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Copyright of Jurnal Ilmu Hukum, Humaniora dan Politik (JIHHP) is the property of Dinasti Publisher and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

2024 has been dubbed the "ultimate"1 election year, with more than 60 countries and territories worldwide undertaking major elections. Some elections in many parts of the West come as the world is transiting through a post-COVID-19 phase amidst further intensifying Russia-Ukraine and Israel-Hamas conflicts and a general economic slowdown. Across the West, the political centre has somewhat eroded, and a sizeable segment of the political right has shifted further to the right. Worryingly, extreme right-wing terrorist incidents in the United States (US) have increased in recent years, 2 and the threat has "remained significant" and stable in Western Europe.3 This article assesses how the extreme right-wing terrorist threat could evolve and take advantage of the inroads the right-wing political movement has made in the just concluded 2024 European Union (EU) parliamentary election and the upcoming US presidential election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Middle East Journal of Legal & Jurisprudence Studies / Mağallaẗ al-Šarq al-Awsaṭ li-l-ʿulūm al-Qānūniyyaẗ wa-al-Fiqhiyyaẗ is the property of Manar Elsharq for Studies & Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is a review of Harold Bertot Triana's book on the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR). The author analyzes topics such as the control of conventionality, diplomatic asylum, the rights of indigenous peoples, social and political rights, indefinite re-election, and the denunciation of the American Convention. The importance of the IACHR's work in protecting human rights in the American region is highlighted. Jurisprudential decisions regarding communal property, consultation and free consent of indigenous peoples, as well as political corruption and indefinite presidential re-election in Latin America, are also mentioned. [Extracted from the article]

Should provisional prisoners be allowed to stand for election? In the wake of recent experiences in the Spanish political scene, this paper attempts to answer this question. The answer is organized in three parts: firstly, an approach is made to the conceptual distinction between ownership and exercise of the right to passive suffrage; secondly, an analysis is made of how the restriction of the status libertatis affects political rights; and, thirdly, the paper descends to the casuistry to observe the behavior of the institutions in the face of requests from provisional prisoners to participate in electoral acts as members of an electoral candidacy. The paper concludes by proposing the regulation of a new cause of ineligibility for provisional prisoners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Electoral authorities cited a problem with Rodas's paperwork as the reason for preventing their Movement for the Liberation of the Peoples (MLP) party from running, but their supporters and international observers maintain the decision was politically motivated. At the end of January, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) blocked both Cabrera and Rodas from registering as candidates citing outstanding "legal charges and a complaint" against Rodas. Guatemala's Democracy in Tatters: An Indigenous human rights defender who won unprecedented support in the last election tried to enter the presidential race with proposals to shake up the status quo. [Extracted from the article]

This papers aims the unconstitutionality of articles 142º and 181º of the Political Constitution of Peru, regarding the irreversible and unchallengeable nature of the resolutions issued by the National Election Jury, through the legal institution of electoral protection, whose main purpose of challenging the final decisions of said electoral body against violations of citizens' political rights, such as political participation in electoral acts, due to the processes of registration of candidacies for the election of positions of popular mandate, in the counting process and in the proclamation of results, as well as in the registration process of political organizations. For this, we will expose, in the light of the interpretations of legal philosophy, the seven most important constitutional rulings of the Constitutional Court in matters of electoral protection, understood as a human right to free choice, which must be respected by all. It concludes on the relevance of the control of constitutionality before the actions of the National Election Jury, always having as its north the legitimate and legal practice of elections, as a guarantee of protection of the constitutional and democratic rights of all individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aimed to study the massive and systematic extent of money politics in the 2017 elections of the Bireuen District. This study used a qualitative method with the participant-observer approach. Data were collected through FGD at Al-Muslim University in Bireuen and in-depth interviews with the relevant parties. The practice of moneypolitics in the Bireuen election was very immaculate and well-coordinated. It started by collecting the photocopies of ID and family registry cards and ended with distributing the money before and after the voting. The campaign teams in each village helped to assist this process to the villagers. The study found five major causes of money politics in the Bireuen District. First, the public confidence in the political elections has declined. Second, the political orientation of the community was pragmatic. Third, several candidates had the same power in the election; thus, they had no other choices but to give away money to the public in the hope of being elected. Fourth, the prevention of money politics in the local elections of the Bireuen regent was somewhat weak. The elections supervisory committee does not have the authority to punish the political money perpetrators but could only give recommendations to the District Independent Elections Commission (KIP). These recommendations are subject to being processed or neglected. Lastly, the regulation of money politics was also weak in the Bireuen regional election. This massive money politics in Bireuen could be prevented by establishing a concept and formulating policies in the form of qanun (Islamic bylaws) in Aceh. The qanun could cancel or disqualify the regent candidates if they are proven to have committed money politics based on convincing and legally binding evidence. The political parties could also be deprived of their political rights to carry the regional head candidates for a term of office. Aceh, through its self-government, has a special authority to produce regulations that do not contradict the higher regulation in Indonesia. The function of the qanun is to break the chain and the money politics system by imposing punishment on the regent candidates and political parties. This research has never been investigated before, especially the regulation potential to break the chains of money politics by establishing a qanun to be applied in Aceh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

