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This article discusses Haiti's efforts to seek restitution from France for the "Double-Debt" imposed in 1825. After Haiti gained independence in 1804 following a slave revolt, France threatened to invade and re-enslave the Haitian people if they did not pay compensation to French slave owners for their lost "property." This became known as the Double-Debt, as French and American banks profited by converting the debt into high-interest loans. In 2003, on the 200th anniversary of Haitian hero Toussaint Louverture's death, Haiti's president Jean-Bertrand Aristide announced his intention to demand repayment from France. This sparked retaliation from France and Haiti's elite, who sought to undermine Aristide's government. A legal team developed arguments that the 1825 agreement was unlawful given the threat of re-enslavement. A draft complaint was prepared but the 2004 coup against Aristide halted the legal proceedings. The article argues that the restitution claim remains legally valid and an important symbol in Haiti's fight for justice, despite political opposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the major arguments made in the current boom in Haitian revolutionary studies connects today's conditions of possibility for modern democracy and human rights to the abolition of slavery during the Haitian Revolution (1791–1804). During the last decade, however, this connection between the Haitian Revolutionary period and our own age has been questioned by an increasing number of scholars: a phenomenon that this article conceptualizes as the 'sceptical turn'. The article argues that the sceptical turn consummates its critique through unacknowledged rearrangements of abstractions, and therefore misses its target. A corresponding critique of the sceptical turn is formulated here using Bertell Ollman's tripartite concept of the abstractions of vantage point, extension, and generality. Ollman's notion enables a shift of focus onto modes – instead of the more common focus on levels – of abstraction. Thus, the author argues, contra the sceptical turn, not only that the connection between the Haitian Revolution and the political and social situation of today is plausible, but that it also provides a more profound conceptual basis for analyses of revolutionary events in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a description of the colonial structures up to the 18th century, it alludes to the Bourbon reforms and then focuses on the Haitian Revolution at the end of that century and the beginning of the 19th century in order to determine its influence on the republican thought of Simón Bolívar. It is argued that the liberation of slaves, the elimination of all kinds of servitude, as well as other principles of republicanism, are taken by Bolívar from the Haitian revolution rather than from the French and English enlightened political thought. Finally, it is argued that Bolívar's wager represents a classic example of the struggle for the democratic expansion of rights where education, civic virtue, the fight against corruption and the search for more egalitarian societies are constitutive of republicanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines a pivotal moment in the campaign for political rights mounted by free men of colour in Saint-Domingue during the era of the French and Haitian Revolutions, when the leaders of the free coloured movement were able to force white political leaders to agree to a revolutionary set of demands known as the concordats. Having taken place in the shadow of the August 1791 slave rebellion in the northern part of the colony, the concordats have traditionally been overlooked and understudied by historians of the Haitian Revolution; however, they reveal valuable insights into the political thought of Saint-Domingue's free coloured leaders, who sought to erase white supremacy in political, legal, and social arenas while simultaneously maintaining slavery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marronnage, or escape from slavery, was a longue-durée form of resistance to slavery in Haiti and was also, as Sylvia Wynter argues, a "dialectical response to the capitalist plantation system"--a system that aimed to deny humanity, sever social and cultural ties, and commodified people and their labor power. This article, as well as works by others such as Cedric Robinson (1983), Sylvia Wynter (n.d.), and Jean Casimir (2020), argues that marronnage was a fundamentally anti-capitalist mode of resistance, socio-political critique, and grassroots mobilizing. In the immediate moments when enslaved people fled plantations, they reclaimed possession of themselves and other tangible and intangible resources, such as their time, social relationships, forms of knowledge, and labor skills that enslavers stole from them. When maroons re-appropriated resources and mobilized themselves, they challenged and subverted colonial plantation structures, contributing to the downfall of both Spanish and French imperial slaveries in Haiti. During and after the Haitian Revolution of 1791-1804, Africa-born rebels and maroons were central to the mobilizing structures that successfully fought to abolish slavery and overturn colonialism--representing an astounding rupture to the prevailing Atlantic world-system that was dependent upon enslaved labor. Even after the post-independence Haitian government replicated aspects of the colonial administration, as Casimir (2020) points out, the formerly enslaved masses of Haiti organized themselves into communal social arrangements that prioritized subsistence labor and extended kin networks, and continued to rely on marronnage to protest exploitative economic practices. This article explores the trajectory of marronnage in Haiti as a continuous struggle, emphasizing the ways that it exposed the violence, exploitation, and oppression inherently embedded in the Atlantic world-system, and exposed the limits of the governing Haitian states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on underexploited primary sources, this article provides insights on the political culture of slaves by reconstructing the negotiation strategies of Jean-François, one of the most powerful black leaders of the Haitian Revolution. While scholarship depicts Jean-François's loyalty to Spain as a foregone conclusion, it is suggested here that his rejection of an alliance with France was the outcome of a careful consideration of the options available and of his diplomatic machinations. Jean-François's entreaties to both France and Spain and his diversified approach to French, Spanish and black generals' propaganda may have represented an inspirational example for Toussaint Louverture. A reconstruction of Jean-François's relationship with Spanish clergyman Josef Vázquez shows that Catholicism formed a pillar of his efforts to gain diplomatic leverage in spite of the difficulties of establishing mutual trust across racial lines. Jean-François skilfully appropriated Catholicism – a cornerstone of European colonialism – to influence his Spanish counterparts and challenge their racist bias. Religious performances proved their cohesive power and potential for the mobilization of slaves: Jean-François's troops followed him until his final relocation to Spain, an outcome which was not a mere imposition by Spanish authorities as previously thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Re-reading Mary Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Men (1790) in the context of the international politics after the start of the French Revolution in 1789 and before the rise of the Haitian Revolution in 1791 leads to three discoveries in the history of European ideas. First, her reply to Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France was advertised, discussed, and rumoured to be the work of a woman in London papers days earlier in November 1790 than previously documented. Second, Wollstonecraft's first known instances of public reception beyond Britain were in a major Jamaican newspaper from January to March 1791. Thirdly, and most notably, in February 1791, the Kingston Daily Advertiser published a lengthy excerpt from her Rights of Men that called for the abolition of slavery and the realization of justice for the poor and oppressed. Long before Hegel probably developed his master-slave dialectic in response to journalistic accounts of the independence of Haiti in 1804, there was Wollstonecraft's actual reception in the international news in Jamaica, amid the spread of reports of the rise of slave unrest in the broader post-revolutionary Caribbean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stories abound of enslaved people who remained faithful to their owners during crises, but few offer critical insights into their motivations. This article offers alternative understandings for the appearance of slave loyalty through a close study of the life of Eustache Belin, who was born into slavery in Saint-Domingue just before the era of the French and Haitian Revolutions. He navigated the revolutionary era in ways that contemporary planters and later metropolitan observers defined as 'loyal,' and in 1832, received the Académie Française's prize for virtue for his purportedly 'faithful' and selfless actions. However, this article argues for a different interpretation that considers how his embeddedness in a wider context of diverse social relations reveals a more nuanced understanding of slavery and freedom, without diminishing his capacity for affection, kindness, and sacrifice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses U.S. founding father and statesman Alexander Hamilton's views about slavery in the late 18th century and early 19th century. He argues that despite Hamilton's service as a member and president of the organization the New-York Manumission Society (NYMS) and his proposal to raise battalions of slaves in exchange for their freedom during the American Revolutionary War, Hamilton seemed to condone slavery by his dedication to private property rights and a strong central government, in addition to his reaction to the Haitian Revolution.

