize their lack of impact). In that regard, the analysis of French stadia and arenas conducted in this paper shows that the controversies linked to these stadia or arenas (or, in a more subtle and indirect way, the anticipation of these controversies) affect these projects and contribute to the advent of hybrid urban forms of neoliberalism.; Pour de nombreux travaux, inspirés par l’économie politique urbaine, le mouvement de construction de stades et d’arénas en Amérique de Nord constitue l’une des manifestations concrètes du néolibéralisme urbain. Si ces recherches permettent de mettre en lumière des mécanismes de domination et d’aliénation, elles laissent généralement peu de place aux controverses liées à ces projets, si ce n’est pour souligner leur absence d’effet. Cependant, l’analyse de cas français nous amènera à montrer comment les disputes qui accompagnent ces projets de stades ou d’arénas, ou, de façon plus subtile et indirecte, l’anticipation de ces controverses, affectent ces projets et contribuent à donner naissance à des formes urbaines hybrides qui donnent à voir un néolibéralisme aménagé.

International audience; This article focuses on methodology, specifically on understanding how we measure the image of a city, in order to examine the contribution made by major sports venues (stadiums and arenas) in the metropolitanisation of France’s large towns and cities. That is to say, the symbolic scope which allows a city to be a ‘metropolis.’ The main facilities in each town can be assessed according to several factors, grouped under three main headings the inclusion of sports venues in an urban project, their ability to host mega-events, and their potential for media coverage. The author presents this method first by showing the main reasons why major sports venues are perceived as part of a city’s potential reputation. He then describes each factor included in his analysis grid and the reasons for their inclusion, in order to identify, if not measure, the potential to become a metropolis.

Submitted by Boris Flegr (boris@uerj.br) on 2021-01-06T23:59:13Z No. of bitstreams: 3 Tese Fernando da Costa Ferreira-2017-1-203-compressed.pdf: 3074239 bytes, checksum: dacdfd8b97657f5dd5de9719b0161cb0 (MD5) Tese Fernando da Costa Ferreira-2017-204-312-compressed.pdf: 3643278 bytes, checksum: 3c7960b230acb1264416c95c5728f7db (MD5) Tese Fernando da Costa Ferreira-2017-313-439-compressed.pdf: 1544408 bytes, checksum: 97830a17194fb8ec8cf0e86b88d85134 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2021-01-06T23:59:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 3 Tese Fernando da Costa Ferreira-2017-1-203-compressed.pdf: 3074239 bytes, checksum: dacdfd8b97657f5dd5de9719b0161cb0 (MD5) Tese Fernando da Costa Ferreira-2017-204-312-compressed.pdf: 3643278 bytes, checksum: 3c7960b230acb1264416c95c5728f7db (MD5) Tese Fernando da Costa Ferreira-2017-313-439-compressed.pdf: 1544408 bytes, checksum: 97830a17194fb8ec8cf0e86b88d85134 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-31 This thesis aims to understand how the Maracanã, after its reform / reconstruction and the transfer of the administration to a private consortium, has been appropriated by the public and the different territorialities associated with it. Its re-inauguration in 2013 consolidated the process of transformation of the iconic Rio de Janeiro sports plaza, from a stadium designed to shelter the masses, endowed with a popular centrality and a soul of its own, in a neutral (at first) arena, similar to many others scattered around the planet, an apex of an architecture that aims to meet the fan-consumer to the detriment of the traditional fan of lesser purchasing power. Due to the proposal adopted to study the different forms of appropriation found in the stadium, attendance at fifty-one matches held in the period from February 2015 to November 2016 was highly relevant for obtaining the data presented. The initial understanding that there is no single way of supporting and that the public profile and behavior depends on a series of variables led to the analysis not only of on-the-spot observation in different sectors but also in the external area and in different situations. The adoption of a dialectical perspective aimed at articulating, whenever possible, theory to praxis since the Journalist Mário Filho Stadium represents an arena in which the tensions and contradictions found in urban space are produced, reproduced and represented, reflected in the different forms of appropriation currently occurring in our most important sports equipment, which must be understood as reflecting a broad social context. The stadium and its surroundings are the result of a permanent game of power marked by conflicts between three complementary oppositions: hegemonic actors vs hegemonized actors; verticalities vs horizontalities; nomospace vs genospace. The effort undertaken comprises a panel of the observations made at the stadium of everyday practices throughout the studied period. The present Maracanã emerges as an appropriate space for the middle classes, resulting from an incomplete and / or relative elitization process that accelerated the pre-existing deterritorialization of economically less fortunate supporters, without the intended replacement of the desired public profile by vertical forces. At the end of the period of observations, the space conceived by the hegemonic actors was not able to fully impose itself on the contents and traditions produced by the lively space of the stadium, which manages to maintain its organic character, constituting an object of study in constant transformation. A presente tese tem como objetivo compreender de que maneiras o Maracanã, após a sua reforma/reconstrução e a entrega da administração a um consórcio privado, vem sendo apropriado pelo público frequentador e as diferentes territorialidades a ele associadas. Sua reinauguração, em 2013, consolidou o processo de transformação da icônica praça de esportes carioca, de um estádio concebido para abrigar as massas, dotado de uma centralidade popular e de uma alma própria, em uma arena (a princípio) neutra, similar a tantas outras espalhadas pelo planeta, ápice de uma arquitetura que visa atender ao torcedor-consumidor em detrimento do torcedor tradicional de menor poder aquisitivo. Em função da proposta adotada de estudar as diferentes formas de apropriação encontradas no estádio, o comparecimento a cinquenta e uma partidas realizadas no período compreendido entre fevereiro de 2015 e novembro de 2016 mostrou-se altamente relevante para a obtenção dos dados apresentados. O entendimento inicial de que não existe um único modo de torcer e de que o perfil e o comportamento do público dependem de uma série de variáveis conduziu a análise não somente à observação in loco em diferentes setores, mas também na área externa e em situações diversas. A adoção de uma perspectiva dialética visou articular, sempre que possível, a teoria à práxis uma vez que o Estádio Jornalista Mário Filho representa uma arena na qual são produzidas, reproduzidas e representadas as tensões e contradições encontradas no espaço urbano, refletidas nas diferentes formas de apropriação sofridas atualmente pelo nosso equipamento esportivo mais importante, que devem ser compreendidas como reflexo de um contexto social amplo. O estádio e seus arredores são o resultado de um permanente jogo de forças marcado por embates existentes entre três oposições complementares: atores hegemônicos x atores hegemonizados; verticalidades x horizontalidades; nomoespaço x genoespaço. O esforço empreendido compõe uma fotografia das observações realizadas no estádio das práticas cotidianas ao longo do período estudado. O Maracanã atual surge como um espaço apropriado pelas classes médias, resultante de um processo de elitização incompleto e/ou relativo, que acelerou a preexistente desterritorialização dos torcedores menos afortunados economicamente, sem a pretendida substituição pelo perfil de público desejado pelas forças verticais. Ao fim do período de observações, o espaço concebido pelos atores hegemônicos não conseguiu se impor plenamente aos conteúdos e tradições produzidos pelo espaço vivido do estádio, que consegue manter o seu caráter orgânico, constituindo um objeto de estudo em constante transformação.

