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This article reports on a content analysis of newspaper items from Aotearoa/New Zealand about Māori issues, focusing on level of coverage, topics and sources. Results from analysis of a representative sample of news items from six months over 2007-2008 were compared with two previous pilot studies in 2004 and early 2007. The study found that the mass media covered Māori stories at very low rates, worked a narrow range of topics and prioritised Pākehā sources over Māori, even in articles specifically about Māori issues. The authors sketch an indigenous theory of media news processes and relate these findings to already published thematic and discourse analyses of the materials from the same database to illustrate the roles of mass media coverage in the dynamics of national life in Aotearoa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current context and changes in the communicational paradigm in the last ten years lead to think we are experiencing a moment of transition that entails the end of mass media, like different studies have concluded. Among them, the most vulnerable product is the printed newspaper, which disappearance generates few doubts. However, immersed in this moment of change, we cannot yet evaluate what means to lose a journalistic model that has prevailed for over two centuries and a half as informational reference. From this perspective, the province of Cuenca, in Castile-La Mancha, one of the two in Spain which today no longer has a printed newspaper, offers us a unique scenario to approach what kind of medium positions as leader in its place. Using a mixed methodology, based on the review of documentary sources and contents analysis, we analyse a case study that aims to collect tendencies regarding proximity media. In this case, the switching from one platform to another has devaluated very relevant journalistic genres, such as the photo news or the editorial, but also some core practices in the journalism, like the editing task on the material that arriving to the editorial offices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Newspapers in India can broadly be classified into two groups - English newspapers and language newspapers. As the name indicates, English newspapers are published in English language, whereas language newspapers are published in different Indian languages. Unlike the English papers, these are available even in the interior villages of the country. Thus they have a major role in formulating public opinion across our country. In India, language papers are published in more than 100 languages. But the main papers are published in 16 principal languages. Language papers vary from English papers in their style, presentation and approach. The reasons for the growth of newspapers in India that we have studied so far are equally applicable for the growth of language newspapers. But there are some other factors that helped the rise of the latter. During the early days, the language press was looked down upon as 'vernacular dailies' by the English press but with the rise and emergence of language media as a major force this impression has changed. India has the world's largest newspaper market after China. While news papers are struggling in Europe and USA, in India and China there is a boom. It is interesting to note that the world's three top countries in newspaper circulation are China with 98.70 million copies, India with 88.90 million copies and Japan with 69.10 million. At the time when India became independent, the country had only 3533 publications. Among them 330 were daily newspapers and 3203 were periodicals. After 50 years, there has been a 12 fold increase in the number of publications. In 1997, according to the data published by the Registrar of News Papers of India, there were 41705 publications among which the number of newspapers was 4719. In 2006, this has gone up to 45600 publications, in which 5600 are newspapers. At present, India has 398 major newspapers with an overall circulation of 30,772,000 copies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores crisis coverage in local, small-market newspapers. Comparing relevant theory with the practice of journalism in Alamosa, CO's Valley Courier, this content analysis suggests close relationships between media, government and business in small communities, contributing to coverage that veers away from journalism's best practices. The result is coverage that overlooks potentially important information about the crisis' causes and eschews journalism's watchdog and investigative responsibilities, while offering local elite sources significant degrees of power over the shape of the coverage. As national news coverage contracts, situations like this rise in prominence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

News writing is organized in accordance with a norm usually visualized as an inverted pyramid. The purpose is to support a focus to tell the reader, which information is the most actual, important and relevant. News is also stories about selected factual events narrated and re-narrated by sources and journalists. The involved communication acts of journalism are important tools in the hands of the writer by means of which news is made understandable, credible and interesting. The tools are used differently in papers and genres, and they are still influenced by the continuous competition among the daily papers in the market. The purpose of this article is to explore, punctually demonstrate and explain the narrative norms that govern the writing of news. It defends the point of view that the contextual conditions of this journalistic activity is developing narrative modes and voices that fit into the ongoing fight for the attention of a treacherous public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]