This paper explores the possible existence of organic reproductive justice actions among enslaved mothers and pregnant women in colonial Haiti (Saint Domingue) with specific focus on how marronnage – escape from slavery – provided them opportunities to exert power over their lives, bodies and biological reproduction. Reproductive justice is defined as the complete well‐being of women and girls, based on their human right to decide when and how to have – or not have – children, and to parent existing children in safe and sustainable communities. The conditions of enslavement in Haiti were particularly detrimental to women's control over their fertility and overall reproductive health as birth rates remained so low that the enslaved population could not reproduce itself; however, findings from an underutilized archival roster containing demographic information on the only formally recognized community of maroons from colonial Haiti, the Maniel, indicate that the child‐woman ratio among fugitive women was over twice as high as their counterparts who remained enslaved on plantations. Subversive reading of runaway slave advertisements also suggests that choosing to abscond was a rare but effective mechanism for women to achieve reproductive justice by exercising agency over their lives and protecting their childbearing capabilities. By highlighting motherhood during a state of fugitivity in one of the most economically prosperous slave societies in modern history, this paper can help establish historical precedent for contemporary reproductive justice claims. Moreover, maroon mothers' organic acts of reproductive justice have important implications for the study of how black women resist structures of racial capitalism that negatively impact their reproductive health and other areas of their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper synthesizes recent archaeological research on the Kingdom of Haiti, a short-lived experiment in political sovereignty founded in the years following the Haitian Revolution. I will explore the potential for an archaeology of sovereignty in the Black Atlantic world. Examining both architectural spaces and artifacts recovered from the palace of Sans-Souci, royal residence of King Henry Christophe, this paper highlights a constellation of material practices that fostered an emerging ideology of authority in postrevolution Haiti. Collectively, this research is revealing how political agents drew creatively and strategically from both European material culture and Afro-Caribbean traditions in the practice of political authority in the Kingdom of Haiti, casting new light on the complex nature of sovereignty after slavery in the Age of Revolutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Isaac Sasportas was a member of the Sephardic Diaspora who was born in French Saint-Domingue (present-day Haiti) around 1779. His uncle, Abraham Sasportas, with whom Isaac lived in Charleston in 1793–1795, was actively involved in the American Revolution and the political struggles of the French Revolution. Isaac embraced the radical politics of his uncle and returned to his native Saint-Domingue. There, he played a leading role in planning an invasion of British Jamaica, where he hoped to emancipate African slaves. But the plan was leaked by Haitian revolutionary Toussaint Louverture and Isaac Sasportas was executed in Jamaica in December 1799. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author responds to the roundtable collection of reviews for Julius S. Scott's "The Common Wind: Afro-American Currents in the Age of the Haitian Revolution," found within this issue. Topics explored include Haiti and the Haitian Revolution, the Age of Revolution, Atlantic Studies, international recognition of Haiti after its revolution, slavery and the slave trade, and racism.