In Nîmes, repair work done for an apartment located on 33 rue de l’Aspic in 2009 had led to the discovery of an unknown segment of the wall of amphitheater’s castrum dating back Late Roman Empire or Early Middle Ages. This large wall, revealed in 1976 during construction of the Law Courts, was then seen on 46 m length in the area of the project and also observed elevation inside two courtyards of Valfons’ hotel. A new intervention in 2014 above the wall studied in 2009 continues to enrich the folder of that particular rampart. This note shows that the amount of reused blocks needed to be much more important than the assumptions made in 2009 by the same author and he offers to see an exceptionally large monument, perhaps a stadium or a circus located outside the walls, which would have served as quarry in the construction of castrum. ❚ ❚ Keywords : Late Roman Empire, Early Middle Ages, rampart, massive masonry, À Nîmes, des travaux de réfection d’un appartement situé au 33 rue de l’Aspic et effectués en 2009 avaient amené la découverte d’un segment inconnu du rempart du castrum de l’amphithéâtre daté de l’Antiquité tardive ou du haut Moyen-Âge. Ce large mur, révélé en 1976 lors de la construction du Palais de Justice, avait alors été observé sur une longueur de 46 m sur l’emprise du projet et repéré en élévation dans les deux cours de l’hôtel de Valfons. Une nouvelle intervention en 2014 au-dessus du pan étudié en 2009 continue d’enrichir le dossier de cette enceinte si particulière. Cette note montre que la quantité de blocs réutilisés devait être beaucoup plus importante que les hypothèses avancées en 2009 par le même auteur et il propose de voir un monument de taille exceptionnelle, peut-être un stade ou un cirque situé hors les murs, qui aurait servi de carrière à la construction du castrum., Pellé Richard. Note complémentaire sur l’enceinte du castrum des Arènes de Nîmes. In: Revue archéologique de Narbonnaise, tome 48, 2015. pp. 125-133.

My diploma thesis deals with one of the incomes of sports arenas and stadiums, which is known as naming rights. This term means the cooperation between the owner of sports facilities with private companies, which pay the fee for hiring the name of stadium or arena. In the first part I explain what the naming rights are and I refer also about other stadium's and arena's incomes. In further chapters I analyze the top football and hockey leagues in sports and economically developed countries all over the world. The survey follows. It covers the naming rights situation in the Czech Republic. Based on the results of the survey I compare naming rights in the Czech Republic and in the analyzed countries.

