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This article argues that political realists have at least two strategies to provide distinctively political normative judgements that have nothing to do with morality. The first ground is instrumental normativity, which states that if we believe that something is a necessary means to a goal we have, we have a reason to do it. In politics, certain means are required by any ends we may intend to pursue. The second ground is epistemic normativity, stating that if something is (empirically) true, this gives us a reason to believe it. In politics, there are certain empirical regularities that ought to be acknowledged for what they are. Both sources are flawed. Instrumental normativity only requires coherence between attitudes and beliefs, and one can hang on to false beliefs to preserve attitudes incompatible with reality. I may desire to eschew power relations, and accordingly I may imagine politics to be like a camping trip. Epistemic normativity, on the other hand, operates critically, striking down existing normative claims. It shows us that politics is nothing like a camping trip, but it doesn’t tell us what we should do about it (beyond abandoning some false beliefs). We conclude by showing that if the two are taken together, they remedy each other’s flaws.

Answering the question “how many countries are there in the world?” turns out to be more complex than it seems, as there is currently no quantitative tool dedicated to this issue. Starting from the...

The COVID-19 crisis has demanded that governments take restrictive measures that are abnormal for most representative democracies. This article aims to examine the determinants of the public’s evaluations towards those measures. This article focuses on political trust and partisanship as potential explanatory factors of evaluations of each government’s health and economic measures to address the COVID-19 crisis. To study these relationships between trust, partisanship and evaluation of measures, data from a novel comparative panel survey is utilised, comprising eleven democracies and three waves, conducted in spring 2020. This article provides evidence that differences in evaluations of the public health and economic measures between countries also depend on contextual factors, such as polarisation and the timing of the measures’ introduction by each government. Results show that the public’s approval of the measures depends strongly on their trust in the national leaders, an effect augmented for voters of the opposition. Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at: https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2021.1930754 .

Au cours des années 2000, les politiques d’immigration et de citoyenneté instaurées en Europe et en Amérique du Nord donnent lieu à la formulation d’un nouveau paradigme d’action publique, qualifié d’« intégration civique » (Joppke, 2007 ; Mouritsen, 2008). Dans les travaux qui leur sont consacrés, ces politiques sont présentées comme marquant un « tournant » (« civic turn »), visible dans la mise en place d’une série de dispositifs et de lois en matière d’entrée, de séjour, d’intégration des...

At the very beginning of her career, Sally Engle Merry focused on the legal relations of nonlegally trained people--often members of the working class, marginalized or racialized groups. She explored the disjuncture between those people's understandings of disputing and the concepts, language, and procedural distinctions of legal professionals. That work brought her into contact with a number of scholars working on what Merry would call "new legal pluralism": taking legal pluralism beyond the colonial and postcolonial contexts in which it had predominantly been deployed and portraying it as a characteristic of virtually all societies and all law.

International audience; Social trust is at the center of democratic societies but it varies considerably between individuals and societies, which deeply affects a range of prosocial behaviours. Socioeconomic status has been identified as an important predictor of such variability. Although this association has mostly been reported for measures of socioeconomic status taken in adulthood, recent studies have found unique effects of harsh conditions experienced during childhood on social trust assessed decades later. Here, we report a series of three studies that provide further support for the long-lasting association between early childhood conditions and social trust. The first study revealed that higher childhood socioeconomic status was associated with greater social trust in a diverse sample of French participants (N=915), even after adjusting for current socioeconomic status. The second study replicated this result using data from the European Values Study, an independent large-scale survey of 46 European countries (N=66,281). Finally, the last study found a similar association between socioeconomic status and willingness to invest in a trust game (N=60 in original study, N=75 in replication study).

The COVID-19 disease was first identified in Wuhan, China, in December 2019, having since spread rapidly across the world. The infection and mortality rates of the disease have forced governments to implement a wave of public health measures. Depending on the context, these range from the implementation of simple hygienic rules to measures such as social distancing or lockdowns that cause major disruptions in citizens’ daily lives. The success of these crucial public health measures rests on the public's willingness to comply. However, individual differences in following the official public health recommendations for stopping the spread of COVID-19 have not yet to our knowledge been assessed. This study aims to fill this gap by assessing the sociodemographic and psychological correlates of implementing public health recommendations that aim to halt the COVID-19 pandemic. We investigate these associations in the context of France, one of the countries that has been most severely affected by the pandemic, and which ended up under a nationwide lockdown on March 17. In the next sections we describe our theoretical expectations over the associations between sociodemographics, personality, ideology, and emotions with abiding by the COVID-19 public health measures. We then test these hypotheses using data from the French Election Study.

Between 1939 and 1945, tens of thousands of ‘Czechoslovaks’ fought against the Axis forces in France, Great Britain, the Soviet Union and the Middle East. In this latter theatre of operations, a battalion was formed in 1940 from the few men available to the Czechoslovak government-in-exile. Czechs, Jews and Slovaks made up the bulk of this unit, later expanded to regimental level. In 1941, they were part of the British-led invasion of Vichy Syria before defending the Tobruk perimeter under Polish command. Before transferring to Great Britain in 1943, the Czechoslovak fighters lived a truly transnational experience. However, Czechoslovak leaders had to make compromises with both their British patrons and the ethnic or religious groups in the unit. Although relations with the British Crown were far easier than with the French or Soviet allies, military exiles had to defend their – limited – autonomy. On the other hand, Palestinian Jews of Czechoslovak origin, German speakers or Slovaks often expressed their discontent with living under Czech rule, highlighting the weaknesses of the Czechoslovak exile.

