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The article offers a revisionist account of the early circulation of copies of the Madonna of Santa Maria Maggiore, known since the nineteenth century as the Salus Populi Romani. Traditionally, the propulsion of the image into global circulation has been attributed variously to Pius V or Francisco Borja, the third Superior General of the Society of Jesus. The article argues that the circulation of the Saint Luke Madonna, as it was known at the time, was closely tied to the martyr’s cult that grew up around the Jesuit missionary Inácio de Azevedo and the so-called Brazil Martyrs, a group of Jesuits murdered by Calvinist corsairs off the Canary Islands in 1570. Azevedo had intended to carry a copy of the Roman icon to Brazil, a copy that perished at sea with Azevedo and the party of Jesuit missionaries. The article suggests that the popularity of the image among Jesuits in Europe and the overseas missions was fueled by the nascent martyr’s cult that followed Azevedo’s death. Painted copies of the Saint Luke Madonna came to function, together with relics of the Eleven Thousand Virgins of Cologne, as proxies for the missing material remains of the martyred Jesuits. The article argues that while the distribution of the image was globally extensive, circulation was restricted to an internal Jesuit martyr’s cult.

Maxime, abbé de Lérins puis évêque de Riez (Alpes-de-Haute-Provence), voit son culte se déployer dès les lendemains de sa mort à la fin du ve siècle. Il illustre la plasticité des dévotions à l’égard de moines évêques reposant sur un antique corpus hagiographique. Elles sont certes attachées à une identité diocésaine locale, mais rejoignent précocement un groupe classique de vénérables modèles circulant à large échelle via les collections de légendiers et les éloges martyrologiques. Maxime fut l’objet d’appropriations diverses, en Flandre, en Viennois, en Italie du nord, notamment, dont les ressorts sont examinés. Le dossier hagiographique de Maxime nécessitait une reconstitution et une relecture à diverses échelles. Maxime was bishop of Riez (Alpes-de-Haute-Provence) after having been abbot of Lérins. His worship spread immediately after his death at the end of the 5th century. The exemple of Maxime illustrates the plasticity of the cult of a monk and bishop based on an ancient collection of hagiographical works. Worship is attached to a local diocesan identity but soon merges with a classic set of prestigious models that widely circulate through collections of saints’lives and martyrologies. Maxime has been the object of various appropriations, especially in Flanders, in the Viennois, and in northern Italy, the sources of which are examined here. The hagiographic file of Maxime needs a reconstitution and a rereading on various levels.

Maxime, abbé de Lérins puis évêque de Riez (Alpes-de-Haute-Provence), voit son culte se déployer dès les lendemains de sa mort à la fin du ve siècle. Il illustre la plasticité des dévotions à l’égard de moines évêques reposant sur un antique corpus hagiographique. Elles sont certes attachées à une identité diocésaine locale, mais rejoignent précocement un groupe classique de vénérables modèles circulant à large échelle via les collections de légendiers et les éloges martyrologiques. Maxime fut l’objet d’appropriations diverses, en Flandre, en Viennois, en Italie du nord, notamment, dont les ressorts sont examinés. Le dossier hagiographique de Maxime nécessitait une reconstitution et une relecture à diverses échelles. Maxime was bishop of Riez (Alpes-de-Haute-Provence) after having been abbot of Lérins. His worship spread immediately after his death at the end of the 5th century. The exemple of Maxime illustrates the plasticity of the cult of a monk and bishop based on an ancient collection of hagiographical works. Worship is attached to a local diocesan identity but soon merges with a classic set of prestigious models that widely circulate through collections of saints’lives and martyrologies. Maxime has been the object of various appropriations, especially in Flanders, in the Viennois, and in northern Italy, the sources of which are examined here. The hagiographic file of Maxime needs a reconstitution and a rereading on various levels.

