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Les plateformes numériques ne bousculent pas seulement le travail, elles modifient la façon dont se déconstruisent et se reconstruisent nos politiques publiques en y prenant part. La présente recherche révèle, à partir d'une analyse de cas longitudinale, la << fabrique réglementaire1 >> ayant conduit à la fissuration, puis la déréglementation de l'industrie du taxi à la suite de l'arrivée d'uber au Québec. Elle examine le rôle prégnant de cet << entrepreneur réglementaire >> qu'est uber et du gouvernement dans ce processus. Elle propose, en outre, une grille analytique utile aux chercheurs et aux législateurs afin de conjuguer innovation et bien public dans la révision des politiques publiques confrontées à l'économie numérique. MOTS-CLÉS: Uber, taxi, plateformes numériques, politiques publiques, déréglementation, Québec. L'arrivée d'Uber a provoqué une petite révolution par sa conception innovante de la prestation de transport par taxi, rendue possible grâce à une application numérique (la plateforme) permettant de jumeler conducteurs et passagers. Cette incursion aurait pu être bénéfique à l'ensemble de l'industrie, mais elle s'est effectuée, au Québec, au mépris des acteurs historiques en place et, surtout, de la réglementation en vigueur, ce qui entraîna sa fissuration, puis sa démolition. L'industrie fut alors complètement déréglementée. Cette recherche s'appuie sur une analyse de cas longitudinale qui étudie les transformations de l'industrie du taxi au Québec, après l'arrivée d'Uber, et plus particulièrement le rôle de l'État et de la plateforme dans la construction des politiques publiques. Elle révèle l'importance et le caractère inédit du rôle de la plateforme dans l'élaboration de ces politiques, dès lors qu'elle se transforme en << entrepreneur réglementaire >>. L'analyse de ces perturbations, qui ont abouti à une déréglementation, permet d'apprécier les réponses réglementaires apportées par le gouvernement au cours de ces transformations, les processus et les critères ayant guidé l'élaboration de nouvelles règles ainsi que les acteurs initiateurs. L'examen de cette << fabrique réglementaire >> (expression de Guy Rocher) et du rôle particulier de la plateforme dans ce processus a été possible grâce à une grille analytique qui permet l'étude de la construction des politiques publiques dans un souci de conjuguer innovation et bien public dans le cadre des économies numériques. MOTS-CLÉS: Uber, taxi, plateformes numériques, politiques publiques, déréglementation, Québec. The arrival of Uber has led to a minor revolution owing to its innovative concept of taxi services. The new concept was made possible by a digital application (the platform) that can pair drivers with passengers. Uber's arrival could have been beneficial to the entire industry, but it took place, in Quebec, with no regard for the longstanding players and, above all, for the regulations then in force, which were, thereby, weakened and, then, demolished. The industry was finally deregulated. This research is based on a longitudinal case study of the transformation of Quebec's taxi industry following Uber's arrival. It looks more specifically at the role of the state and the platform in public policy-making. Our main takeaway: the Uber platform gained importance and assumed a distinctive role in development of these public policies as it became a 'regulatory entrepreneur.' Through analysis of the disruptions leading to deregulation, it is possible to assess the government's regulatory responses during those transformations, the processes and criteria that guided the development of new rules and the leading actors. To study this 'regulatory factory' (Guy Rocher) and the platform's special role in that process, we rely on an analytical grid that brings together innovation and the public good into our understanding of public policy-making in a digital economy context. KEYWORDS: Uber, taxi, digital platforms, public policies, deregulation, Quebec., La << fabrique réglementaire >> autour de l'arrivée d'Uber The 'Regulatory Factory' around the Arrival of Uber Introduction Les plateformes numériques ont bouleversé le monde du travail en proposant à [...]