International audience; Sovereignism is at the crux of the current wave of radical right-wing populism. Populist parties advocate ‘taking back control’ and generally do so in the name of the ‘people’, pledging to restore economic well-being. This article argues that populism and sovereignism are inherently connected in radical right-wing populism politics through a set of values that emphasize popular and national sovereignty. To test the empirical validity of our proposition, we focus on two established European radical right-wing populist parties, namely the Rassemblement National in France and the Swiss People’s Party and use data from an original survey. We find that while Rassemblement National and Swiss People’s Party voters diverge in general economic orientations, they share similar economic populist sovereignist values that significantly shape electoral support for those parties. These findings suggest that economic populist sovereignism may represent an important driver of support for the radical right-wing populism, alongside other correlates of radical right-wing populism voting, such as perceived immigration threat.

We present a projection theory on the space of idiosyncratic histories for heterogeneous-agents models. This allows solving for optimal Ramsey policies in heterogeneous-agent models with aggregate shocks, using a Lagrangian approach. In addition, it allows improving current simulation methods using perturbation techniques, by using more steady-state information. We apply this to study the optimal level distorting tax on labor and unemployment insurance over the business cycle in a production economy. In the quantitative exercise, the average optimal replacement rate is 10% higher than the one implies by a sufficient-statistics approach, due to saving distortions. Moreover, the optimal replacement rate is countercyclical.

International audience; Despite the constant "parliamentarization" of the European Union, the supranational dimension of European elections remains limited. Forty five years after its first election, the European Parliament (EP) still suffers from two main problems: (i) its democratic representativeness is impaired by the diversity of national electoral rules and by the predominantly national dimension of electoral campaigns; (ii) the impact of European elections on the appointment of the Commission remains uncertain, as the so-called lead-candidates (Spitzenkandidaten) procedure is only informal. Today, MEPs are promoting a double strategy to fix these issues. They have decided to relaunch the reform process of the 1976 Act, notably regarding the creation of transnational lists and the formalisation of the lead-candidate procedure, and they encourage the Conference on the Future of Europe to consider these issues. In sum, as they expect their new proposals to be once again challenged in the EP and the Council, MEPs count on the Conference to create a political momentum around these topics with a view to fostering an ambitious reform.

First Published December 8, 2021 The role of the symbolic is often overlooked in the public policy literature. Yet, it is a key component of public action, particularly in crisis management. During the Covid-19 pandemic, all democratic states needed to carry out cognitive and emotional work to persuade their citizens to show solidarity and comply with heavy restrictions. The near-simultaneous occurrence of the pandemic’s first wave (March–May 2020) allows us to compare the patterns of symbolic crisis management across four European countries (France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom). Our analysis finds significant variation in governments’ usage of the symbolic. We analyse leaders’ performances (wordcraft and stagecraft) as they try to reassure citizens, unite the nation, and legitimise themselves and their decisions. Our article shows not only that national leaders pay great attention to the symbolic in the management of crises, but also that their performances differ systematically in line with their personas and distinct national political cultures.

International audience; In the last months of the German rule in Lithuania, various military-political groups fought the occupiers, their collaborators, and each other in the multi-ethnic regions of the Generalbezirk Litauen. Many civilians marked as “enemy sympathisers” fell victim to this multidirectional violence. This chapter interrogates the relationship between violence, gender, and ethnicity in the mobilising discourse and anti-partisan violence of Local Force battalions (Litauische Sonderverbände, Vietinė rinktinė), set up by the German authorities in February 1944. It discusses three factors that enabled the occupation regime to recruit Lithuanian men to fight Polish and Soviet partisans: the memories of violent multi-sided conflicts between Poles, Lithuanians, and Soviets that erupted at the end of the Great War, the Soviet takeover of 1940, perceived as a humiliation and symbolic emasculation of Lithuanian soldiers, and the opportunity to assert the dominance of ethnic Lithuanians in the predominantly Polish-speaking Vilnius region. The chapter also suggests that Local Force violence should be approached within the context of the multidirectional violence that intensified in south-eastern Lithuania in the spring of 1944 rather than as a manifestation of the ancient hatred between Poles and Lithuanians.

International audience; This paper aims at testing whether there exist spending interactions between French municipalities by estimating a dynamic panel data model. Our results suggest that there are some interactions between neighbouring municipalities as regards primary and investment expenditures. A positive relationship between municipalities' wage bill and unemployment rates is likely to stress a rise of temporary employment in those municipalities that suffer from social troubles. Further, the estimation results show that these interdependences also exist between cities whose mayors have the same partisan affiliation. Finally, our results confirm the opportunistic behaviour of local governments, which increase all categories of public spending in pre-electoral periods.

We offer a series of reflective insights about the state and direction of studies related to the politics of regulation. Notably we argue that the field is characterized by persisting divisions between Americanists and Europeanists. Largely focused on the actions taken by political principals, the former regularly report a substantial politicization of regulatory behavior. Reflecting on recent developments in US politics however, we show that political influence could be overestimated in the United States. Symmetrically, this same influence could be underestimated by Europeanists, who for now have largely focused on regulators and agencies. This is notably suggested by a discussion of recent development in European politics, as revealed by contributions systematically measuring agency politicization in Western European democracies. On this basis, we identify some promising research questions and agendas for future studies on the politics of regulation.