The social importance of saints’ relics during the European Middle Ages is well documented, yet relics have rarely been treated as mobile objects beyond discussions of their transportation from one permanent location to another (a “translation”). This dissertation examines the practice of taking relics on out-and-back journeys to explore the consequences of temporarily removing these objects from the churches in which they were housed and displayed, focusing on northern France and the Low Countries during the high Middle Ages. Medieval relics were considered direct conduits to the supernatural power of the saints, and an itinerant relic projected religious, economic, and political authority onto the areas it traveled through. However, travel also brought a relic into contact with unfamiliar audiences. Using evidence from customaries, hagiography, charters, and images, I demonstrate that while moving relics transformed them into versatile tools of power, it also exposed them to criticism, antagonism, and danger from both lay and ecclesiastical groups. The first chapter argues that relics traveled frequently and regularly by tracking the appearance of instructions for temporary relic movement across eleventh-century customaries, mainly from the monastery of Cluny. The next three chapters examine hagiographical texts to reveal the complexity of the interactions between those performing relic journeys and three groups that they might encounter en route: other ecclesiastics, lay property owners, and the laity at large. The second chapter shows that while bringing their relics together could serve as a demonstration of goodwill between multiple monasteries, moving one relic into the physical presence of another might also provoke intense conflict. The third chapter examines the roles mobile relics could play in monastic property disputes, ranging from intimidation of lay opponents to more subtle assertions of authority over a landscape. The fourth chapter demonstrates that although medieval lay devotion to relics is often taken for granted, a mobile relic might also incite dissent or rejection from local laypeople. Finally, the fifth chapter explores visual and textual imaginings of relic journeys and their significance, especially the use of the Ark of the Covenant as a motif to valorize the experience of transporting relics.

À l’époque moderne, l’histoire se développe comme une réelle science, appuyée sur des preuves textuelles et matérielles dont il convient de démontrer l’authenticité. Le présent article s’intéresse à la place des monuments et des objets médiévaux dans la construction historique à l’intérieur de l’Ordre des Frères prêcheurs. Quels éléments retiennent l’attention des historiens de l’ordre, lorsqu’ils regardent leur patrimoine artistique ancien ? Avec quelles méthodes, quel vocabulaire le décrivent-ils ? Comment articulent-ils les informations livrées par les édifices et objets aux sources textuelles ? La réflexion se base essentiellement sur une documentation manuscrite, en particulier celle conservée aux archives générales de l’Ordre à Rome. En premier lieu, l’article interroge, à travers un décryptage du vocabulaire employé, la conscience d’une rupture épocale avec un « Moyen Âge » qui correspond d’abord aux origines de l’ordre au XIIIe siècle. En second lieu, il montre comment les frères font souvent œuvre d’ « antiquaires » en s’intéressant à des thèmes davantage documentés par les images et les objets que par les textes (histoire prosopographique, histoire du costume…). Enfin, dans une troisième partie, sont évoquées quelques manifestations d’une « conscience patrimoniale » chez des érudits dominicains, lesquels cherchent à documenter par l’écrit ou le dessin des œuvres menacées de destruction. The Early modern period was a time when history was becoming a true science, based on archival and material sources that scholars must prove as being authentic. The paper addresses the way seventeenth-eighteenth-century Dominican Friars used material and monumental sources to write the history of their own order. Which elements caught their attention, when they watch to their medieval heritage? With which methods and vocabulary did they describe it? How did they combine the information given by these material evidences with the archival sources? The analysis is based mainly on an unpublished documentation, mostly kept in the General Archive of the Order in Rome. First, the paper asks whether the Dominican scholars showed the feeling of a gap between present times and the « medieval » period, i.e. mainly the heroic times of their foundation during the 13th century. Then, the paper shows that the friars are often “antiquarians”, since they are interested in the material and cultural aspects of the past, with a focus rather on monumental and material sources than on archival ones. In a third part, the paper deals with some evidences of the awareness of some friars of the material heritage’s value, especially when they inventoried a threatened heritage through descriptions and drawings.