The 2018 publication of Julius S. Scott's The Common Wind: Afro-American Currents in the Age of the Haitian Revolution inspired a renewed focus on the reverberations of the Haitian Revolution. Here, six scholars of the Atlantic World and the Age of Revolutions consider the historiographical implications of The Common Wind and remind us how the Haitian upheaval belongs at the very center of the ripples of modernity that spread across the globe from the revolutionary Atlantic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Haitian Revolution was the most radical antislavery and anticolonial struggle of the modern Atlantic World and the only successful slave revolution. Yet the dominant, white-authored colonial archive, which privileges written texts over forms of non-literary expression that flourished in the archive of slavery, conspicuously occludes the historical agents at its locus. While Michel-Rolph Trouillot set a precedent for rehabilitating these histories, the voices of the women that were so central to this historical moment remain concealed, peripheral and ultimately ignored. Using a creative interdisciplinary methodology, this article interrogates how unarticulated narratives of Haiti's revolutionary women might be reassembled from disparate sources, looking closely at the mythologised figure of Catherine Flon, who purportedly sewed together the first Haitian flag at the Congress of Arcahaie on 18 May 1803. It also examines how artists and community groups in Haiti and across the Haitian dyaspora aim to preserve such figures for posterity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Langston Hughes and Aimé Césaire knew each other only slightly but shared a dedication to telling stories of a noble and uplifting black past. They also shared a fascination with the Haitian Revolution and its early-nineteenth-century aftermath. Both wrote plays about the first decades of Haiti's independence: Hughes's Emperor of Haiti (1936) is set during the rise and rule of Jean-Jacques Dessalines; Césaire's The Tragedy of King Christophe (1963) recounts the rule of his successor Henri Christophe. These plays enfold Haiti's story of armed resistance to slavery and oppression into a larger story of a noble African past. But both writers are keenly aware of the dangers of "musealization," the process by which memorials to the past render it, paradoxically, prone to being forgotten and neglected. Significantly, then, these authors tell the story of Haiti's journey from slavery to independence and then to despotism through the comparatively ephemeral mode of drama. In Diana Taylor's terms, Hughes and Césaire bring the narratives of slavery and revolution out of the inert archive and reanimate them through living, ever-evolving performances of the repertoire. Hughes and Césaire thereby strive to endow Dessalines and Christophe, larger-than-life figures from the black past, with the permanence and authority of the archive. But they also leave narratives of slavery and revolt open to what Hortense Spillers calls new "modes of improvisation and rearrangement" – to continual reanimation, reinterpretation, and reinvention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented examining the book "Notes on the State of Virginia," by the 18th-century U.S. politician Thomas Jefferson, his correspondence with the naturalist Alexandre Giroud, and the ideology and intellectual influence of the Haitian Revolution. The author points out ways issues such as slavery were addressed within the literary culture of the day, highlighting the engagement of natural history writers. Jefferson's own views of slavery are also discussed in depth.

