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The paper studies location determinants of foreign direct investment (FDI) to 16 Arab economies over the period from 1984 to 2012, by employing Arellano–Bover/Blundell–Bond linear dynamic panel data estimation. We find that market size, trade openness, preferential trade agreements and financial development have significant positive impact on FDI inflows to Arab economies. FDI in Arab economies appears to be resource seeking since the total oil supply variable is positive and significant. The paper finds that better institutions and educated labour force may play a key role in attracting FDI inflows. We suggest that Arab economies should sequence their economic policy measures with the institutional ones, beginning with a focus on privatization and trade liberalization, and subsequently shift to improvement in economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines how market-access strategies, via exports and FDI, respond to changes in the level of integration. Empirical evidence shows that both firm exports and multinational activity are affected by trade liberalization episodes. We account for the strong positive correlation between exports and FDI by developing a general-equilibrium model featuring firm heterogeneity, trade and FDI with final and intermediate products. Different geographical spaces are considered to quantify the effect of a preferential trade agreement ( PTA) on supply-mode decisions, for both partner and excluded countries. The model sheds new light on the mechanisms through which geography reshapes the concentration of economic activities both inside and outside the PTA area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the early effects of Mongolia's accession to the Asia-Pacific Trade Agreement (APTA). The Gravity model is employed in this study to analyze the effects of key factors that affect trade costs for land-locked Mongolia. In addition, the Spearman's rank correlation of revealed advantage (SRC) and Trade intensity index (TII) are used to identify the Mongolian export products suitable for the APTA market. The paper concludes that Mongolia would be able to increase its trade flow for the APTA market after its accession to the regional trade agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a trend of ever expanding cases of trade liberalisation worldwide. The main question for academics is "why is there such a world-wide support for trade liberalisation?". This paper will take on this research question. Current literature seem tofocus on the differentiation of internal and external reasons. However, it will be argued in this paper that these factors may not work in the same way for every country. Instead, it will be suggested that there might be a significant difference between developed and developing countries. Hence, the paper will aim at contributing the academic discussion by providing a theoretical analysis of how these reasons differ for the developed and the developing. Hence, offering an alternative perspective for future discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes as its point of departure the unique position recently adopted by Swedish policymakers emphasising migration as a tool to increase trade. We attempt to empirically scrutinise this position. Our results demonstrate that migrants stimulate exports, especially along the extensive product margin of trade and for differentiated products, but have no significant impact on imports. This finding suggests that for small open economies where numerous immigrants are refugees, the strategy of using migration to facilitate trade may only be effective with respect to exports. This paper also contributes to the literature on trade and migration by exploiting data on gender and age, which allow us to draw inferences on the underlying impact channels. We adopt an instrumental variable approach to address the endogeneity issue due to potential reverse causality. The pattern of results is consistent with the hypothesis that migration primarily reduces fixed trade costs resulting from information and trust friction across migrant host and source countries. Importantly, the results imply that policymakers may be able to promote trade by improving immigrants’ labour market integration instead of simply being restricted to promoting more liberal immigration policies, which is generally more controversial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the theory of efficiency gains and terms-of-trade losses to explain the proliferation of free-trade agreements ( FTAs). It then focuses on Australia's FTAs with Japan, Korea and China in a discussion of gains from FTAs. Continuing that focus, the paper explains why FTAs (and trade policies more generally) are politically divisive. With regard to the China-Australia FTA the conclusions reached in the paper are: (1) There will be a modest but worthwhile welfare gain for Australia; (2) The gain will be mainly from terms-of-trade improvement, not employment; (3) The Government is exaggerating the likely gain; (4) There will be losers as well as winners; (5) The Opposition is well within its rights to question labour-market aspects of the agreement; and (6) The formation of FTAs is likely to be a continuing process and the Government would best serve the Australian public by encouraging evidence-based discussion and providing answers to legitimate queries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses a numerical multi‐country and multi‐sector general equilibrium model with endogenous trade imbalance and trade cost to simulate the effects of the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans‐Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and its future member expansion. Simulation results show that most member countries will benefit from trade integration and that most non‐member countries will lose due to the exclusion effects of the regional trade agreement, but effects for specific countries differ. The entry of the