In the present study a special reference is made to the hagiographical relations between Byzantium and the West. The first part is dedicated to the "communication" of Byzantium with the West, on the role played by the Lives of Byzantine Saints, the transfer and honor of their relics and pilgrimages. The phenomenon developed after the 4th century, when an attempt was made to create a liturgical and worship communication between the two Churches and the Roman Martyrologium was formed in the West. The second part is dedicated to the "communication" of the West in Byzantium through the honor of the western Saints. In the next paragraph, we talk about "communication" through the holy relics of the Saints, and it is found that the phenomenon mainly concerned Saints of the East. The paper closes with some introductory notes on translators' translation options and techniques. En el presente estudio se hace una referencia especial a las relaciones hagiográficas entre Bizancio y Occidente. La primera parte está dedicada a la "comunicación" de Bizancio con Occidente, sobre el papel desempeñado por las Vidas de los santos bizantinos, la transferencia y el honor de sus reliquias y peregrinaciones. El fenómeno se desarrolló después del siglo IV, cuando se hizo un intento de crear una comunicación litúrgica y de adoración entre las dos Iglesias y el Martirologio Romano en Occidente. La segunda parte está dedicada a la "comunicación" de Occidente en Bizancio a través del honor de los santos occidentales. En el siguiente párrafo, hablamos de la "comunicación" a través de las reliquias santas de los santos, y se descubre que el fenómeno se refería principalmente a los santos de Oriente. El documento se cierra con algunas notas introductorias sobre las opciones y técnicas de traducción de los traductores.

espanolLa Reinvencion de 1496 en Zamora es una fiesta que propaga la legitimidad de los titulos de poder y la cohesion civil y eclesiastica en torno al culto de reliquias. En este texto se trata de entender las funciones politicas de la fiesta a traves de obras literarias y plasticas de hagiografia. El discurso historico y religioso de la celebracion traza rutas de intercambios iconograficos que configuran una topografia geografica, devocional, institucional, y un calendario festivo. Una vez establecida la relacion de independencia de Zamora con el arzobispado Toledo, la advocacion a este culto se extiende a Roma a traves de las empresas del obispo promotor Diego Melendez Valdes. EnglishThe Reinvention in 1496 in Zamora is a festivity that propagates the legitimacy of titles of power, and civil and ecclesiastical cohesion, around the cult of relics. In this article, the political functions of the event are understood thought literary and plastic works of hagiography. The historic and religious discourse of the celebration draws routes of iconographic exchanges, that configure a geographic, devotional, institutional topography, and a festive calendar. Once Zamora's relationship of independence with Toledo archbishopric was established, the devotion to this cult was extend to Rome by the promoter bishop Diego Melendez Valdes.

Vom Jahr 1066 bis ca. 1100 gab es intensive Kontakte zwischen Augsburg und Gerona über Fragen der Heiligenverehrung. Augsburg wollte etwas über den in Gerona verehrten Bischof Narcissus erfahren, der nach der Conversio et passio (II) S. Afrae die Augsburger Dirne Afra und ihr Haus zum Christentum bekehrt hatte. Gerona wiederum interessierte sich für die Augsburger Afralegende und besitz seit 1328 mit den Plastiken des Narcissus–Schreins in St. Feliu die schönste spätmittelalterliche Darstellung dieser Legende. From 1066 to about 1100 contacts between Augsburg and Girona on issues concerning the veneration of saints were particularly intense. Augsburg required information about bishop Narcissus, revered in Girona, who, according to the Conversio et passio (II) S. Afrae, converted a prostitute from Augsburg named Afra and her household to Christianity. On the other hand, Girona was interested in Afra’s legend, and has possessed since 1328 the most beautiful late–medieval representation of this legend in the reliefs of Narcissus’ tomb. Humanidades