The article focuses on the life in Havana during the active period of the Haitian Revolution in 1802, discussing the history of Caribbean slavery. It highlights the intensified interaction and human exchange between Cuba and Hispaniola due to slave rebellion of 1791. It draws references from Ada Ferrer's book "Freedom's Mirror: Cuba and Haiti in the Age of Revolution."

The article talks about several events of Saint-Domingue, France such as Haitian Revolution. It mentions that Jean Decout is a privileged witness of the Revolution in the south of the colony; and Destitute and stranded in Baltimore "as in exile", claims free passage for France that the French consul Arcambal stubbornly refuses.

The article traces the presence in Saint-Domingue of three Franco-Irish plantation owners, O'Gorman, O'Rourke and Fitzgerald, in the winter of 1802, in the final stages of the Haitian Revolution. Topics discussed include how these men of Irish descent live through the years of revolutionary conflict that resulted in the defeat of the French, British and Spanish armies by the formerly enslaved and the Haitian declaration of independence on January 1, 1804, and what happened to their descendants.

This article examines Hannah Arendt’s concern for remembrance in political life in light of contemporary discourses regarding the memory of slavery and colonization in the African diaspora. Arendt’s blindness to questions of exclusion within this context has given way to a set of critical debates in Arendt studies concerning the viability of her political project. In this paper, I give further contour to these debates by considering Arendt’s discourse on revolution in light of an analysis of the Haitian Revolution (1791–1804). In so doing, my aim is to deepen and challenge Arendt’s understanding of the revolutionary tradition that she believes we are responsible for remembering and appropriating anew in political life today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By January 1804, Saint-Domingue--the 'pearl of the Antilles'--had been lost to colonial France and the independence of the newly-named 'Haiti' had been declared. This paper argues that where the majority of contemporary observers framed the Haitian Revolution in discussions of slavery, others emphasised the perceived failures of the French as evidence that the New World represented a geo-political space in which traditional forms of governance demanded re-evaluation. This paper focuses on the work of two writers who witnessed the Revolution first-hand and who argue that the biggest mistake France made was appointing leaders who were ill suited to the unique demands of the New World. For these two authors, the perceived mishandling of the Revolution by the French drastically called into question what constituted effective and legitimate governance in the Americas and served to provide pertinent lessons for leadership in Britain's colonies and the early American republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is no longer remarkable to claim that, out of all the revolutions in the making of the modern world order, the Haitian Revolution was the most radical and remains the most challenging to Euro-Western narratives. The Haitian Revolution did what no other did – end slavery – in an age when white Europeans and North Americans spoke of natural rights and freedoms while they remained traffickers and brutal exploiters of African flesh. The stakes at play are significant: To theorise and narrate the Haitian Revolution is to necessarily take part in a struggle over the authorship of the meaning of global justice and modern freedoms. But as we deepen our understandings of the Revolution we must grapple more audaciously with the intellectual strictures that have in various ways ‘silenced’ these struggles of enslaved Africans. Race informs these silencings. Fundamentally, race silences the response to slavery. In this article, I return to Bwa Kayiman – the meeting that inaugurated a world-shaking response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes how Great Britain's role in the transportation of the Braganzas, the royal family of Portugal, to Brazil in 1807 facilitated Great Britain's "Brazil plan." Topics discussed include transposition of the slave trade and slavery in the Equator; the preservation of the European continental and colonial order in the Americas circa 1803 and the suppression and containment of the Haitian Revolution; and relation between slavery and capitalism in European of conflicts.