US, China, India and the EU to the CPTPP will significantly increase member countries' benefits, and their entry will decrease the losses of non‐member countries. The US withdrawal from the CPTPP has a negative effect on the US, which will increase as more countries join. The world as a whole will gain from the trade deal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elimination of the trade barriers and stimulation of business activity through trade liberalization led to the expansion in the field of the global economy. There are plentiful hesitations about who gains the highest benefit from free trade, especially when it comes to the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between Canada and the European Union. Analogously, the previous mention guides to the dilemma about the trade negotiations and their position in the same agreement in which are the labor standards. Additionally, trade liberalization has influenced the creation of a close link connection between trade, labor, and globalization. This paper focuses on the effects of globalization and trade liberalization with their connection apropos the provisions from CETA; especially with an emphasis on Chapter 23: =Trade and Labour'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nurturing population and global demand for food are putting pressure on agricultural prices. Prices are a complicated prodigy. A cobweb model is innate in agricultural price policy. Setting the prices is the most difficult task for firms and the government. Meta‐analysis, and scientific and political policy analysis were approached to validate the results. The main objective of the paper is to review and analyze various agricultural price policies continent wise and selected country wise and formulate new global price policy for developed and developing countries. The study revealed that not only micro and macroeconomic indicators but also the environmental factors such as the COVID pandemic influence the prices, which may affect the producers and consumers either directly or indirectly based on the review of global prices effects. Market price supports, direct payments to producers, and reduced tariffs through trade agreements are the most common policies existing almost in all countries globally. The government must watch whether the planned policies are implemented successfully or not. The study suggests that the new Global price policy for developed countries is that they must equate international prices to domestic prices and for low‐ and middle‐income countries is that international prices + 20% to protect farmer's welfare coupled with WTO should discipline global trade with stable prices. High optimistic expectations, inadequate collaborative policymaking, dispersed governance, and the vagaries of the political cycle were the four main reasons for the failure of existing policies. Therefore, politicization is compulsory but not sufficient to illuminate accepting international organization norms and agricultural policies toward sustainable agriculture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the determinants of the probability that an exporter chooses between a most-favored nation (MFN) scheme and multiple regional trade agreement (RTA) schemes. We estimate a discrete choice model using transaction-level import data for Thailand in 2014. We find that RTA schemes are more likely to be chosen, given a larger transaction value. Among RTA schemes, the ones with less restrictive rules of origin or lower tariff rates are more likely to be selected. We also conduct simulation analysis to provide quantitative policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The World Trade Organization (WTO) and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) have played an important role in creating a predictable framework for companies conducting business internationally. Business leaders continue to express support for the institution in surveys but, privately, trade policymakers and opinion leaders in Geneva have questioned the commitment of business leaders to engage in the work of the WTO. As the institution faces its latest crisis, it is natural for the WTO's supporters to turn to the business community for help -- in making the economic case to policy makers for the rules-based trading system, in encouraging governments to resolve their differences and make progress on key issues that threaten the system, and in identifying issues and opportunities where the WTO can serve as a forum to support trade-related economic growth. The time and effort that businesses invest in this work depends, in part, on how they perceive the institution and, at the end of the day, how much they feel they are getting out of it. This paper therefore poses the question of whether the WTO is 'in sync' with the business community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the end of 2017 different groups of WTO members decided to launch talks on four subjects, setting aside the WTO consensus working practice. This paper argues that these 'joint statement initiatives' (JSIs) should seek to establish open plurilateral agreements (OPAs) even in instances where the outcome can be incorporated into existing schedules of commitments of participating WTO members. Designing agreements as OPAs provides an institutional framework for collaboration among the responsible national authorities, transparency, mutual review and learning, as well as alternatives to default WTO dispute settlement procedures which may not be appropriate for supporting cooperation on the matters addressed by the JSIs. In parallel, WTO members should establish enforceable multilateral principles to ensure OPAs are compatible with an open global trade regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its formation, with a few notable exceptions, WTO members have not been able to negotiate new rules on policies that generate negative international spillovers. The Doha Development Agenda negotiations, launched in 2001, became deadlocked