There is perennial debate in comparative politics about electoral institutions, but what characterizes this debate is the lack of consideration for citizens’ perspective. In this paper, we report the results of an original survey conducted on representative samples in 15 West European countries ( N = 15,414). We implemented an original instrument to elicit respondents’ views by asking them to rate “real but blind” electoral outcomes. With this survey instrument, we aimed to elicit principled rather than partisan preferences regarding the kind of electoral outcomes that citizens think is good for democracy. We find that West Europeans do not clearly endorse a majoritarian or proportional vision of democracy. They tend to focus on aspects of the government rather than parliament when they pass a judgment. They want a majority government that has few parties and enjoys wide popular support. Finally, we find only small differences between citizens of different countries., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Le marche du risque sante en France connait depuis une trentaine d’annees un vaste mouvement d’europeanisation. Dans les annees 1990, une premiere serie de directives remanie les relations entre les acteurs (mutuelles, institutions de prevoyance et societes d’assurance). En 2016, l’entree en vigueur de la directive Solvabilite II s’accompagne de nouvelles exigences reglementaires. Pourtant, et pendant la meme periode, une serie de mesures adoptees a l’echelon national a renforce la presence de l’Etat dans ses activites. Il en ressort une situation paradoxale : d’un cote, les principaux assureurs sante en France sont certainement plus europeanises qu’auparavant mais, d’un autre cote, les politiques nationales pesent de facon croissante sur leurs activites.

International audience; This article analyzes the different ways in which transitional justice has dealt with demands over property restitution and redistribution. To do this, it presents a review of academic literature regarding how to define reparation, the justifications for restitution, and the debate regarding property redistribution as a part of peace negotiations. The article ends with a synthesis of the different critiques raised to the ways in which restitution and redistribution of property have been legally structured. These critiques include foregrounding neoliberalism (as an economic ideal and a governance project) in transitional justice, unveiling gender biases as well as demands for more comprehensive redistribution in the aftermath of civil war.

The strengthening of the populist radical right poses an important challenge for European integration. This article explores whether democratic backsliding among member states has acted as a catalyst for broader PRR cooperation at the EU level. Studying the co-sponsorship and contents of parliamentary questions and roll-call vote cohesion of PRR representatives in the European Parliament from 2009 to 2019, we examine the extent and substance of their joint polity-based contestation of European integration. Our findings indicate that overall levels of PRR cooperation remain low and concentrated within European party groups, suggesting that ideological divergences between PRR actors and their institutional fragmentation within the EP still hamper their formal cooperation at the European level. These insights feed into debates on the potential and limitations of transnational cooperation of PRR actors., Journal of European Public Policy, 30 (1), ISSN:1350-1763, ISSN:1466-4429

International audience; ContextThe Cambridge Analytica scandal revelation in 2018 lifts the veil on the use of new behavioral micro-targeting techniques for political persuasion. The case rekindles the interest of researchers in the humanities in the contribution of psychology to propaganda and mass persuasion.ObjectivesThis work aims to analyze the psychological effects of propaganda by contextualizing them over the long-term. It questions and updates the thinking of Jacques Ellul on this subject. The aim is to demonstrate that the psychological effects of propaganda are all the more convincing as they are the product of an application of principles drawn from psychology and psychoanalysis to ever more sophisticated tools, the effectiveness of which is now measurable.MethodThe author first traces the history of the tools for measuring the effectiveness of propaganda, then describes the specific contribution of psychology and psychoanalysis to mass persuasion. Finally, he describes the main psychological effects of propaganda.ResultsThe measurement of the effectiveness of propaganda has been the subject of incremental progress throughout the 20th century, before experiencing breakthrough progress with the application of predictive analytics of gigantic behavioral data to the design of persuasive digital infrastructures. Psychology is the discipline whose contribution to propaganda techniques has been the most decisive, so that propaganda produces many and varied psychological effects.ConclusionsPropaganda is an applied science, which takes advantage of the contributions of science to achieve practical goals. Consideration of psychology is crucial in developing effective persuasion techniques.; ContexteEn 2018, la révélation du scandale Cambridge Analytica lève le voile sur le recours à de nouvelles techniques de microciblage comportemental à des fins de persuasion politique. L’affaire relance l’intérêt des chercheurs en sciences humaines sur l’apport de la psychologie à la propagande et à la persuasion de masse.ObjectifsCe travail vise à analyser les effets psychologiques de la propagande en les contextualisant sur la longue durée. Il questionne et actualise la pensée de Jacques Ellul à ce sujet. Il s’agit de démontrer que les effets psychologiques de la propagande sont d’autant plus probants qu’ils sont le produit d’une application de principes tirés de la psychologie et de la psychanalyse à des outils toujours plus perfectionnés dont l’efficacité est désormais mesurable.MéthodeL’auteur retrace tout d’abord l’histoire des outils de mesure de l’efficacité de la propagande, puis décrit l’apport spécifique de la psychologie et de la psychanalyse à la persuasion de masse. Enfin, il décrit les principaux effets psychologiques de la propagande.RésultatsLa mesure de l’efficacité de la propagande a fait l’objet d’un progrès incrémental tout au long du XXe siècle, avant de connaître un progrès de rupture avec l’application de l’analyse prédictive de données comportementales gigantesques à la conception d’infrastructures numériques persuasives. La psychologie est la discipline dont l’apport aux techniques de propagande a été la plus décisive, de sorte que la propagande produit des effets psychologiques nombreux et variés.ConclusionLa propagande est une science appliquée, qui tire profit des apports des sciences pour atteindre des objectifs pratiques. La prise en compte de la psychologie se révèle déterminante dans l’élaboration de techniques de persuasion efficaces.