The purpose of this paper is to examine whether, and if so, how tourism effect the construction of a new city district with a stadium in focus. The study is based on a case study of Swedbank Arena and Arenastaden as nearby area. There has been an interest from the writers to study Swedbank Arena and Arenastaden, as it is a current subject, and both of them are under construction, which means that it was possible to see how the process works from the ground up. It has been shown that Swedbank Arena is built up in an entirely new district in which there will be new infrastructure that is tailored to the stadium and the crowd it’s expected to attract. The nearby area outside the new district is tailored to the stadium in the sense that roads are re-built to increase accessibility. To further increase the accessibility public transport will be given priority as a way to get around for those planning the new district. This is so that visitors / tourists can get in and out of the area quickly by public transport. For this reason it is also made changes in public transport. In the conclusion the writers presents a model to show the links between tourism, economy, society and infrastructure. How they fit together and are interdependent. The writers also concludes that there is no appropriate words that can explain what it is like visiting an arena, and the phenomenon that occurs around an arena, a discussion leading to the terms arena tourist and arena tourism. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om, och i så fall hur, turismen med dess förväntade tillströmningar av människor påverkar uppbyggandet av en ny stadsdel med en arena i fokus. Studien bygger på en fallstudie över Swedbank Arena och Arenastaden som närliggande område. Det har funnits ett intresse hos skribenterna att studera just Swedbank Arena och Arenastaden då det är ett aktuellt ämne samt att båda är under uppbyggnad, vilket innebär att det varit möjligt att se hur processen går till från grunden. Det har visat sig att Swedbank Arena byggs upp i en helt ny stadsdel där det kommer att tillkomma ny infrastruktur som är anpassad efter arenan och de folkmassor den förväntas locka till sig. Närliggande området utanför den nya stadsdelen anpassas efter arenan i den bemärkelsen att vägar byggs om för att öka framkomligheten. För att öka framkomligheten ytterligare kommer kollektivtrafiken att prioriteras som ett sätt att ta sig fram för de som planerar den nya stadsdelen. Detta för att besökare/turister kan komma att ta sig in och ut ur området snabbt med kollektivtrafiken. Av denna anledning görs det även förändringar i kollektivtrafiken. I slutsatsen presenterar skribenterna en modell som är till för att visa sambanden mellan turism, ekonomi, samhälle och infrastruktur. Hur dessa hänger ihop och att de är beroende av varandra. Skribenterna kommer även fram till att det inte finns något lämpligt ord som kan förklara vilka det är som besöker en arena samt de fenomen som uppstår kring en arena, en diskussion leder fram till termerna arenaturist och arenaturism.

For the development of new stadium concepts relevant aspects of planning are described with proven actual relations, created by a typological investigation of structures and use-specific organization. This is a basis, which is contentwise necessary, in order to be able to decide substantial initial parameters of a line of sight profile on grandstands. In that case at modern sports grounds or places of event "Sightlines and Safety" are inseparable In assistance of built examples and parameter studies, empirical investigations and a review on historical building defaults, the safety-relevant appropriate decision criteria are cleared up. In this way a planning instrument will be developped for sightline-construction, which qualifies the comfort of viewing accomodations. The requirements and technical recommendations to sports stadia changed in the process of the past decades very strongly. The desire for a higher comfort for the spectators and a better marketableness became clear defaults for new stadium designs. By the omission of many athletic careers the grandstand bodies move much closer to the pitch. This leads to the desired effect of closer atmosphere, but changes the viewing conditions for the spectators. The planning parameter "point of eye" or "C- value" become the quality standard with the evaluation of a grandstand. This is usually not further crucial in a Track and Field stadia, because of a sufficient distance of seating. By the increasing complexity of multi-functional use structures in stadium and arena the factors of influence become ever obscurer on the latest development of a modern grandstand, for example the issues of safety in pitch perimeter barriers of the "First row". Decisions and defaults from different responsibility ranges unnoticed interlink with diagram geometry of a sightline-profile. In a first step the building type is set into a historical context. The bases of seeing are described, the physics of the eye and the visual acuity criteria necessary for regarding. The moreover a sample person Modulor "EN" is being developed from the bases of the anthropometry. This way a contract-obligatory basis for a line of sight design can be represented by the overlay of historical proportion teachings, like the "golden section", with existing regulations and statistic data for body-measurements. In the next step an objective construction procedure for the sightline-determination is developed. Because of the past legislation C.E.N. Technical Commitees (TC's) defaults do not exist in a practice-relevant form to design a viewing accomodations and will not lead to its possible commitment of a qualitative comparison standard. In assistance by parameter studies within the calculation formula and empirical investigations on the examples built for the FIFA soccer World Cup 2006 in Germany, appropriate decision criteria are represented. In this connection the technical recommendations and requirements of important sports federations are analyzed and set with one another in relationship, in order to clear their dependence up and to make critical conclusions possible on the respective regulations. This work is to inform as a methodical decision basis and to serve as an optimizing planning instrument for the construction of stadia in the development of sightline-profiles for modern sports grounds or places of event.