2024 is the year of simultaneous general elections. All citizens can participate, and every vote counts, including that from people with disabilities. This paper aims to determine the fulfilment of the political rights of persons with disabilities in general elections in Bengkulu City to welcome the general elections to be held simultaneously in 2024. This legal paper used an empirical method with a qualitative approach by collecting primary data from persons with disabilities in Bengkulu City. In-depth interviews were used to find out the fulfilment of the political rights of persons with disabilities in the general elections in Bengkulu City. This paper concludes that the political rights of persons with disabilities in elections in Bengkulu City had not been fulfilled optimally. These rights included the rights to (i) be registered to cast a vote, (ii) access polling stations (TPS), (iii) cast their votes confidentially, (iv) receive information, including information about the elections, and (v) take part in elections. This was because the organizers, namely KPU, failed to play their role optimally. They failed because they had limited funding and persons with disabilities themselves were self-isolating and did not know their political rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Changing models of party organization and party democracy: the emergence of the cartel party. The Politics of Party Funding: State Funding to Political Parties and Party Competition in Western Europe. Moreover, party reliance on private donations could also be argued to attenuate the ties between parties and their grassroots, and the introduction of public funding could be seen as a way of freeing up party activists from fundraising so they could do more political work on the ground (Briffault, [11]; Christiano, [15], p. 258; Ewing, [27], p. 133). Canada's union-allied New Democratic Party (NDP) agreed to reforms that severely restricted the funds that trade unions could donate to it on the grounds that, as stated by one of the party's spokespeople, "the only people who should be allowed to contribute to political parties are those who are actually eligible to vote at election time" (cit. [Extracted from the article]

Purpose – This article aims to advance the literature on the effects of corruption and its relationship to human rights violations. The article also presents an overview of existing legislative measures as well as those expected to be implemented at the national level to tackle corruption and its impacts on fundamental rights. Design/methodology/ approach – The study draws on the literature that addresses the relation between corruption and human rights, and analyses a single well-known case in Brazil (Operation Car Wash) in order to discuss both the violation of citizens’ political rights and of those being investigated. Findings – The article suggests that the Brazilian State has failed to guarantee fundamental rights as well as to effectively control electoral corruption. By exploring the complex structure of illegal campaign financing in Brazil, the article exposes how Operation Car Wash evidenced the violation of both of the right to participate public affairs and to vote in authentic elections in Brazil. Originality/value – Considering that the literature shows it is difficult to link the breaches of human rights with incidences of corruption, this article debates the macro context in which the Car Wash case is inserted and demonstrates the evidence that link the corrupt acts involved in this operation to the violation of specific fundamental human rights: the political rights.

In fact, in 1909 a pan-Asian Union was considered in Paris proclaiming "Let Asia arise in Unity, and Unity will bring Might".[7] A number of Indian nationalists like Mohammad Barkatullah, Lala Lajpat Rai, Manabendra Nath Roy visited Japan and met Chinese nationalists like Sun Yat-sen. The decolonization of Asia and Africa saw several countries achieve independence from the European colonial masters. Without political overtones but with the presence of the self-identified community of Asia that came together with the belief of ending the practice of colonization and racism, the Conference was truly a unique exercise to promote good relations with neighbouring countries. Today, no country can afford to ignore the values of their people, not even developed countries like the US. [Extracted from the article]

