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The article focuses on the history of narrative historical writing, particularly the works of writers Paul de Rapin de Thoyras and Thomas Salmon. The author discusses the historical continuity and discontinuity within the works, explores how historical change impacted English history, and examines the differences in stylistic patterns of writing between members of the British political parties Whigs and Tories.

The article challenges the historical paradigm which portrays the eighteenth century English political factions the retrograde land-based Tories and the progressive, commercially advanced Whigs battling against each others economic policies. Topics include the economic arguments of writers on the side of the Tories including Charles Davenant and Nicholas Barbon compared to Whig economic writers like John Pollexfen, and the Tories policy for more legislation of consumer habits.

British foreign policy from 1700 to 1790 serves as a way to consider the Tory and Whig visions of Britain's relationship with the wider world. This article uses foreign policy to ask and answer broader questions about British political culture in the eighteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a history of news development and publication in Great Britain. Topics include the history of long-form narrative reporting and the works of journalists Denis Hamilton, Ron Hall, and Jeremy Wallington in the newspaper "Sunday Times." Also discussed are the topics of some published news stories including the Profumo affair, a property issue involved by developer Peter Rachman, and the Tory politics.

Anne's accession was greeted warmly in the University of Oxford, the intellectual centre of Toryism in the early eighteenth century, and she made Oxford the destination of one of her earliest excursions out of London in 1702. Yet Anne never returned to Oxford again, while majority opinion in the university was disappointed at her unwillingness to champion wholeheartedly the high-church cause. It was only after 1714 that the reign of Anne came to be represented by Oxonians as a golden age for the university; the reality was more variable and confused. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses that Jane Austen, author of the 1813 novel "Pride and Prejudice," was in favor of a national minimum wage proposal and an expansion of the old Elizabethan Poor Law benefits. Topics discussed include the response of British political party Tories to higher wages and expanded benefits, the 1979 survey "The State of the Poor," by Frederic Eden, and percentage of inhabitants in a parish that obtained some form of aid via the Poor Laws.

Nottingham's Conservative-led inter-war municipal housing policy is widely acknowledged to have been progressive and a model of its kind. This is at odds with traditional views of Tory housing policy between the wars. This paper examines the development of the city's inter-war housing strategy and identifies key stages and trends. Events in Nottingham are explored through an examination of conflicts and tensions within the city council, and by considering the effect of party politics on municipal housing policy. This research quantifies the city's achievements and finds explanation in a combination of consensus politics, Tory paternalism, and private enterprise failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the text of the speech "Dr Henry Sacheverells Speech, Relating to the Tumults," supposedly delivered by English High Church clergyman and politician Henry Sacheverell during his 1710 impeachment trial for controversial sermons. The speech was published by printer William Garnet and is held at Cambridge University Library in England. Topics include riots surrounding the trial and the possibility that the speech was written by Sacheverell's moderate tory supporters.

The article discusses and presents the document the "Case of Henry Sacheverell," by Charles Burd, likely compiled in 1711, concerning the 1710 impeachment trial of English High Church clergyman and politician Henry Sacheverell following his delivery of controversial sermons. The work is held by the Harvard University Law Library in Cambridge, Massachusetts and features satires and an original drawing. Whig and tory perspectives on the trial are considered.

The article discusses and presents texts of contributions by tory statesman Daniel Finch, the 2nd earl of Nottingham, to the 1710 impeachment trial of English High Church clergyman and politician Henry Sacheverell. It contains a draft version of a speech that Nottingham likely delivered during a debate in the British Parliament's House of Lords and his personal notes on the proceedings. Nottingham's role in the Glorious Revolution of 1688 and post-Revolution politics are also considered.

The article discusses and presents the text of a manuscript called the "Account of the Trial of Dr Sacheverell," concerning the 1710 impeachment trial of English High Church clergyman and politician Dr. Henry Sacheverell, held at the Beinecke Library Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut. It comments on scribal writing, the author's display of tory sympathies, and coverage of speeches during the trial.