In the ninth century, the Seine Valley is hit hard by the Scandinavian invasions. The hagiographical texts – written subsequently between the tenth and twelfth centuries – dwell at length on the escape of the clergy who fled the area of conflict with their most precious relics. According to these sources, this is only temporary: a number of sacred relics will return to the region of Rouen once these events over, without ever having been forgotten or divided. Others, left behind in the storm, miraculously emerged upon the return of the clergy. Consequently the disruption of worship observance caused by the Scandinavian invasions would only be temporary. It is precisely this topos, which the thesis suggests to examine. Documentation on the subject clearly shows that at the time of their restoration, the monasteries of the diocese of Rouen are devoid of any relics. As a result, a vast movement of quest for the holy relics starts in the tenth century. It takes many forms: restitution, creations ex nihilo, leverageof trade routes, the growth of the monastic communities heritage, brotherhoods, amicitia, etc. If abbeys are as anxious to restore and enrich their wealth of relics it is because the enhancement of some of them allows a few of these sites to establish themselves as sanctuaries. These enterprises enjoy different degrees of success. They also come to serve the interests of prominent figures in the Norman principality, established in the diocese of Rouen. They distinguished themselves by their "politics of holiness", in which the manipulation of the sacred fully serves the exercise of princely power. The action of the counts of Rouen and then of the dukes of Normandy is best documented. Their use of relics enables them to integrate pre-existing frameworks, to make their power sacred when it is in the process of being built or is found weakened. It also contributes to building the space over which they exercise their authority. This "politics of holiness" is not limited to the privilege of dukes only: the duchy aristocracy is itself also placed under the protection of private devotions. It uses the sacred, which supports the dual process of heritage development of honours and power territorialization which take place in the Normandy principality in the eleventh and twelfth centuries., Au IXe siècle, la vallée de la Seine est touchée de plein fouet par les invasions scandinaves. Les textes hagiographiques composés a posteriori, entre le Xe et le XIIe siècle, s'attardent longuement sur la fuite des religieux, accompagnés de leurs plus précieuses reliques, loin de la zone de troubles. À en croire ces sources, cela n'est que temporaire : nombre de restes saints regagnent la région rouennaise une fois ces événements passés, sans jamais avoir été perdus de vue ni divisés. D'autres, laissés sur place dans la tourmente, sont miraculeusement mis au jour au retour des religieux. Par conséquent, la rupture dans la pratique des cultes occasionnée par les invasions scandinaves ne serait que passagère. C'est précisément ce topos que la thèse se propose d'examiner. Il ressort en effet clairement de l'ensemble de la documentation que, lors de leur restauration, les monastères du diocèse de Rouen sont dépourvus de reliques. Aussi assiste-t-on, dès le Xe siècle, à un vaste mouvement de quête de restes saints. Celui-ci revêt plusieurs formes : restitutions, inventions ex nihilo, mise à profit des circuits d'échanges, de l'évolution du patrimoine des communautés monastiques, des réseaux de confraternité, des liens d'amicitia, etc. Si les abbayes sont autant soucieuses de reconstituer et d'enrichir leur trésor de reliques, c'est que la mise en valeur de certaines d'entre elles permet à quelques établissements de s'imposer comme sanctuaires. Ces entreprises connaissent des fortunes variées. Elles croisent également les intérêts des grands de la principauté normande implantés dans le diocèse de Rouen qui s'illustrent par une « politique de la sainteté », la manipulation du sacré participant pleinement à l'exercice du pouvoir princier. L'action des comtes de Rouen puis des ducs de Normandie est la mieux documentée. L'usage des reliques leur permet de s'intégrer dans les cadres pré-existants, de sacraliser leur pouvoir lorsque celui-ci est en construction ou se trouve fragilisé. Il accompagne également la construction de l'espace sur lequel s'exerce leur autorité. Cette « politique de la sainteté » n'est pas le privilège des seuls ducs : l'aristocratie du duché se place, elle aussi, sous la protection de dévotions particulières, recourt au sacré. Ce dernier soutient le double processus de patrimonialisation des honneurs et de territorialisation du pouvoir auquel on assiste dans la principauté normande aux XIe-XIIe siècles.

A escolha do tema despertou a nossa curiosidade pelo facto de o Convento possuir um conjunto apreciável de relíquias (cerca de 60) que não estão inventariadas, nem identificadas, nem sequer são conhecidas da generalidade dos eborenses. O fato do Convento ser propriedade do Município não permite que a inventariação se integre no projeto de inventariação dos bens da Igreja e da Diocese. Assim, inventariámos, identificámos e datámos as relíquias do Convento, Igreja e Sacristia, tentando compreender o papel que as relíquias desempenharam quer na vida religiosa do convento, quer na vida político-institucional de Évora. No entanto, deparámo-nos com algumas dificuldades documentais: falta de autênticas, informação relacionada com a aquisição ou oferta das relíquias e histórias de falsificações. Finalmente, elaborámos uma proposta de valorização das relíquias através da criação de uma loja, da elaboração de uma brochura e de um website que divulga e disponibiliza a documentação recolhida e a colocará ao dispor de todos; ABSTRACT: The choice of the theme aroused our curiosity, because the Convent has an enjoyable set of relics (about 60) that aren’t inventoried nor identified, and not even known by most people from Évora. For this Convent being the Town Hall’s property, it doesn’t allow the inventorying to be part of the project of inventorying of the Church and the Diocese’s assets. Thus, we inventoried, identified and dated the Convent, the Church and Sacristy’s relics, trying to understand the role that relics had, both on the religious lifestyle of the Convent and in the political-institutional life of Évora. However, we had some documental difficulties: lack of authentic relics, information about the acquisition or offer of the relics, and stories of forgeries. Lastly, we elaborated a proposition of valuation of this patrimony through creating a shop, a brochure, and even a website to disclose and offer the documentation collected and divulged to everyone.