Independent regulatory agency has become the standard institutional choice in Western Europe. Little is known, however, about the involvement of legislators in their design and in their monitoring. In this paper, we analyse ex-ante and ex-post legislative involvement for 48 regulatory agencies enacted in France. We show that legislators debate and design more substantially agencies for which the government bill has already granted them more powers to appoint members to their board, or to be appointed as board members themselves. Once enacted, agencies that allow greater participation by legislators in their decision-making are subject to greater scrutiny, and this even after controlling for routine oversight activities. Regulatory domains matter, though only for ex-post legislative oversight. These results suggest that legislative involvement is selective and driven by strategic considerations. More fundamentally, they imply that legislative involvement could be more important in regulatory agency activities than usually assumed.

International audience; This article analyzes the specific and critical role of trust in scientists on both the support for and compliance with nonpharmaceutical interventions (NPIs) during the COVID-19 pandemic. We exploit large-scale, longitudinal, and representative surveys for 12 countries over the period from March to December 2020, and we complement the analysis with experimental data. We find that trust in scientists is the key driving force behind individual support for and compliance with NPIs and for favorable attitudes toward vaccination. The effect of trust in government is more ambiguous and tends to diminish support for and compliance with NPIs in countries where the recommendations from scientists and the government were not aligned. Trust in others also has seemingly paradoxical effects: in countries where social trust is high, the support for NPIs is low due to higher expectations that others will voluntary social distance. Our individual-level longitudinal data also allows us to evaluate the effects of within-person changes in trust over the pandemic: we show that trust levels and, in particular, trust in scientists have changed dramatically for individuals and within countries, with important subsequent effects on compliant behavior and support for NPIs. Such findings point out the challenging but critical need to maintain trust in scientists during a lasting pandemic that strains citizens and governments.

International audience; This article complements analyses of the partisan politicization of the European Parliament from roll-call votes with an analysis of political groups' use of parliamentary questions. Questions offer an institutional opening for issue politicization and for partisan differentiation. Parliamentary groups have incentives to shape EU policies by drawing the attention to their topics of predilection and by controlling ongoing action. We make use of a new dataset on questions for oral answer (2004–19) to test if this results in European party groups emphasizing differentiated topics in their questions to the Commission and the Council. Our analyses confirm groups' differentiated issue attention. These findings have important implications for understanding the partisan politicization of EU policies and confirming the truly political nature of deliberation in the EP. They reveal patterns of partisan opposition different from those expressed in votes and emphasize the relevance of parliamentary questions as a key institutional window for politicization.

This article examines public contestation of Europe by the far right in France. It investigates whether far-right mobilization on the EU has changed over time, and how it diverges in the party and non-party sectors. Specifically, we follow a politicization approach and address mobilization in terms of three interrelated dimensions: intensity, issue focus, and action repertoire. This allows comparing collective action in the electoral and protest arenas, thus assessing how the far right politicizes Europe in public debates. The study relies on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of the content of the press releases posted by far-right parties and movements on their official websites, scraped automatically from 2012 to 2019. The results show that European integration is increasingly at the core of far-right politics in France, but its politicization unfolds in different ways in the protest and electoral arenas. As political conflict over the EU expands, far-right parties and non-party actors are challenged to differentiate their respective profiles. These findings complement existing research on the linkages between protest and elections, and suggest that the rooting of the far right in society is reconfiguring the structure of political conflict in Europe.

La remuneration des fonctionnaires n’est pas comparable a celle des salaries du prive. Elle est fixee de maniere unilaterale et ne peut pas faire l’objet de negociation avec les employeurs publics. Elle n’est pas liee a des prestations economiques mais a l’occupation d’un emploi dans une hierarchie. La remuneration des fonctionnaires est donc deconnectee de leur investissement personnel dans un travail qui reste de nature collective. L’individualisation des remunerations ne joue que sur une faible part de la remuneration totale. Si les theories du New Public Management ont cherche a introduire les logiques de remuneration du secteur prive dans la fonction publique, elles n’ont pas pu supprimer un rapport au travail domine par le sens de l’utilite sociale et collective.

International audience; We propose an abductive logic of scientific inference for quantitative research. The advent of computational sociology has exposed the limitations of a deductive logic of inquiry for quantitative researchers due to a lack of traditional sociological variables and an abundance of unfamiliar variables and data formats, complicating hypothesis testing. In response, some researchers have embraced inductive inference, but inductive analysis without theoretical guidance risks producing atheoretical findings. An abductive logic of inquiry rests on developing new theoretical insights based on surprising research results in light of existing theories. In computational sociology, such surprising findings can be cultivated by taking advantage of the analytical potential of scaled-up data and developing flexible analytical and visualization procedures. We illustrate these tactics with a surprising finding in a study of the labor supply decisions of New York City yellow cab drivers.