The article discussed the contributions of writers of African descent to a transatlantic tradition of romancing the Haitian Revolution. Topics discussed include reference of adventure novel "Georges" by Alexandre Dumas; tension between the economic underpinnings of slavery and the humanitarian aims of both enlightenment thinkers and the abolitionists; and literary embodiment of the tension between slavery as a capitalist system.

An introduction to the journal is presented which discusses various topics featured within the issue including the Haitian Revolution, the history of slavery and racial inequality in Haiti, and the rights of free men of colour.

This article explores the Gothicisation of the Haitian Revolution in the transatlantic discourse during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. As it argues, the Gothic mode has to be understood as a reaction to the profound challenges that the Haitian Revolution posed to a transatlantic world built on the slave economy. Pro-slavery and pro-colonialist authors demonised this successful slave revolution and one of the first anti-colonial revolutions in modern history by resorting frequently to the ‘hegemonic Haitian Gothic'. By contrast, early Haitian leaders and some Black Atlantic radicals appropriated this mode, turning it into the ideologically contrary ‘radical Haitian Gothic'. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article considers the 1801 Constitution of Saint-Domingue, which was promulgated by Toussaint Louverture. It argues that this complex and contradictory constitution can be productively considered in the light of Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker's canonical work of Atlantic history,The Many-Headed Hydra. By this method, the presence of both radical emancipatory and anti-democratic currents within the Haitian Revolution is revealed. While the 1801 Constitution bears the influence of the “proletarian hydra” – its unequivocal abolition of slavery codified in law the revolutionary masses’ key demand – it also bears the interests of colonial Atlantic World capital. Finally, it is argued that the 1801 Constitution casts light on two profoundly different conceptions of freedom: a conservative conception emerging from “practical politics”, and the other, a more radical vision borne of the highly contingent experience of the African slave trade and the plantation system in the Americas. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

For enslaved African Americans in the antebellum period, emancipation was writ large as the most pressing of political imperatives stemming from the most fundamental obligations of justice and humanity. That it could be achieved individually was clear from the activities of countless runaways, fugitives and cultural and political activists, Douglass and Jacobs included, who escaped territories of enslavement to become self-emancipated subjects on free soil. That it could be achieved collectively was evidenced by the success of the Haitian Revolution, with its army of enslaved and free black persons. This piece explores the ways in which emancipation is understood 150 years after US Emancipation at the end of the Civil War, and provides an introduction to the new scholarship on the many acts of emancipation, memorialization and practices of freedom discussed in this special issue. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