The distinction between true and false democracy lies in the authenticity of the right to vote, but even more, in the universality of the right to participate; in the verbal promises made during the election period, but to an even greater degree, in whether these promises are realized afterwards; in the political procedures and rules, but still more, in the extent of their institutional and legal implementation; in the democratic nature of the rules and procedures for the exercise of power, but to a still greater extent, in the ability of the population to enforce restraints on how this power is imposed. Politics is truly democratic if its procedures are straightforward and realistic at the time of the election, while various political rights continue to be enjoyed afterwards; if people feel empowered during the election period, and that they possess sacred rights that can be effectively realized thereafter; and if voting gives people a feeling of solemn satisfaction at the ballot box, along with confidence that happiness will be delivered to them after they leave the polling station. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizens' election rights are among the most important political rights in a democratic state. The SARS-CoV-2 pandemic has brought chaos to countries and thus to their proper functioning. Therefore, the authors of the text, analysing the case of the presidential elections in 2020, put forward the thesis that the provisions regulating the rules of these elections contain significant gaps, which were revealed by the pandemic. The Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 contains a catalogue of conditions that make it possible to elect a president under an extraordinary procedure. They all relate to a necessity to shorten the president's term of office. However, no rules consider the likelihood of other obstacles to voting by the deadline, such as a pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Frónesis is the property of Universidad del Zulia (Fronesis) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective/Context: People usually associate democracy with different sorts of values and desirable outcomes. An informed understanding of democracy, however, requires that the public be aware that democracy is a regime in which elections are free and fair, the government is bound by the rule of law, and citizens have equal political rights and civil freedoms. This article is a contribution to the scholarship on the public understanding of democracy as a liberal-electoral regime. The central claim is that an informed notion of democracy reinforces the relationship between perception of integrity in the electoral process and confidence in elections as a core institution in the political system. Methodology: Using survey data, the empirical analysis focuses on the case of Mexico, where several observers identify a crucial puzzle: voters systematically distrust elections that are widely regarded as free and fair. The analysis is replicated in other Latin American countries as well. Conclusions: As would be expected, voters are more likely to trust elections when they perceive that ballots are counted fairly, electoral officials are honest, media coverage is balanced, or women have equal opportunities to run for office. The results confirm, furthermore, that perception of electoral integrity is associated with a greater degree of trust in elections on the condition that voters understand democracy as a liberal regime. Originality: This research shows that an accurate understanding of democracy enhances citizens' abilities to appreciate the link between electoral integrity and the trustworthiness of elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the question of post-incarceration voting rights restoration is frequently explored by scholars, there is significantly less attention allotted to rights preservation for individuals who are in jail yet remain eligible to vote. Limited studies illustrate that mechanisms of de facto disenfranchisement, meaning standard procedures within the justice system that hinder or even bar voter participation, are pervasive and persistent. In other localities, these findings have been critical to implementing policy solutions that address institutional barriers and increase civic participation among detained populations. This important research, however, has been nonexistent in New York. Based on a random sample of ten New York counties stratified by population, along with Riker's Island, this study seeks to elucidate what election assistance procedures are offered in jail facilities, if any. This research involves records requests to county Boards of Elections and jails, along with phone interviews with jail officials. Through interviews and records requests, this study found that election assistance procedures varied significantly across county lines and, in particular, that misinformation around detained voter eligibility impaired assistance. Importantly, only one county jail maintained copies of absentee ballot requests. There, research uncovered that a mere two out of 10 requesting individuals were ultimately able to vote. Yet, no county monitors civic participation of detained populations entirely, requiring this study to manually match names from jail rosters to those of registered and absentee voters to identify detained voters. Findings that limited or no effort is put into ensuring ballot access for detained populations points to a miscarriage of civic rights within jails in New York State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper descriptively discusses the vote of Mexicans and people born in Guanajuato, Mexico living in the United States during the 2017-2018 electoral process. This presidential and gubernatorial election represented a substantial change in the electoral behavior of the Mexican diaspora. The phenomenon is relevant because it is the first time in the political history of this entity that people from Guanajuato living abroad were able to vote to elect a governor and senators. The analysis focuses on the concept of transnational citizenship, which involves the exercise of migrants’ political rights and their consequent impact on the reconfiguration of the State, especially at the subnational level, in addition to being an expansion of political rights that led to the implementation of a series of mechanisms by the federal and local electoral body to disseminate and make this right accessible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article theorizes and uses global and longitudinal data on gender quota laws to investigate how levels and dimensions of democracy affect the adoption of different quota types. Our results demonstrate that countries at middle levels of the democracy scale are more likely to adopt quotas. Within this diverse group of countries, those that have relatively low levels of electoral contestation (i.e., limited political rights) are most likely to adopt reserved seats. On the other hand, the likelihood of adopting candidate quotas is highest in countries where the protection of civil liberties (i.e., individual freedoms of association, etc.) is moderately high. Our findings suggest that different levels and dimensions of democracy provide political actors with incentives and constraints that create distinct trajectories for quota adoption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Migration & Ethnic Themes: MET / Migracijske i Etničke Teme is the property of Institut za istrazivanje migracija / Institute for Migration Research (IMIN) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Human Sciences (19922876) is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the article, the author discusses the role and plans of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in the establishment of the Bangladeshi nation state. Also cited are how Rahman's vision for nationalism, secularism, democracy and socialism were included in the country's constitution, the quest for national identity in Bangladesh, and how Bangladesh emerged from Pakistan.