This article studies religious arbitration from the perspective of global legal pluralism, which embraces both normative plurality and cultural diversity. In this context, the article considers that UK arbitration law regulates both commercial and religious arbitration while relying on a monist conception of arbitration. It further identifies two intertwined issues regarding cultural diversity, which find their source in this monist conception. Firstly, through the study of Jivraj v. Hashwani ([2011] UKSC 40), this article shows that the governance of religious arbitration may generate a conflict between arbitration law and equality law, the avoidance of which can require sacrificing the objectives of one or the other branch of law. The Jivraj case concerned an Ismaili arbitration clause, requiring that all arbitrators be Ismaili—a clause valid under arbitration law but potentially not under employment-equality law. To avoid such conflict, the Supreme Court reduced the scope of employment-equality law, thereby excluding self-employed persons. Secondly, based on cultural studies of law, this article shows that the conception of arbitration underlying UK arbitration law is ill-suited to make sense of Ismaili arbitration. In view of these two issues, this article argues that UK arbitration law acknowledges normative multiplicity but fails to embrace the cultural diversity entangled therewith.

"Measurement" and " civil service": for those who regularly read the general press or election campaign arguments, these are two terms that seem made for each other. This is because, among the many preconceived ideas about the functioning of states and their administrations, the inevitable plethora of civil servants occupies a prominent place in the media and political fields. The contrast is striking between, on the one hand, the multiplication of comparative arguments (whether simply peremptory or truly manipulative) and, on the other, the small number of empirical and comparative works devoted to the history of the development of the public service. This introduction proposes some historiographical hypotheses to explain this discrepancy and outlines some avenues to try to bridge it. [Issue XXXV-2, 2020 published in June 2021]; Introduction du dossier "Inquantifiables fonctions publiques ?". « Mesure » et « fonction publique » : pour qui lit régulièrement la presse généraliste ou les arguments de campagnes électorales, voilà deux termes qui semblent faits l’un pour l’autre. Cela procède notamment du fait que, parmi les nombreuses idées reçues sur le fonctionnement des États et de leurs administrations, le caractère forcément pléthorique du nombre des fonctionnaires occupe une place de choix dans les champs médiatique et politique. Le contraste est frappant entre, d’un côté, la multiplication d'arguments comparatifs (qu’ils soient simplement péremptoires ou véritablement manipulatoires) et, de l’autre, le faible nombre de travaux empiriques et comparatifs consacrés à l’histoire du développement des fonctions publiques. Cette introduction propose quelques hypothèses historiographiques pour expliquer ce décalage et expose quelques pistes pour tenter de le combler. [numéro XXXV-2, 2020, paru en juin 2021]

Following the Great Financial Crisis, European Union (EU) rules in the area of banking supervision have become ever more strongly influenced by the (formally non-binding) standards developed by international financial fora, chief of which are the G20 and the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision. European representation in these fora fluctuates, as varying, though, reduced groups of individual Member States are involved directly alongside EU institutions and bodies. Taking the example of the Basel Accords, this article sets forth to examine how the European participation in those fora is articulated, whilst also assessing the existing mechanisms of democratic accountability. Indeed, in view of the important constraints these standards impose on European legislators, it is of utmost importance that they be involved early on when they are defined to avoid any democratic accountability gap from arising.

First Published November 18, 2019; This comparative examination sheds light on the spatial scope of actors making youth-related claims inmainstream media. Drawing upon the ‘political opportunity structure’ approach, our main argument is thatthe spatial scope of political debates on youth-related issues are driven by institutional arrangementsreflecting windows of opportunities for the representation of various youth interests. Methodologically,we draw upon ‘claim-making’ analysis of five newspapers for each of the nine countries of the EURYKAproject, i.e. France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and United Kingdom. Our cross-national exploratory analysis aims to show, a) how state configuration and youth regime contexts impact on the spatial scope of youth and nonyouth actors, and furthermore, on specific state, civil society and interest group actors, as well as, b) whether this leads to a new clustering of countries across spatialdivides in the age of youth precarity. Cross-national variation is especially considered by looking at howinstitutional arrangements vary in each country, based on their youth policy regimes, the specific statestructure and the impact of recent economic crisis on youth welfare policies.

This special issue engages with the “cultural backlash hypothesis”—that citizens dissatisfied with democratic regimes tend to support the emergence of non representative democracy. The first article challenges classical notions of citizenship and shows that critical citizens actually call for more competent representatives. The second piece asserts that critical citizenship is more complex than what previous research has shown and that only certain types of citizenship are more likely to result in protest votes. As the introduction points out, the two pieces together paint a far more complex picture of citizenship than previously understood through an innovative approach that combines normative political theory with survey research in a country setting. A new research agenda that comes out of these findings is also proposed.

The striking economic agglomerations emerging in affluent democracies are generating, reproducing, and expanding inequalities. A major mechanism for this is housing, which is both a repository for wealth and, under these conditions, a magnifier of wealth. Access to urban areas – the site of educational, labor, and marriage market advantages – is contingent upon access to housing. We use comparative analysis of cases in Europe (London and Paris) and the United States (New York and San Francisco) to consider the capacities of different societies to limit or ameliorate these new sources of diverging opportunity. These seemingly local issues remain shaped by distinct national political contexts, which vary dramatically in their capacity to support local affordable housing and reduce the collective action problems confronting major metropolitan areas.

