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The Kichwa language is used in commercial names in Quito, the capital of Ecuador, where most of the population self-identifies as mestizo and does not speak Kichwa. The usage of Kichwa is very limited in social interactions in Quito, yet its presence in the city's linguistic landscape is evident. These names are associated with concepts like organic, artisanal, or national; and so assign an additional commercial value to the product. Accordingly, surveys and interviews show that the meanings of Kichwa words in commercial names are unknown by the population. This use of the Kichwa language represents a case of cultural exploitation as it is causing the language to be resignified through a process of language commodification resulting in commercial benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ecuadorian Andean Spanish (EAS) has been in intense and sustained contact with Kichwa, a variety of Quechua spoken in Ecuador. Different studies have shown the influence of Kichwa in this variety of Andean Spanish at different levels, such as lexical, phonetic/phonological, morphosyntactic, and pragmatic (Bustamante 1991; Haboud 1998, 2018; Palacios 2005, 2007; Haboud y de la Vega 2008; Pfänder y Palacios 2013; Muysken 2019). Although morphological influence of Kichwa over EAS is minimal, there is evidence of the use of the Kichwa morpheme -ka in both Kichwa-Spanish bilinguals and Spanish monolinguals (Lipski 2014; Muysken 2019). Nevertheless, no previous study analyzes the presence of this particle in the speech of EAS monolinguals. Thus, the present study offers a preliminary analysis about the distribution and discourse role of -ka in the speech of EAS monolinguals from the city of Ambato (EAS Ambateño). The data was obtained through sociolinguistic interviews and fieldwork notes collected between 2018 and 2019. The results show that EAS monolinguals from Ambato use -ka with different constituents (e.g., pronouns, nouns, adverbs, verbs, conjunctions). Regarding its role in the discourse, it is argued that -ka is a particle that evokes contrast (contrastive focus). Since we are in a language contact scenario, it is of the utmost importance to consider social, historical, and demographic factors of the city of Ambato along with the background of the speakers in order to understand the dynamics of the languages (Kichwa and Spanish) and try to find a possible answer to how this particle was incorporated in the speech of EAS monolinguals from Ambato. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Spanish Andean varieties, también 'also, too' has been recognized as a particle with multiple usages besides its canonical function of an additive (Babel 2010; Calvo Pérez 2000; Cerrón-Palomino 2003; Escobar 2000; Pfänder 2009; Toscano 1953). Among these usages, también as a marker of indefiniteness has been proposed by Cerrón-Palomino (2003). The author argues that its origin corresponds to the linguistic contact with Quechua and the suffix -pas, which fulfills additive and indefinite functions. The present study focuses on the function of también in direct or indirect interrogative structures, a usage that to a certain extent is related to the indefinite value described by Cerrón-Palomino (2003). The present analysis is based on empirical data of the Spanish of Quito collected on Twitter and from intuitions of native speakers of this Spanish variety. Building on the traditional description of this usage of también as an adverb of doubt that marks emphasis on the lack of knowledge of what is asked (Cordero 2021; Miño-Garcés 2020; Toscano 1953), this study offers an in-depth pragmatic account that shows that the usage of the structure 'interrogative pronoun + también' corresponds to a conventional implicature. The realis and irrealis moods of the speakers are in an interplay, and the usage of the structure is felicitous only when the speaker does not intend to resolve their lack of information by means of the interrogative clause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present work we will approach the analysis of a phenomenon of variation of Spanish in contact with Quechua from the theoretical perspective of Contact Linguistics. We will analyze the innovative functions of the marker ya también in an oral corpus compiled in the province of Cuzco, Peru. In the corpus, ya también is used as a marker that possess the inclusion and ordering values of the adverb también, as well as the update of a change or new information and emphasis that have been indicated for the adverb ya in Spanish (Delbecque 2006; Deloor 2011; Garrido 1993; Girón Alconchel 2011). On the other hand, it has developed innovative values as a discursive marker since it behaves as a focuser to address the interlocutor's attention to certain new or added information in the conversation, or in the narration of events that contrasts with previous information. We postulate that the observed phenomenon is a contact induced change with the Quechua language that has emerged from the exploitation of the linguistic resources available to the bilingual speaker, especially in those areas in which he perceives similarities in both languages, creating thus innovative communication strategies that allow a more effective interaction (Jarvis & Pavlenko 2008; Palacios 2013; Palacios & Pfänder 2014). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I employ a philological approach to reading and analyzing Spanish-language historical documents that include Quechua, Aymara, and other non-Spanish terms to shed light on the records left by Native individuals, particularly women, in colonial Peru. Careful and rigorous attention to voice and language expands our understanding of the speaker's intended meanings. Through this approach, I write an alternative history based on strategic speculation, but woven out of textual snapshots contextualized within their broader history and pieced together with an eye for narrative and plot as well as cultural and linguistic nuances. I illustrate this critical position and a methodology with the recasting of Kusi Warkay, an Indigenous woman often perceived as a poverty-stricken widow, but who was in fact one of the last local power players with enough influence among Inkas and Spaniards to also be considered as an important actor on a global scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Already in pre-Hispanic times the Mapuche (Mapudungu(n)) and Quechua languages were in contact. Due to this, lexical elements were adopted by the general language of Chile. Quechua terms were included in the lexicons that are part of the colonial mapudungu(n) grammars (published in 1606, 1765 and 1777), in the Vocabulario Araucano of 1642-1643, and also in modern dictionaries. Some terms are no longer used, but others are still in force in the language spoken today. Speakers are apparently unaware of their ultimate provenance. The lexicon belongs to various semantic fields (clothing, food, etc.), and has given rise to derived forms. Some terms have also been incorporated into the Spanish spoken in Chile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives and Research Questions: This study explores the effects of bilingualism on the production of subject personal pronouns (SPPs) in speakers of two null-subject languages, Quechua and Spanish. The paper also seeks to determine if these effects can be explained by general bilingual accounts, such as the Interface Hypothesis (IH), or by contact-specific accounts. Methodology: This is a sociolinguistic variationist study; therefore, the data were collected with sociolinguistic interviews. Data and Analysis: The data consist of transcriptions of audio recordings of eight Spanish monolingual and eight Quechua-Spanish bilingual speakers of Huancayo (Peru). The data were analyzed by using the statistical software SPSS 23.0 and Goldvarb X. Findings: The IH predicts that the overt SPP rate of the bilinguals should be higher than that of the monolinguals and that the pragmatic switch reference constraint should be difficult for the Quechua first language speakers to master. The results show, however, that their rates are similar, and that switch reference was the most robust predictor for the bilinguals. This study's results suggest that indirect transfer from the mandatory Quechua switch reference subordinating particle – pti is taking place. Originality: This is one of the first variationist studies examining the IH predictions regarding SPP production in bilinguals speaking an indigenous American null-subject language alongside Spanish. In addition, this is the first study to show, through statistical analyses, the contact-specific effect the other language can exert on a particular constraint in the subject pronoun expression of the bilinguals. Significance: The results of the study suggest that even subtle transfer in situations of language contact can be accurately explained by contact-specific accounts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Direct object clitics in Latin American Spanish are subject to great variability in features across dialects. Variability also characterizes bilingual acquisition and especially clitic doubling structures in language contact contexts. We focus on the distribution of clitics and Differential Object Marking (DOM) in clitic doubling structures among Shipibo-Spanish bilinguals, Quechua-Spanish bilinguals, and monolingual speakers of Spanish in contact with Quechua. We analyze a continuum of clitic forms and DOM as complex cases of feature reassembly and functional convergence that results in new interface rules with scalar hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the extent to which official fears about the failure of Christianization became projected onto language during periods of extirpatory zeal in the seventeenth-century Archdiocese of Lima. Quechua and Spanish, as 'languages of conversion' and 'languages of the converted' became, simultaneously, tools of extirpation and sources of missionary anxiety. I first explore seventeenth-century understandings of language as a transformative force that simultaneously enabled and threatened to undermine the project of conversion in the colonial Andes. Next, I examine the distinct but complementary roles allotted to Quechua and Castilian as instruments of education and reform. While officials intended to strengthen Andeans' commitment to orthodox Catholicism through indoctrination in a Christianized register of Quechua, attempts to teach Spanish to Andean children were connected to the belief that the language itself would 'naturally' transfer Spanish Catholic beliefs and customs to neophytes. Finally, I explore little-traversed records to examine the ways Andeans employed Spanish in their own lives and for their own purposes, often outside the purview of colonial officialdom. Situated at the intersection between official aims and intents regarding languages in the Archdiocese of Lima and the decisions made by Andeans themselves, this study opens up new avenues for understanding the relationship between Spanish and Quechua and the roles assigned to each in peoples' lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights • First perceptual study to take into account a mixed language and its source languages. • Vowels with highly overlapping 'intermixed' acoustic spaces can still be aurally contrastive. • Media Lengua listeners identify differences in mid- and high-vowel production. • Young Quichua listeners identify differences in mid- and high-vowels while older listeners do not. • Theoretical implications raised for models of L2/non-native speech perception. Abstract This study explores mid and high vowel perception in and across Ecuadorian Spanish, Quichua, and Media Lengua (a mixed language containing Quichua systemic elements and Spanish lexicon). Quichua and Media Lengua were originally considered three vowel systems comprised of /i, u, a/. However, recent production results reveal that mid vowels /e, o/ may have entered these languages through Spanish lexical borrowings. The aim of the present study is to test listener perception with minimal pairs containing different mid and high vowels to determine how listeners identify them. A two-alternative forced choice (2AFC) identification task experiment with paired stimuli, gradually modified along 10-step continua, revealed that listeners of all three languages demonstrate a relatively high degree of consistent response patterns