To link to full-text access for this article, visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jbusvent.2008.04.006 Byline: Johanna Mair (a), Ignasi Marti (b) Keywords: Institutional entrepreneurship; Institutional voids; Bricolage; Development; Social entrepreneurship Abstract: In many developing countries those living in poverty are unable to participate in markets due to the weakness or complete absence of supportive institutions. This study examines in microcosm such institutional voids and illustrates the activities of an entrepreneurial actor in rural Bangladesh aimed at addressing them. The findings enable us to better understand why institutional voids originate and to unpack institutional processes in a setting characterized by extreme resource constraints and an institutional fabric that is rich but often at odds with market development. We depict the crafting of new institutional arrangements as an ongoing process of bricolage and unveil its political nature as well as its potentially negative consequences. Author Affiliation: (a) IESE Business School, Av. Pearson, 21, 08034 Barcelona, Spain (b) EM Lyon, 23 Avenue de Collongue, 69130 Ecully, France Article History: Received 11 April 2008; Accepted 15 April 2008 Article Note: (footnote) [star] We thank Christian Seelos, Kate Ganly, Marc Ventresca, two anonymous reviewers and Jared Harris for sharing ideas and providing inspiration and insights. The broader research project benefited from financial support from the European Academy of Business in Society (EABIS), the Anselmo Rubiralta Center for Globalization and Strategy, the Center for Business in Society, and the IESE Platform for Strategy & Sustainability at IESE Business School.

To link to full-text access for this article, visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.technovation.2005.04.003 Byline: Elias G. Carayannis (a), Denisa Popescu (b), Caroline Sipp (c), McDonald Stewart (d) Abstract: Innovative technologies are reshaping the global economic landscape, by improving speed and ease of communications and interaction among the various economic actors involved in the productive cycle. In this paper, we discuss the role that technological learning and information and communication technologies (ICT) play in fostering entrepreneurial development in the Knowledge Economy and support our conceptual constructs with a series of case studies from developed, developing and transitioning economies. We compare and contrast entrepreneurial initiatives, policies and practices and the experience of ways and means to promote learning and entrepreneurship such as global/local (glocal), real-virtual incubator networks (G-RVIN) and other real and virtual infra-structures and infra-technologies (such as Innovation Networks and Knowledge Clusters or INKC) and derive lessons learned for policy makers, practitioners and entrepreneurs. Author Affiliation: (a) Department of Management Science, School of Business and Public Management, George Washington University (GWU), 401G Monroe Hall, 2115 G Street NW, Washington, DC 20052, USA (b) The World Bank and School of Business, GWU, Washington, DC, USA (c) Inter-American Development Bank and School of Business, GWU, Washington, DC, USA (d) School of Business, GWU, Washington, DC, USA

As a key early stage in the formation of an entrepreneurial venture, there has been much recent interest in opportunity recognition as a field of academic study. Although early theorists proposed a holistic approach to the study of venture creation, much of the literature has been dominated by studies focussed on one or two components in isolation. Much of this historical research has an exclusive focus on the role of the entrepreneur or on knowledge within the firm. Such an exclusive focus can be misleading as it tails to consider the nature and dynamics of the inter-relationships taking place in high-tech firms. This paper seeks to synthesise the available literature into a more complete and integrative model of opportunity recognition in high-tech start-ups. We propose opportunity recognition to be a complex, interactive process involving three main components, the founding entrepreneur, the knowledge and experience of the firm and technology. A case study is used to demonstrate the nature of the component interactions. It is argued that more widespread use of the qualitative research can reveal new insights into the complex and interactive process of opportunity recognition in the high-tech start-up. Keywords: Entrepreneurship; Innovation; High-tech new venture; Opportunity recognition

The organizational culture of Canada's National Research Council is examined.

Steria S.A.'s history is examined. The company is controlled by employees and suffered three management crises that were resolved. The article discusses future strategy for the company.

In 1992 the author had built Curteis Chains Ltd into a highly effective small company with a turnover in excess of [pounds]2.5 million. But the rapid growth of the company had not just outgrown the building, it had also outgrown the ability of the company to cope. If further growth was to be acheived, things had to change. This article describes how the author realized that some people coped well with change and others could hardly cope at all. That observation proved to be a breakthrough, and this article describes the way the business and the ideas have progressed since.

They're not the usual suspects. They're women like us who saw their chance and thumbed their noses at naysayers. Each parlayed different talents and less-than-ideal circumstances into multimillion-dollar businesses, fashioning [...]