Although Hirschman's exit-voice theoretical model has been applied to labor markets, research up to now has not tested one of its most important features: the impact of job quality on exit-voice strategies. Hirschman's model of consumer behavior explains that those individuals unsatisfied with a product's quality are more likely to "voice," whereas those more concerned with its price are more likely to "exit." A rationale for this trade- off is based on information: first, information on the price of alternative options is much more accessible than information on quality; second, voice produces more information than exit and favors opportunities for specific improvements. We transpose Hirschman's assumptions to labor markets and use the French SalSa survey and DADS, declaration by employers on social data, to examine the conditions under which French employees are more likely to exit, and the conditions under which they are more likely to voice. Our results support the Hirschmanian hypothesis. A deterioration by one unit in our working-conditions index increases the probability of participation in collective action by 5 percentage points. An increase in log hourly wage by one unit decreases the probability of quitting by 5 percentage points.

International audience; The promotion system for French academic economists provides an interesting environment to examine the promotion gap between men and women. Promotions occur through national competitions for which we have information both on candidates and on those eligible to be candidates. Thus, we can examine the two stages of the process: application and success. Women are less likely to seek promotion, and this accounts for up to 76 percent of the promotion gap. Being a woman also reduces the probability of promotion conditional on applying, although the gender difference is not statistically significant. Our results highlight the importance of the decision to apply.

This article engages with international lawyers’ growing historiographical appetites. It makes the argument that the critical histories that have come to populate the international legal literature over the last decades continue to be organised along the very lines set by the historical narratives which they seek to question and disrupt. It makes a plea for radical historical critique, that is, for critical histories that move beyond the markers, periodisation, and causal sequencing they seek to displace or disrupt and that embrace a consciously interventionist history-writing attitude with a view to unbridling disciplinary imagination.

Bentham’s hatred of the major elements of the legal culture of his times is legendary. He thoroughly criticised the notions of natural law and social contract that were at the roots of Blackstone’s legal doctrine as so many fictions. His criticism also centred, in a more technical manner, on several fictions that belonged to the ordinary legal reasoning of the common lawyers. Substantive fictions such as the crime of grand larceny and procedural fictions such as the procedure of ejectment were everyday fare for legal practitioners. By unveiling how these fictions, understood as linguistic devices, operated, Bentham highlighted how they contributed to debase the law’s addressee’s practical reasoning in order to reinforce her subjection to the class of jurists. His contempt for artificial (but purposeful) legal technicalities allows to understand how full blown the hermeneutics of suspicion he developed against the hegemony of legalism (which will sound familiar to Marxists) was. Nevertheless, one cannot help concluding that Bentham might have been the very victim of the power structure he fought.

En instaurant le Protectorat en Tunisie (1881) et au Maroc (1912), les autorités coloniales décident une patrimonialisation des monarchie beylicale et chérifienne. Elles exercent un tri dans les institutions des deux États afin de sélectionner certaines administrations, procédés scripturaires et techniques qui demeurent malgré la rupture coloniale. Cette stratégie de contrôle laisse en réalité aux souverains musulmans et à leurs serviteurs des armes contre la puissance coloniale. À travers deux cas d’étude (les actes de nomination du Sultan et la Cour du Bey), ce patrimoine voulu traditionnel apparaît comme vivant et reformulé selon les circonstances politiques. L’examen de sources arabes met au jour cette forme de résistance qui ne se limite pas aux partis nationalistes et remet en cause les distinctions entre « modernité » et « tradition ». The Tunisian and Moroccan Protectorates have submitted the Sherifian and Beylical monarchies to a process of “patrimonalization”. French authorities have consequently selected few administrative methods and institutions among State patrimonies to maintain them under the colonial rule. This strategy let political tools to Muslim Sovereigns and their servants to resist the French domination. Through two case studies (Sultan’s dahirs of appointment and Beys court) based on Arabic sources, this paper shows how Sovereigns and servants reinvented this patrimony and why resistance against colonial order was neither only a question of “modernity” vs. “tradition”, nor the monopoly of nationalist parties.

This article analyses the political construction and politicisation of UK–EU relations by British parliamentarians in Westminster and in the European Parliament (EP) between May 2015 and May 2017. Using computer-assisted content analysis techniques and qualitative analysis of sampled speeches, we investigate how parties used frames and emotions in order to mobilise voters. Results indicate that the ‘Leave’ campaign succeeded in triggering sentiments of distrust and anger against the establishment and mobilizing voters while, economic arguments used by ‘remainers’ failed to convince citizens from deprived areas of the benefits of EU membership. Intra-party divisions were stronger among Westminster members than in the EP, but the visibility of the ‘Leave’ discourse in the EP was disproportionately higher to the number of pro-Brexit parliamentarians. Polarisation and values-based arguments are observed in the EP early in the campaign, suggesting that the process initiated at the European level and then migrated to the national level.