with the exception of older Quichua listeners. The results of this study coupled with the 'intermixed' acoustic spaces in which the vowels are produced also call into question the predictions that might be made in theoretical models of L2/non-native speech perception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an acoustic study describing the vowel spaces of bilingual Quechua–Spanish speakers in Cochabamba, Bolivia, with a particular focus on the height of mid and high vowels, in order to explore longstanding questions about the nature of Quechua vowel categories. South Bolivian Quechua is generally described as phonemically trivocalic with high-vowel lowering in presence of uvular consonants, but there has been little acoustic study of vowel formant characteristics (Cerrón-Palomino 1987, Laime Ajacopa, Cazazola & Pairumani 2007). The current study quantifies previous impressionistic observations of the vowel system and describes the acoustic properties of the Quechua vowels. Eleven bilingual speakers of South Bolivian Quechua and Spanish were recorded in a Quechua translation task and a Spanish list-reading task. Results of Bayesian models indicate that Quechua high vowels do appear to undergo systematic lowering following uvular consonants, supporting earlier descriptions. The results also demonstrate that lowering is consistent throughout the duration of the vowels, challenging a purely coarticulatory motivation for the observed lowering pattern. The allophonic mid-vowels of Quechua and the phonemic high and mid vowels of Spanish also have formant characteristics that may differ from one another, providing evidence for the hypothesis that these bilingual speakers could potentially command two separate vowel systems with different bases of articulation. These findings are also relevant for questions related to the nature of three-vowel systems, and whether or not they may contain true mid-vowel allophones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Ecuador there exists a dynamic language contact continuum between Urban Spanish and Rural Quichua. This study explores the effects of competing phonologies with an analysis of voice onset time (VOT) production in and across three varieties of Ecuadorian highland Spanish, Quichua, and Media Lengua. Media Lengua is a mixed language that contains Quichua systemic elements and a lexicon of Spanish origin. Because of this lexical-grammatical split, Media Lengua is considered the most central point along the language continuum. Native Quichua phonology has a single series of voiceless stops (/p/, /t/, and /k/), while Spanish shows a clear voicing contrast between stops in the same series. This study makes use of nearly 8,000 measurements from 69 participants to (i) document VOT production in the aforementioned language varieties and (ii) analyse the effects of borrowings on VOT. Results based on mixed effects models and multidimensional scaling suggest that the voicing contrast has entered both Media Lengua and Quichua through Spanish lexical borrowings. However, the VOT values of voiced stops in Media Lengua align with those of Rural and L2 Spanish while Quichua shows significantly longer prevoicing values, suggesting some degree of overshoot. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Direct object clitics in Spanish are morphological markers at the interfaces of syntax, phonology, morphology, and information structure (Zwicky, 1985; Ordóñez & Repetti, 2006; Belloro, 2007; Spencer & Luís, 2012). They play an important part in argument morphology in Spanish and are subject to variability in bilingual acquisition (McCarthy, 2008). In this paper we explore the morphology- syntax-information structure mapping of direct object clitics in clitic structures in a range of speakers that includes Quechua-dominant bilinguals and Spanish monolingual individuals along a continuum of language contact situations. Our findings indicate clear dissociation between syntactic properties and marking of morphological features. They also indicate a progression from default gender marking in clitics to a scalar system of clitic forms based on animacy and informational value along the continuum of speakers. Finally, while clitics in liberal clitic doubling varieties receive a focus interpretation (Sánchez, 2010; Sánchez & Zdrojewski, 2013), our data indicate that in some Spanish contact varieties they denote the primary object and secondary topic (Sánchez, 2003; Dalrymple & Nikolaeva, 2011; Mayer, 2008, 2013, forthcoming). The findings of this exploratory study support the view that while clitics exhibit common syntactic properties across a continuum of speakers, they may vary in morphological marking and informational value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lenguaje is the property of Universidad del Valle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The acquisition of the Spanish 5-vowel system by speakers of the 3-vowel language Quechua (/ɪ/-/a/-/ʊ/) seldom results in accurate approximation to Spanish vowel spaces when learning takes place informally in post-adolescence. The present study offers data from a minimal immersion environment in northern Ecuador. In a context in which few cues point to the existence of mid-high vocalic oppositions in Spanish (e.g. no literacy, no corrective feedback, almost no viable minimal pairs), these speakers reliably distinguish only three Spanish vowels in production. These Quechua-dominant bilinguals have amorphous front and back vowel spaces considerably broader than those defining Quechua /ɪ/ and /ʊ/, but with no bimodal clustering. Left relatively unfettered, the hybrid system may contribute to an understanding of the relationship between vowel inventory and vowel space topology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In this paper, declarative intonation contours from Peruvian Spanish speakers are compared between pragmatic conditions in order to observe potential differences in the prosodic realization of contrastive focus. To do so, an acoustic feature of intonation, the fundamental frequency (F0), is examined. Since focus in Quechua is realized through the use of evidential markers, it is hypothesized that Cuzco Spanish speakers may behave differently than Lima speakers in relatively less contact with Quechua. Two intonation features have been examined with relation to contrastive focus on the subject: peak alignment and peak height. While Lima speakers demonstrate earlier and higher peaks on the subject, similar to previous reports for Madrid and Peninsular Spanish, some Cuzco speakers use fewer prosodic cues, while others rely on post-focal deaccenting alone. Also, Cuzco speakers appear to behave similarly according to whether or not they are bilingual in Spanish and Quechua. This research demonstrates how focus in realized differently in two regional varieties of Peruvian Spanish and adds to our knowledge of how language contact may contribute to the development of alternate intonation patterns in Spanish. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Convergence in case mapping strategies in the oral speech of Quechua–Spanish bilinguals is examined. In principle, Quechua case suffixes could be analyzed as postpositions or as case markers. The data show that in code mixing utterances, Spanish prepositions and Quechua case suffixes co-occur and that mapping strategies converge. The fact that, in Quechua–Spanish code switching, Spanish prepositions are combined with Quechua case suffixes is taken as evidence that the latter are case markers, not postpositions. Further support for this view is the fact that no obvious differences were found in the data between non-oblique and oblique case markers. This distribution is consistent with an analysis of Quechua case suffixes as the spell out of an agree relationship between a null prepositional head and a DP. Cases of case suffix dropping in differential object marking expressions are analyzed as a possible source of instability in case marking in code mixing utterances. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: In this paper I discuss cases where there has been systematic borrowing of affixes: Spanish elements in different Quechua languages. I will try to study, in this specific case, the different processes through which suffixes have entered the language. I argue that there are four dimensions, four paths through which a Spanish suffix can be incorporated into Quechua: second language (L2)-oriented processes, universally oriented processes, first language (L1)-oriented processes, and processes in which properties of both L1 and L2 play a role. Thus the process of borrowing morphology is far from uniform. Rather, it reflects the complexity of all language contact processes, in which the four dimensions listed play a role. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: In this paper we offer a panoramic overview of the development of Andean Spanish and Andean Linguistics, from a theoretical point of view of language contact and universal grammar. We discuss how the notion of Andean Spanish came into existence, the issues under debate, and the consequences of different theoretical positions. We also introduce the contents of the papers included in this special issue, and highlight their key points, framing them in the context of the research on universal grammar. The following five areas are covered: (1) the convergence of Quechua and Aymara, (2) the impact of bilingualism on intonation, (3) the sharing of suffixes in contact situations, (4) the modification of the present perfect tense in Spanish in contact with Quechua, and (5) the properties of the Quechua case system from the point of view of contact varieties. Finally, we provide some remarks on bilingual education, and some suggestions for further directions for future research. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Spanish is one of the most widely spoken languages in the world. Quechua is the largest indigenous language family to constitute the first language (L1) of second language (L2) Spanish speakers. Despite sheer number of speakers and typologically interesting contrasts, Quechua–Spanish second language acquisition is a nearly untapped research area, due to the marginalization of Quechua-speaking people. This review considers contributions to the field of second language acquisition gleaned from studying the grammars of Quechua speakers who learn Spanish as well as monolingual Quechua and Spanish speakers in the contact area. Contribution to the documentation and revitalization of the Quechua languages is discussed as an ethical and scientific imperative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In the Andes, a phonological transference known as motoseo has acquired ideological weight. People think that bilingual speakers of Quechua and Spanish ‘confuse’ the vowels when speaking Spanish and that they are inferior to the ones who do not. In this article, I analyze the ideological agenda of the racialized verbal hygiene practice based on this phenomenon in two universities of the Peruvian Quechua-speaking context. I look at how students have internalized the ideology associated with the phenomenon and constantly discipline themselves to control it while speaking. In addition, I discuss how professors (most of whom are also speakers of Quechua) use this trait to otherize rural students and construct them as “they” as opposed to “us”. This ideology is so widespread in the area that it works to reproduce a profoundly unequal social order that is not questioned by most university professors nor by the students who are victims of it. In turn, it leads to low academic performance and a university experience that is often traumatic for students coming from rural areas. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article presents a historical examination of the role played by Andean notaries in preserving the history of Spanish colonial South American through their recording of public records and translation of texts between the Spanish and Quechua languages. It explores the chronology of the spread of Spanish language knowledge amongst the Andeans during the late 1500s and early 1600s, describes the role played by Peru viceroy Francisco de Toledo and author Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala in advocating for literacy education for indigenous peoples in the region, and comments on the development of an archives of Andean writings, called the escribanos de cabildo.