During the Haitian Revolution, members of the French government produced official proclamations containing laws that sought to regulate liberty and define citizenship for the ex-slaves. The proclamations were in turn translated from French into Creole to be read aloud. The signatures of Sonthonax and Bonaparte on these Creole documents bear witness to the role of translation as a vehicle for the movement of revolutionary ideals between France and Saint-Domingue. Through rhetorical strategies like omissions, repetition, and call-and-response, the anonymous translators often subverted French power and authority, producing Creole versions of these official proclamations that were often more inclusive and created space for the audience of ex-slaves to participate in debating and defining their liberty, equality and citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On April 15, 1793, Louis-Philibert-François Rouxel de Blanchelande, the last royal governor of the vital French slave colony of Saint Domingue, was guillotined in Paris, having been convicted on charges of trying to undermine the French Revolution by depriving the white colonists of their rights and abetting the slave uprising that had begun there in 1791. Blanchelande had certainly made many mistakes in trying to deal with the crises that beset Saint Domingue during the nearly two years of his mission, but his conviction was above all a reflection of the contradictions between the liberal principles of the French Revolution’s first years and the realities of politics in a slave society. Ordered to respect the white colonists’ right to self-government, to impose equality between them and Saint Domingue’s free people of color, and to repress the slave revolt, Blanchelande found himself facing a task that was, as one witness at his trial put it, “too great for . . . any human being.” Drawing on previously unexploited archival sources, this article dispels long-standing claims that Blanchelande acted out of counterrevolutionary motives and puts the story of his mission in the context of the crisis that the period’s revolutionary movements caused in all transatlantic empires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the era of the Haitian Revolution, this article analyses recent historiographical developments in both French and English. Though the field has made great strides in recent decades, it occasionally remains hampered by insufficient archival research, a parochial approach by US and French scholars, and linguistic fragmentation. The article also includes a survey of the main archival resources that are available to scholars in Europe, the Caribbean, and the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the nature of Atlantic creoles, or people born in the New World of parents from either Africa or Europe and their descendants, through an examination of the family histories of free man of color and carpenter Charles Decoudreau and white soldier Charles Lamerenx, both technically Creoles from New Orleans, Louisiana. The author begins by describing a civil suit filed by Decoudreau against Lamerenx regarding the latter's inability to pay for a house owned by the former. He identifies Decoudreau as mixed-race and traces his family origins to a wealthy French planter and Wolof slave woman from Senegambia. Lamerenx's connection to the Haitian Revolution is also outlined, as he was born in the French colony of Saint Domingue.

The article discusses evidence from archival sources concerning the early life of Toussaint Louverture, the leader of the Haitian Revolution of 1791-1804. It comments on his family life, particularly noting his first marriage to a free black woman named Cécile and the children they produced. The authors comment on Toussaint's supposed royal ancestry, his time as a slave, his landholdings, and the lineage of his son Placide. They also explore evidence that Haitian ruler Jean-Jacques Dessalines likely was a former slave of Toussaint's son-in-law, Philippe Jasmin Désir.

The Haitian Revolution is one of the most important revolutions in the Western world, in which a large population of formerly enslaved Africans founded a new nation without slavery, put a permanent ban on colonial slavery in the new republic's first constitution, and declared the undivided human rights of and the absolute equality for all people. After a successful revolution against the inhuman institution of slavery and unflagging striving against the colonial-imperial powers of France, Spain, and Britain, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, the general in chief who succeeded Toussaint Louverture, declared the emergence of the new state of Haiti on the first day of the new year in 1804. This essay is a critical evaluation on the most recent literary and historiographical scholarship on the Haitian Revolution. It reflects on the significance of the Revolution as a historic world event as well as a reference point for thinking about freedom, universal human rights, social justice and equality in our postcolonial moment. I argue that there has been an "intellectual shift," what I call "The Haitian Turn," in modern scholarship in North America on the Haitian Revolution.1 I close with some suggestions on the future scholarship on the Haitian Revolution. This is not an exhaustive study on the scholarship of the Haitian Revolution but a critical reflection on the most recent important studies on the topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A speech is presented on the history of thought, which was delivered by Anthony Bogues at Stanford University in February 2012. The author discusses the role of archives in the study of freedom, and focuses on the Haitian slave revolution on the 1700s, which he suggests should be studied in terms of art and literature instead of political history. The philosophy of human identity, the psychological effects of colonialism and slavery, and the objectification of black slaves are also discussed.

The article focuses on the emergence of the so-called colonial exile kind of author during the revolution in the French colony Saint-Domingue in the 1790s. It recalls that the plantation owners ousted from their privileged positions used personal narratives to denounce the insurgents and assert the role of French revolutionary politicians in the slave uprising. It also discusses the manuscript "Mon Odyssée," by Jean-Paul Pillet, which offers an eyewitness account of the Haitian Revolution.