Data de publicació electrònica: 06-10-2021 After a decade-long search, countries finally agreed on a new climate treaty in 2015. The Paris Agreement has attracted attention both for overcoming years of gridlock and for its novel features. Here, we build on accounts explaining why states reached agreement, arguing that a deeper understanding requires a focus on institutional design. Ultimately, it was this agreement, with its specific provisions, that proved acceptable to states rather than other possible outcomes. Our account is multi-causal and draws methodological inspiration from the public policy and causes of war literatures. Specifically, we distinguish between background, intermediate, and proximate conditions and identify how they relate to one another, jointly producing the ultimate outcome we observe. Our analysis focuses especially on the role of scientific knowledge, non-state actor mobilization, institutional legacies, bargaining, and coalition-building in the final push for agreement. This case-based approach helps to understand the origins of Paris, but also offers a unique, historically grounded way to examine questions of institutional design. We are grateful for the research funding received from the Institute of Asian Research and the School of Public Policy and Global Affairs at UBC, the Environmental Governance Lab (EGL) at the University of Toronto, and the Research Support Scheme at Cardiff University.

International audience; Disability and Gender in the Forming of Couples: Classical Sociological Drivers?While the socio-demographic determinants of the forming of couples are well documented, the way in which disability fits into these mechanisms has yet to be thoroughly investigated, especially in light of gender particularities. Based on 37 interviews with individuals who had grown up with a visual impairment or learning difficulties, we found that some of the factors shaping the disposition to live as a couple, the venues where partners meet, and the matching process, which are usually observed through the lens of social class or age, are also sensitive to disability characteristics : how visible their impairment is, what limitations people encounter, and how familiar they are with institutions in the disability sector. Furthermore, although the interviewees seemed to align themselves with certain conventional male and female standards of heterosexual conjugality, two dimensions reveal more complex interrelationships between disability and gender : perceptions of violence, and relationships to human and financial dependence.; Alors que les déterminants sociodémographiques de la formation du couple sont documentés, la façon dont le handicap s’inscrit dans ces mécanismes a peu été explorée, a fortiori en tenant compte de spécificités genrées. À partir de 37 entretiens auprès de personnes ayant grandi avec une déficience visuelle ou un trouble dys, nous constatons que certains ressorts façonnant les dispositions à la vie de couple, les contextes de rencontre et les processus d’appariement, habituellement lus au prisme de la classe sociale ou de l’âge, sont également sensibles à des caractéristiques de handicap : visibilité de la condition, nature des limitations, proximité avec des dispositifs institutionnels spécialisés. Par ailleurs, si les personnes interrogées semblent s’aligner sur certains standards masculins et féminins classiques de la conjugalité hétérosexuelle, deux dimensions laissent voir des intrications plus complexes entre handicap et genre : les perceptions de violence et les rapports à la dépendance humaine et financière.

Has the performance of UNCITRAL’s mandate evolved over time in relation to the governance of international investments? The chapter argues that UNCITRAL’s activities concerning investment law may be divided in two discrete instants. A first period is marked by an attentive performance of UNCITRAL’s mandate to promote “the progressive harmonization and unification of the law of international trade”, focused only on the private dimensions of international investment transactions. A second period begins recently with UNCITRAL’s involvement in the governance of investment arbitration. In particular, the project of ISDS reform has been undertaken at UNCITRAL under a presumably expanded understanding of its mandate and mission. It is, however, unclear whether this reconstruction of UNCITRAL’s mandate merely reflects a stronger engagement with public international law or an attempt to pursue activities of institutional imagination seemingly geared towards the transnational constitutionalization of the international investment regime. In any event, the new set of tasks conducted by UNCITRAL will require changes to the methods and practices historically developed for the transnational harmonization of municipal commercial law. This chapter aims at contributing to a reflection on the obstacles that UNCITRAL may face in the years to come regarding its evolving role as one of the centres for the transnational governance of international investments.

Pourquoi et comment s’interroger sur le rapport au politique de ceux qu’il est convenu d’appeler des militants associatifs ? Pourquoi se poser la question de savoir si le fait de s’engager dans une association développe chez les individus une vision du monde plus civique, voire un intérêt pour les affaires politiques, quand on sait que les associations poursuivent les buts les plus divers et que les associations sportives ou de loisirs constituent aujourd’hui l’essentiel des effectifs ? La qu...

In what ways, if at all, do past ideologies shape the values of subsequent generations of citizens? Are public attitudes in one period shaped by the discourses and constructions of an earlier generation of political leaders? Using Thatcherism – one variant of the political New Right of the 1980s – as the object of our enquiries, this article explores the extent to which an attitudinal legacy is detectable among the citizens of the UK some 40 years after Margaret Thatcher first became Prime Minister. Our article, drawing on survey data collected in early 2019 (n = 5781), finds that younger generations express and seemingly embrace key tenets of her and her governments’ philosophies. Yet at the same time, they are keen to describe her government’s policies as having ‘gone too far’. Our contribution throws further light on the complex and often covert character of attitudinal legacies. One reading of the data suggests that younger generations do not attribute the broadly Thatcherite values that they hold to Thatcher or Thatcherism since they were socialised politically after such values had become normalised.

The search for a universally acceptable definition of corruption has been a central element of scholarship on corruption over the last decades, without it ever reaching a consensus in academic circles. Moreover, it is far from certain that citizens share the same understanding of what should be labelled as ‘corruption’ across time, space and social groups. This article traces the journey from the classical conception of corruption, centred around the notions of morals and decay, to the modern understanding of the term focussing on individual actions and practices. It provides an overview of the scholarly struggle over meaning-making and shows how the definition of corruption as the ‘abuse of public/entrusted power for private gain’ became dominant, as corruption was constructed as a global problem by international organizations. Lastly, it advocates for bringing back a more constructivist perspective on the study of corruption which takes the ambiguity and political dimensions of corruption seriously. The article suggests new avenues of research to understand corruption in the changing context of the twenty-first century.