This article locates Red Toryism within the broader Context of conservative thinking, tracing some key sources and influences. It discusses the concept of virtue in relation to some earlier Tory efforts to revive medievalist thought. It concludes with an analysis of some potential problems which derive from the attempt to apply a pre-modern form of thought in a multicultural environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Henry Sacheverell's speech in his own defence on the eighth day of his parliamentary trial (9 March 1710) was, by all accounts, a show-stopping performance. The speech was an effective political performance at a show trial originally designed to condemn the principles he had enunciated in his controversial 1709 sermons at Derby and St Paul's Cathedral. Sacheverell avoided any forthright or elaborate defence of his beliefs with regard to the legitimacy of resistance during the Glorious Revolution in order to appear humble, orthodox, and loyal to the queen and to the protestant succession. As such, he presented himself as a sort of living martyr for the high church cause. While this strategy was itself deeply controversial, it was also rather successful in spinning the debate from one about 'revolution principles' to one about the persecution of a loyal clergyman. In order to understand the form, the effectiveness and the purpose of Sacheverell's trial speech, one must take its pathetic form and its widespread distribution, both in print and manuscript reports, into account. The sympathy garnered for Sacheverell due to his speech was a public relations success for the tory cause in the short run, but it also entailed a solid commitment to the Hanoverian succession that remained deeply controversial within high church circles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the trial of Dr Sacheverell attracted considerable public attention in Ireland, and a great deal of the pamphlet literature generated in England was reprinted in Dublin, there is little explicit evidence of the invocation of Sacheverell's name by Irish tories, in parliament, at elections, or in the indigenous press culture. On the surface, this seems hard to explain, even though Irish protestants were naturally more sensitive than their English counterparts to any challenge to the legitimacy of 'Revolution principles', for at the same time the protestant Irish 'political nation' was bitterly divided by a conflict of parties on the English model, and, indeed, regarded their own struggles as an extension of the warfare of whigs and tories in England. This article seeks to account for the non-appearance of Dr Sacheverell in Irish political discourse by emphasizing the presence in Ireland of two surrogates: Francis Higgins, the roaring anglican controversialist who, like Sacheverell himself, courted 'persecution' by bishops and whig governments, and Sir Constantine Phipps, lord chancellor of Ireland 1710-14, who turned himself into a tory champion in Ireland by using some of Sacheverell's methods of self-promotion. The fact that both were closely associated with the Doctor - Higgins as a chosen replacement for Sacheverell in the pulpit in 1710, Phipps as a defence counsel at the impeachment - infused both with reflected glamour and enabled Irish tories to express their support for Sacheverell indirectly, without calling into question their loyalty to the Williamite settlement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the literature on the Sacheverell affair as it stood when it was delivered as a paper to the symposium held in March 2010 to commemorate the 300th anniversary of his impeachment. The basic narrative and prevalent interpretation of its significance were established by the late Geoffrey Holmes in his monograph The Trial of Doctor Sacheverell published in 1973. Holmes placed it in the context of a crisis in Church and state brought about by the Glorious Revolution and its aftermath. This led to the formation of the party conflict between high church tories and low church whigs. When the whigs, led by the junto, came to power between 1708 and 1710, their ascendancy provoked a reaction from tories claiming that the established Church was in danger. It was in this context that Sacheverell preached his provocative sermon on 5 November 1709, which brought on his impeachment for high crimes and misdemeanours. Holmes's detailed account of the trial, together with his separate analysis of the 'Sacheverell riots', have been generally accepted as definitive. Consequently, scholarly attention has tended to shift to the cultural aspects of the affair such as poems on affairs of state and political prints. These investigations have led, in turn, to attempts to establish an appropriate methodology for analysing their significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a notes and comments-style edition of two documents written by William North, Baron North and Grey, during the Sacheverell impeachment. The first of these was a response to arguments made by the Commons' managers before the Lords, the second was North and Grey's notes for his own speech in defence of Sacheverell. It is argued that together these encapsulate a strong tory's view of the impeachment and the revolution of 1688. Given the subsequently jacobite trajectory of North and Grey's career, it is suggested that these documents also offer an insight into the tory mentalité at the point when the first tory party was on the eve of its greatest political and electoral triumphs and before it turned against the Hanoverian dynasty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a response to the essay "Rethinking Mercantilism: Political Economy, the British Empire, and the Atlantic World in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries," by Steve Pincus, published in the issue. It examines mercantilism, British imperial policy, and British politics in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The author reflects on the relationship between economic debates and politics, commenting on British Whig and Tory views. Competition and regulation in international trade are also explored.