The narrative structure of the Vita Germani Auctore Constantio is based on its protagonist's spiritual development from man to saint. In the early chapters, Germanus' character is defined by human actions and attitudes, as shown in the moments preceding his epiphany when he fights against election to the see of Auxerre. Germanus' increasing sanctity is marked by the presence of miracles whose rituality is grounded in pragmatic actions related to the world of medicine and liturgy. These miracles are performed through human practices and represent a time in which the human and holy are mixed. The moment of transition to sanctity is described in two pivotal episodes in the vita. In these episodes Constantius uses the symbolism of water and of preternatural recognition to show Germanus¿ passage to holiness, which is confirmed when he performs a resurrection miracle. Finally, his post mortem sanctification is shown by a miracle performed by his relics. This thesis explores the origins and implications of this structure through semantic analysis of the text and linguistic, historical, and literary comparisons with works from its time and genre. Each chapter of the thesis explores a particular phase in the life of saint, identified by the presence and role of the themes of war, food, and medicine in the narrative development of the text.

Cet article met en évidence les différents épisodes autour de la mort d’un saint qui marquent les étapes vers la reconnaissance de la sainteté et l’établissement d’un lieu de culte et de pèlerinage. Pour les périodes médiévale et moderne, les récits hagiographiques sont les premières sources qui parlent des enjeux propres à chacune des séquences décrites et qui établissent de facto un modèle de sanctification. Cette étude s’attache tout autant à identifier celui-ci qu’à comprendre les écarts à ce même modèle. Ce faisant, se dessine une évolution du culte du saint entre les périodes ancienne et contemporaine.The episodes surrounding the death of a saint are described that mark stages in recognizing sainthood and establishing a place of worship and pilgrimage. Hagiographic accounts are the main sources of information for the medieval and modern periods about the stakes in each of the episodes described; they also establish de facto a model for the making of a saint. In the effort to describe this model and understand deviations from it, we notice an evolution in saint worship between ancient times and the contemporary period.

Cet article met en évidence les différents épisodes autour de la mort d’un saint qui marquent les étapes vers la reconnaissance de la sainteté et l’établissement d’un lieu de culte et de pèlerinage. Pour les périodes médiévale et moderne, les récits hagiographiques sont les premières sources qui parlent des enjeux propres à chacune des séquences décrites et qui établissent de facto un modèle de sanctification. Cette étude s’attache tout autant à identifier celui-ci qu’à comprendre les écarts à ce même modèle. Ce faisant, se dessine une évolution du culte du saint entre les périodes ancienne et contemporaine. The episodes surrounding the death of a saint are described that mark stages in recognizing sainthood and establishing a place of worship and pilgrimage. Hagiographic accounts are the main sources of information for the medieval and modern periods about the stakes in each of the episodes described; they also establish de facto a model for the making of a saint. In the effort to describe this model and understand deviations from it, we notice an evolution in saint worship between ancient times and the contemporary period.