The assumption that increasing diversity and economic hardship boost support for the far right is widespread, yet extant research comes up with contradictory findings. This article investigates the link between context and the far right by investigating the impact of immigration and unemployment on voting for Marine Le Pen in the first round of the 2017 French Presidential election. We match a large individual-level survey with contextual variables constructed from the census describing voters’ residential environments. Unlike previous studies, we measure immigration and unemployment at the neighborhood level and the broader level of the department. Using a multilevel model, we find that voters in neighborhoods with high levels of immigration are less likely to vote for the far right. However, in departments, increased immigration and unemployment correlate with greater support for Le Pen. These findings suggest that contact theory and ethnic threat operate differently according to spatial scale.

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International audience; In this paper, we document the presence of “technology-induced” trade in France between 1997 and 2007 and assess its impact on consumer welfare. We use the staggered roll-out of broadband internet to estimate its causal effect on the importing behavior of affected firms. Using an event-study design, we find that broadband expansion increases firm-level imports by around 25%. The effect on domestic sales is positive but smaller, suggesting that the impact on trade is not limited to a scale effect. We further find that the “sub-extensive” margin (number of products and sourcing countries per firm) is the main channel of adjustment. Finally, we develop a model where firms optimize over their import strategy which yields a sufficient statistics formula for the quantification of the effects of broadband on consumer welfare. Interpreted within this model, our reduced-form estimates imply that broadband internet reduced the consumer price index by 2.22% and that the import-channel, i.e. the enhanced access to foreign goods that is allowed by broadband, accounts for about 33% of that effect.

Volunteer Activism Influence Political Attitudes and Behavior? In this chapter, we propose a reflection on the relationship between volunteering and political participation. We will ask ourselves whether the specific traits that characterize volunteer engagement in various forms, individual or associative networks, interpersonal links, and the cultures that develop through these activities can influence political attitudes and different forms of political participation. In recent years, Italian citizens have scarcely harboured positive feelings toward politics but have rather exhibited indifference and often anger toward parties and representative institutions. Their willingness to participate has not diminished, 14 has rather taken on other forms quite different from the parties themselves (volunteering, associations, movements). These tendencies had already begun manifesting themselves in Italy in the 1980s with the growth of volunteer commitment at a social, individual, or group level. The weight of social volunteering, oriented to the production of public goods, has increased in the last 20 years, while the influence of political parties has been reduced, and the forms of citizens’ participation have been transformed. In general, a considerable amount of research indicates a significant relationship between volunteering and political participation. However, the relationship can take several different forms and meanings depending upon the type of association to which the volunteers are linked and the possible ways of expressing political participation. On the other hand, a hypothesis may also be put forth that volunteering and political commitment are both influenced by the same social conditions of the volunteers as well as by the territorial contexts in which they operate. Based on the survey results of the Istat Aspects of Daily Life (ADL) of 2013, this chapter shows proofs of a socialisation effects of volunteering on political skills and behaviour, reducing inequalities in political participation. Especially, an inclusive group’s style reduces the effects of exclusion from democratic political participation structured by social inequalities. In 2013, associationism was confirmed as a true school of democracy, namely, for the work- ing classes. Finally, we note that political and social participation differ in relation to their distribution on the respondents’ respective territories. The levels of latent and visible political participation can be significantly influenced by the levels of civicness that traditionally differentiate across the Italian regions, as has been noted since the beginning of Putnam’s research in the 1980s. However, in all regional areas, the experience of volunteering and participation in social associations increases political participation. The influence of this experience is much more relevant in the southern regions where a more limited level of civic participation is traditionally reported. In territories where civicism is lower, not only associationism itself play a fundamental role in the production of public goods, but it also serves as a fundamental driver of the socialization to democratic values and practices, even more so than in other parts of the Bel Paese.

Sometimes, people engaged in politics actively refuse to speak for anyone but themselves. These unrepresentative claims multiply in social movements in times of crisis. During the French Yellow Vest movement of 2018–2019, such unrepresentative claims were routinely made by Yellow Vest leaders, to the point of being a condition for having a leadership position in the movement. By making these unrepresentative claims, they declined any representative mandate, asserting their freedom from any instituted influence. However, by claiming to speak only for themselves, they also selected the aspects of their identity they performed. This allowed them to embody the people sharing this identity, recalling the medieval repraesentatio identitatis, but in a way adjusted to today’s greater personalization of politics. Drawing on this movement and on other examples of unrepresentative claims, we can delineate three broad ideal-types of identities that may be put forward by unrepresentative claims: generality, particularity, and individuality.

Social scientists seeking to analyze socially sanctioned behaviors or attitudes increasingly rely on indirect response survey methods, meant to veil the answers of individual respondents. We propose simple internal consistency tests for two such methods, the list experiment and the randomized response technique (its Warner and Crosswise variants). We implement these tests in two studies on sexual and reproductive health behavior in Cameroon and Cote d’Ivoire. Non-compliance with instructions among surveyed individuals appears high and not easily char-acterizable. The tests we propose can be easily and cheaply embedded in measurement tools, allowing researchers to at least know whether their data is reliable before using it.