El artículo presenta un análisis de la revolución de independencia de Haití, con énfasis en la discusión sobre los derechos naturales del hombre en las revoluciones de América Latina. Algunos temas discutidos incluyen la abolición de la esclavitud en Haití, las ideas del jurista español Isidoro de Antillón sobre la esclavitud y la figura del líder de la revolución haitiana Toussaint-Louverture.

In 1820 a brown bear killed and ate a man who had jumped into his pit in the Ménagerie in Paris. Accused of cannibalism, 'Martin Brown' was cast as a degenerate man who failed to appreciate his captivity, revealing that Martin's true utility was not to further zoological enquiry but to perform racist colonial narratives. As a 'cunning' brown bear who killed his benefactors, he stood in for mulatto slaves on Saint-Domingue, a site of French resentment after the freed colony became Haiti. In Paris the bear confirmed the ameliorative effects of civilisation, while providing a cautionary tale regarding docile bodies masking savage instincts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay presents an historic criticism of the 1801 book “The Daughter of Adoption: A Tale of Modern Times” by John Thelwall, written under the pen name John Beaufort. It presents a biographical overview of Thelwall at the time of his authorship, considers contemporary writings on Caribbean slavery which may have served as inspiration for the novel, and considers historic details of the Haitian slave revolt. An overview of the story is also given.

A literary criticism of the short story "The Mulatto," by Victor Séjour is presented. Particular focus is given to the development of the tragic mulatto or mulatta as a stereotype in 19th century literature. A plot summary is provided and the article discusses the Hatian Revolution and the contributions of one of the first short stories written by an African-American author.

The article discusses the motivations behind a French expedition dispatched to Saint-Domingue, also known as Haiti, by former French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte. The author comments on perceptions that Napoleon had intended to reinstate slavery on Haiti after a revolt led by former slave and Haitian governor Toussaint-Louverture but suggests that Napoleon was only focused on removing Louverture from power and did not have a firm policy regarding slavery. The expedition's commander, Victoire Leclerc, chose to support the slaves' emancipation. The author notes that Louverture instituted a cultivator labor system that resembled slavery and did not participate in the abolition of slavery in Haiti. Some planters and colonists did not lobby for the restoration of slavery.

Two dramas about the Haitian Revolution of 1791-1803 are compared and placed in the historical context of when they were authored. Alphonse de Lamartine's "Toussaint Louverture," which was written in 1850, and Maryse Condé's "An Tan Revolysion, Elle court, elle court la liberté," are examined. Conde's play was produced in 1989, during the bicentennial of France's Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. The role of race and slavery in the Haitian Revolution is discussed.

This article explores the topic of the Haitian Revolution in several works by Caribbean authors C. L. R. James and Alejo Carpentier. The Haitian Revolution, which occurred from 1791 to 1804, is considered to be the most successful slave rebellion in the Western Hemisphere. The article cites examples from James' "The Black Jacobins" and Carpentier's novel "El reino de este mundo." Both books are significant because they focus on the early stages of the Revolution.

The article summarizes papers presented at the sixth conference on slavery and transculturation at the University of Cologne in Germany in December 2004. The conference was organized by Michael Zeuske of the University of Cologne and Rebecca Scott of the University of Michigan and supported by the German Research Foundation. Participants in the conference were scholars working in the international field of Atlantic and Caribbean slavery and post-emancipation. Historian Clarence J. Munford opened the conference with his paper on racial slavery, the dominance of white people and capitalist systems. Gloria Garcia Rodriguez discussed the slaves' struggle for survival. Javier Laviña discussed the attempts of Christianization among black slaves in Santo Domingo during the 17th century. Julius Scott discussed the maritime aspect of the revolution in Saint-Domingue. Ada Ferrer presented stories about the Haitian Revolution.

This article discusses the influence of mythical symbols on the political strategy of Haitian leaders after the 1804 Revolution. Impact of slavery on Haitians; Factors that contributed to the success of the Haitian Revolution; Role of emperor Jean-Jacques Dessalines in the prevalence of corruption in the country; Views of the Haitian people on the concept of luck. This article was translated by Martin Munro.