El presente artículo considera el nuevo patronazgo religioso de las ciudades y villas castellanas del manierismo y primer barroco como indicador de un cambio de mentalidad que dejó su huella en tres géneros narrativos que se superponen: las historias de ciudades, las hagiografías de los santos patronos y los relatos de traslados de sus reliquias. El héroe (y a menudo mártir) de los tiempos gentiles o de los infieles se convierte, en los tres casos, en vértice de un proyecto de identidad colectiva que encabezan las aristocracias locales. Un plan que apela a la recuperación de un pasado remoto y glorioso mediante la recreación arqueológico-mítica de figuras egregias de los tiempos legendarios: obispos (es el caso de Froilán, Atilano y Eugenio) o mártires (Fructuoso y sus hermanos)., This article studies the new model of religious patronage that sprang up in Spanish Castilian cities and towns during the late Renaissance and early Baroque periods, as the outward sign of a mentality shift that can be traced in three overlapping narrative genres: civic histories, hagiographies of patron saints, and accounts of the translation of saintly relics. In all three narrative types, the hero (and often the martyr) of Roman or Islamic times became the focus of a new collective identity among local Spanish aristocrats, who sought to recuperate a remote and glorious past through the archeaological and mythical recreation of legendary figuras such as bishops (Froilán, Atilano and Eugenio) and martyrs (Fructuoso and his brothers). This goal was achieved by means of a narrative frame that guided readers through three key cultural and geographical areas: the kingdom of León, the city of Segovia and the Toledan diocese.

This paper deals with a borderline case of the history of the relics in the Middle Ages, in which both meanings of the word " invention " join together. In the XIIth century, during the construction of a new surrounding wall in Cologne, numerous human bones were brought to light. They were quickly identified as the supposed relics of saint Ursula and her companions, the eleven thousand Virgins, about whom until then only a few epigraphic testimonies were at disposal. But numerous questions arose as the bodies were found, and abbot Gerlac of Deutz had the idea to ask Elisabeth of Schönau (†1164 ), a cistercian nun known for the visions since 1152. The revelations received between 1156 and 1157 by the visionary about the bodies were gradually put down in writing by his brother Eckbert: her Liber revelationum de sacro exercitu virginum coloniensium was of use as guarantee of authenticity to these supposed relics, and the Liber became then Elisabeth's most spread work. Her version of the story of saint Ursula and her partners played afterwards a crucial role in the diffusion of this legend, through the literature as through the painting until the end of the Middle Ages., On s'intéresse ici à un cas limite de l'histoire des reliques au Moyen Age, dans lequel se rejoignent les deux sens du mot invention. Au XIIe siècle, lors de la construction d'une nouvelle enceinte à Cologne, de nombreux ossements humains furent mis au jour. On les identifia très vite comme les reliques supposées de sainte Ursule et des onze mille vierges sur lesquelles on ne disposait jusqu'alors que de quelques lignes lapidaires., mais de nombreuses questions se posaient à mesure que l'on trouvait des corps. L'abbé Gerlac de Deutz eut alors l'idée de se tourner vers Elisabeth de Schönau (†1164), une moniale connue pour les visions dont elle jouissait depuis 1152. Les révélations reçues par la visionnaire au sujet des corps entre 1156 et 1157 furent mises progressivement par écrit par son frère Eckbert : son Liber revelationum de sacro exercitu virginum coloniensium servit de garant d'authenticité à ces reliques supposées et fut l'œuvre la plus diffusée d'Elisabeth. Sa version de l'histoire de sainte Ursule et de ses compagnes joua par la suite un rôle crucial dans la diffusion de cette légende, relayée par la littérature comme par la peinture.

Resumo Com base nos relatos de caráter hagiográfico elaborados sobre frei Fabiano de Cristo e em testemunhos deixados por fiéis após a morte do religioso, o artigo analisa as representações em torno da morte do servo de Deus e estuda as conexões existentes entre o culto aos santos e a cura de doenças no Rio de Janeiro em meados do século XVIII. Nesse contexto era marcada a indistinção entre saberes médicos e crenças religiosas. Partindo desse pressuposto, o zeloso desempenho do religioso franciscano, durante décadas, da função de enfermeiro do Convento de Santo Antônio do Rio de Janeiro permitiu que alguns fiéis o identificassem como santo após a sua morte. Abstract Based on accounts of a hagiographic nature on brother Fabian of Christ and witness reports by the faithful after his death, this article analyzes the representations surrounding the death of the servant of god and studies the connections between the veneration of saints and healing practices in Rio de Janeiro in the mid-eighteenth century. At this time, there was a notable lack of distinction between medical knowledge and religious belief. As such, the zealous acts of the Franciscan friar over a period of decades in his work as infermarian at the Convent of Saint Anthony of Rio de Janeiro led some of the faithful to identify him as a saint after his death.