Years of 14-hour, pressure-cooker days cooped up in a Wall Street office as investment bankers were enough to make Bruce Campbell and his wife, Judith, envious of their lawn man. [...]

There are three ways of getting information--elicitation, observation, and penetration.' Dan Logan, between bites of duck salad, is explaining what he learned in intelligence school before spending three years overseas [...]

WHAT DOES IT TAKE TO START A REALLY SUCCESSFUL BUSINESS? FOR MANY PEOPLE THE answer to that question is simple: plenty of capital. In this issue, Inc. showcases a contingent [...]

When Bill Holt finally got to tackle the project he had always dreamed of, he knew exactly how to go about it. Twenty-seven years at IBM - of 17 them [...]

MAVERICKS: Meet Unstoppable Franchisees Who Won Big EILEEN WINKLER COULDN'T BELIEVE he was back again. A 21-year-old with little on his resume to recommed him, Bradley Williams kept houding her [...]

It's an idyllic Miami afternoon. The cloudless sky is a sparkling blue and there's no humidity to speak of. The day has 'Miami Beach' written all over it. Basking in [...]

Nailing fathers who ignore court orders to pay child support is a difficult job. James Jones, founder of Child Support Services, thinks he can succeed where the government has largely [...]

Nancy Ganz designed the Hipslip, a modern version of the corset, and added it to her sportswear collection in 1987. It was an instant hit, and she dropped the sportswear business to concentrate on control garments. Her new company, Bodyslimmers Inc, recorded sales of $3.9 million in 1991.

NEES Energy Inc. was a subsidiary firm spun off the New England Electric System in 1984 and merged with the Northeast Energy Services in 1990. The firm, which designed and installed energy conservation systems, offers a revealing case study of corporate entrepreneurship. For instance, NEES Energy proved that new venture firms have to run under conditions highly unattractive and unprofitable for their parent firms, namely a highly uncertain market reception, very intense team effort and an autonomous management.

Fred Deluca did it at age 17. Julie and Bill Brice were 18 and 19 respectively and still in college when they took the plunge. Neil T. Balter started almost [...]

LONG AGO SOME ABORIGINAL entrepreneur launched the world's first profit-making concern. There was no cash in those unenlightened times. Therefore, he or she did for business what the Big Bang [...]

Thanks to the current baby boom, Daniel Gold's new diaper-delivery service is ahead of projections. The next step: to become one of the first in his industry to franchise As [...]

Polypipe 'An intensely competitive M&A climate has created a sellers' market in which vendors' advisers are glorying by imposing ever more bruising auction processes and pressured timetables. In this environment, [...]

THE ENTREPRENEUR: James Tiscione, 49, and Anthony Tiscione, 79, founders of ACM Enterprises in Tucson, Arizona PRODUCT DESCRIPTION: The Auto Card Manager (ACM), a thin metal case that holds a [...]

Five successful Hispanic American entrepreneurs are profiled. Gracie Gonzalez of Alamo Roofing Contractors, Antonio Flores and Daniel Vargas of the Vargas Flores & Amigos ad agency, Emilio Porta of Skycolor Painting Contractors and Jesus Pena of the Pena, Cervini & Wittstruck law firm.

The willingness of Hungarian-born John Duzs to take on every new challenge that came his way has helped him become a successful businessman. Forced by the Hungarian government to study statistics instead of art, Duzs did his best to learn the science. He was employed at the Ministry of Foodstuff until the breakout of the Hungarian revolution in 1956 when he decided to escape to America with his wife. In the US, a countryman advised Duzs to take any job he was offered and learn how to perform the job before anyone found out that he did not know how to do it. This has been Duzs's guiding principle since then. Without having any previous experience or formal training, Duzs worked as an illustrator, a calligrapher and a maker of signs. Eventually, he founded his own art studio which currently reports some $150,000 in profit annually.

A multiple-case study of the various rural Chinese entrepreneurial firms is conducted to examine the various institutional and social determinants of social entrepreneurship in a transitional economy. Market preserving authoritarianism, community culture and market orientation are shown to be some of the major factors that affect these enterprises.