This article reconsiders, through the case study of High Tory MP Sir Humphrey Mackworth (1657-1727), an influential thesis that core values of the landed class were incompatible with ‘projects’—new speculative commercial and industrial ventures floated in the emerging stock market. Rather than presupposing inherent tension between Whig and Tory, or Court and Country, the article explores how the High Tory, critical of Whig finance, conceptualized and lent legitimacy to his mining scheme. The first section reviews the historiography and the second introduces the case study. The article then shows that Mackworth viewed and promoted his business as a pursuit of piety, profit, and public service. This godly framework, it will be shown, was no rhetorical ornament: it even influenced how Mackworth understood the frauds he committed, which made him a notorious swindler but also an ‘innovative entrepreneur’ contributing to local economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article argues that Benjamin Disraeli's "Venetia" works out the reform-minded politician's need to deal with the Whig cosmopolitan tradition that preceded him and that came to be most famously embodied in that House of Lords peer and poet, Lord Byron. The article does so by looking carefully at the ways that Disraeli dismisses but also reworks Byron's cosmopolitanism in favor of a still global if more conservative and nationalistic vision of Tory government. Disraeli seeks thus not simply to cancel out Byronism but also to salvage from Byron's legacy its political momentum, its revolutionary verve, and to press it into the service of the Victorian novel and state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The parliamentary organisation of the whig Junto in the reign of Queen Anne was far superior to that of the tory party. At the centre were the meetings in which three or four of the five members of the Junto were present together with some of their followers. Evidence of such meetings is rare but here is presented a letter giving the details of a meeting of all five in April 1713 at the home of Lord Somers, together with their ally, the tory earl of Nottingham, probably to discuss the forthcoming peace proposals, to end the war of the Spanish Succession, and the protestant succession to the British throne. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the Edinburgh and Glasgow Duke of Wellington statues as a way of understanding Tory nationalism in Scotland. Conception of the statues as a national testimonial to the Duke; Role of the Tories in the erection of the statues; Use of the Unionist-nationalism of the Tories to politicize national identity.

Analyzes the validity of evidence on the predominance of jacobites in the Tory party in Great Britain up to 1745. Involvement in attempts to restore the Stuarts to the monarchy; Plunging of the Tory party into a state of crippling demoralization due to the Atterbury plot; Problems on characterizing jacobite allegiance.

Challenges the orthodoxy of `partial realignment' and reasserts working-class support's value to England's Tories' electoral hegemony between 1886 and 1906. Conservatism's appeal to gender- and class-based social identities; Leaders' belief of Conservative party's prospects as dependent on low voting and registering turnouts; Beer-barrel and domestic-centered forms of Tory politics; Appeal of New Liberalism vis-a-vis Conservatism.

Examines Britain's national unity coalition of 1794, focusing on the relationship between the duke of Portland and the then Prime Minister William Pitt, Jr. Analysis of the relationship between the two; Factors that contributed to the strained relationship; How the duke overcame his political antagonism towards Pitt; Significance of this transformation for the emergence of the Conservative (Tory) party.

Presents a paper on the Tory view of geography. Contribution of Tory geographical principles to the expansion of Great Britain's mercantile empire during 1714-1763; Introduction of an ancient theory of history based upon the shaping power of terrain; Similarity between the Tory view of geography and the classical argument on topography set forth by historians.