Copyright of Journal of Kirkuk University Humanity Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the state of Georgia's 2018 General Election and examines whether its election procedures violated international law. Topics discussed include the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) adopted by the United Nations General Assembly and the obligations of member States under this Covenant, and offers recommendations for the U.S. government to that Georgia's election procedures comply with the ICCPR.

Does local exposure to refugees increase right-wing support? This paper studies a case uniquely suited to address this question: the allocation of refugees to the rural hinterlands of eastern Germany during the European refugee crisis. Similar to non-urban regions elsewhere, the area has had minimal previous exposure to foreigners, but distinctively leans towards the political right. Our data comprise electoral outcomes, and individual-level survey and behavioral measures. A policy allocating refugees following strict administrative rules and a matching procedure allow for causal identification. Our measurements confirm the presence of widespread anti-immigrant sentiments. However, these are unaffected by the presence of refugees in respondents' hometowns: on average, we record null effects for all outcomes, which we interpret as supporting a sociotropic perspective on immigration attitudes. Masked by these overall null findings, we observe convergence: local exposure to refugees appears to have pulled both right- and left-leaning individuals more towards the center. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Global Journal of Economics & Business Studies is the property of Gumushane University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While the February 1917 revolution ended the existence of the Russian empire, it was the beginning of important changes both in central Russia and in almost everywhere under the domination of the empire. One of the main objectives of the opponents who set out to establish a democratic structure in place of the overthrow tsarist was a democratic election that covered all of Russia and the assembly of a parliament and a constituent an assembly that could sustain the political presence of Russia and decide on its political structure at the end of these elections. Political rights and innovations brought by the laws enacted in this direction are the elections, in particular, the rights of women to choose and be elected. The women's usage of their right to participate in political life quickly found a response in the Caucasian-Cross (Trans-Caucasus). Subjects such as the gathering of Russian Muslim assembly, the organization of national councils, the way of organizing the councils, good number of presence of the women in the delegation attending these councils contemporaneously occurred. Following February 1917 revolution, Kars oblast is the first region where women exercise their right to vote and to be elected. For this reason, first of all, information regarding the exercise of women's rights in Europe and the Caucasus should be updated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many countries place restrictions on the political rights of government workers. This includes limitations on political activities such as taking an active part in political campaigns. Are such restrictions desirable? We present a formal welfare analysis of this question. Bureaucrats' political activities affect voter perceptions of the government and this can have informational benefits. However, they can also induce policy mistakes and are susceptible to 'noise' from some bureaucrats' innate desire for political expression. When politicians have limited control over bureaucrats and successfully coordinate with voters, bureaucrats' political activities can be desirable. In most cases, however, banning political activities is optimal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the 2009 Eurozone crisis, EU's intervention into German domestic politics, rise of refugee crisis in 2015, increase in terror attacks and the German people's effort to protect their own identity, there has been a rise of populist radical right in Germany. Alternative for Germany (Alternative für Deutschland - AfD) succeeded in gaining representation in the German Parliament as the first radical rightist party since World War II. AfD, follows anti-EU, anti-refugee and anti-Islam policies, and won 12.6 percent of the votes, making it the third largest party in the parliament after the September 2017 general election. This rapid rise of AfD has raised concerns among German public regarding deconsolidation of German democracy. This article aims at analyzing AfD's populist policies under the framework of Cas Mudde's (2007: 22) three components of populism, which are populism, nativism and authoritarianism, in the framework of democratic deconsolidation. By referring to the AfD party program and discourses of AfD politicians, the article will analyze AfD's populist policies, which polarize the people as "us" and "others"; its nativist policies that claim that Germany should be reserved for Germans alone; and also its authoritarian policies, that propose authoritarian legal arrangements to expel the immigrants and refugees from Germany. While the article argues that AfD poses a potential challenge to German democracy in the context of political pluralism, civil liberties and political rights, it also points out that the German constitutional safeguards and the political culture would prevent this challenge ever being realized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Politico is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)