Peru's Quechua-speaking indigenous people have been portrayed by the dominant Spanish-speaking society in different ways throughout the five centuries since the Conquest, in response to contemporary social, political and literary trends. Nevertheless, they have always been perceived as ‘the other’ by mainstream society, and have rarely had a voice of their own. It may be, however, that in the 21st century they are able to reclaim their voice, although the ways in which they choose to do so may surprise us. This paper examines the portrayal of the highland Quechua people in Peruvian literature, government documents, academic writings and the media. Rather than an in-depth study, it is a survey of the differing perceptions of the Quechua people from the late 16th century to the beginning of the 21st century, with reference to the Inca Empire, romantic portrayals in 19th-century poetry, the sociological interpretations of the ‘Indian problem’ in early 20th-century Peru, and the use of indigenous people as political or spiritual symbols in more recent times. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

El artículo examina los fenómenos de contacto lingüístico entre el español, el quechua, y el aimara en la ciudad de Puno, Perú. Explora los aspectos léxico-semánticos de las interacciones lingüísticas para analizar los elementos de diversidad étnica y desigualdad económica en la ciudad. Presenta las valoraciones étnico-sociales de los habitantes a través de términos y palabras.

Copyright of Revista Espanola de Antropologia Americana is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Salasaca Quichua (ISO 639-3=qxl) is a Quechuan language, specifically of the branch referred to as Quechua A (Parker 1963), as Quechua IIB (Torero 1974), or the northern group (Landerman 1991); but see Landerman (1991) and Adelaar (2004) regarding doubts with respect to the classification of the different varieties. The variety described in this paper is spoken by approximately 12,000 people in Ecuador. The Salasaca ?parroquia? (Spanish usage in Ecuador of this word is for a non-religious administrative district), in Pelileo canton, in Tungurahua province, is divided into eighteen communities and Quichua is spoken in all of them. This variety is similar to that of others of the region and is included in the Stark & Muysken (1977) dictionary. Varieties of Quechua in this area do not have the more open allophones attested farther south (such as in Peru), and for that reason the Ecuadorian varieties are traditionally called ?Quichua? rather than ?Quechua?. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The benefactive construction dar + gerund is used in the North Andean region only and is unknown elsewhere in the Spanish-speaking world. Based on the analysis of spontaneous data from Ecuadorian Highland Spanish, this paper provides a linguististic description of dar + gerund and of the social and pragmatic conditions of its use. Departing from this description, I explain that the construction originates through contact with Ecuadorian Quechua. It is shown that the geographical restriction of the use of dar + gerund is directly related to the specific characteristics of Ecuadorian Quechua. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although it is beyond question that lexical borrowing from Quechua into Spanish occurred during the colonial period, determining when structural interference of Queehua on Peruvian Spanish can be said to have begun is a more difficult matter. It is here proposed that the development of contact features is dependent on a series of sociolinguistic conditions that trigger the development or a contact variety. The development of contact features, then, is understood not as a second-language phenomenon, but as a social phenomenon. A review of the social, demographic, and linguistic characteristics of Peruvian society from the early colonial period onward indicates that the necessary sociolinguistic conditions were not present in the colonial period in Peru. Only after a transition period (from the end of the eighteenth century to the end of the nineteenth century) were the social conditions in place for a contact variety to develop. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]