in 2008. Problems extend beyond negotiations – other functions of the WTO are also not performing well. The dispute settlement mechanism, long perceived as the crown jewel of the organization, no longer is operational because of US refusal to appoint new WTO Appellate Body members. Calls for WTO reform have been mounting. This article provides an overview of the WTO reform agenda, drawing on the findings of recent multidisciplinary research to provide context for the papers included in this special issue on trade conflicts, multilateral cooperation and WTO reform. Although the WTO has been effective in overseeing the implementation of the multilateral agreements concluded during the Uruguay Round, with some notable exceptions, including the Agreement on Trade Facilitation and the Information Technology Agreement, WTO members have not managed to conclude new agreements to liberalize trade in goods and services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Agraria is the property of Historia Agraria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper seeks to determine why countries form regional trade agreements. Using bilateral data from 1950 to 2013 for 468 trade agreements and 179 countries, I use survival analysis to examine the factors that determine the likelihood of two countries entering into a trade agreement at any point in time. Potential explanatory variables include prior trade flows, export distance, GDP, per-capita GDP, geography, culture, and institutions. The results show that trade, per-capita GDP, and similarities in culture and institutions increase the likelihood that two countries will form a regional trade agreement. Larger, more distant, and more isolated countries are less likely to form an RTA, as are country-pairs that are different in size. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows that bilateral currency crises reduce bilateral trade up to 50% after controlling for the depreciation rate. Using a trade model, these reductions are connected to the welfare costs of currency crises. The results show that a single currency crisis can result in welfare reductions through changes in international trade corresponding to more than 10% (and up to 41%) of the costs of autarky for 23 different currency crisis episodes between 1960 and 2014. These welfare costs are also shown to be greater than the welfare gains from having free trade agreements and using common currencies for 25 different currency crisis episodes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the facts on existing and future prospects of regional trade integration in South Asia in the backdrop of multilateral trade agreements. The study applies trade intensity index of four largest South Asian countries (India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka) to estimates the short‐ and long‐run trade co‐integration in autoregressive multilateral framework. The results highlights that long‐run trade complementarities are found between the trade of Pakistan and Sri Lanka, while short‐run trade complementarities exist between India and Bangladesh, and between India and Sri Lanka. Pakistan and Bangladesh are found close trade competitors in South Asia in short run. The findings are important for policy implication which highlights how to bridge the untapped regional trade integration in South Asia. If trade barriers are overcome, the greater degree of trade openness can play vital role in achieving balanced regional economic development. India being the largest economy can play key role in striving the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) process for pursuing its objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-regional free trade agreements (FTAs) have flourished in East Asia since the late 1990s. Japan and Korea were at the forefront of this trend. Nevertheless, most policymakers' preferences orbited around region-oriented FTAs out of reluctance to make a sudden policy shift away from their conventional emphasis on World Trade Organization-based multilateral negotiations. The trend continued in Japan throughout the 2000s. In contrast, Korea took a sharp turn toward a cross-regional strategy in 2003. By the mid-2010s, this had created a significant gap in the two countries' overall FTA partner choices. What caused policymakers' ideas in the two countries to diverge from their initial focus on region-oriented FTAs? This paper focuses on the conditions that enabled policymakers' ideas to explain the divergence by developing the contextual‒dynamic framework of FTA policies. At the dynamic level, individuals are more likely to emerge with new ideas when their expertise comes from outside the decision-making body, accompanied by their social qualities and power. Contextual conditions should also be met: the trade policy environment should reciprocate agent-level qualities to create a supportive atmosphere for policy change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many different approaches and databases have been developed for the evaluation of non-tariff measures (NTMs) and free trade agreements (FTAs). This paper is devoted to the EU-South Korea agreement, which is the first 'second-generation' FTA of the EU, addressing a wide array of non-tariff policies. We review the evolution of NTM types applicable to the EU-South Korea trade relationship and the role of NTMs in ex-ante and ex-post analyses of the agreement. Subsequently a structural gravity model is employed to assess the value added of information on different aspects of FTAs and types of NTMs by evaluating their ability to predict the trade effects of the EU-South Korea FTA. Our results show that, when accounting for information on the components common in modern deep trade agreements, no additional trade effect is attributable to the EU-South Korea FTA. The evolution of NTMs differs considerably across indicators used, but trade predictions are hardly affected. Most specifications point towards a negative effect of bilateral differences in the number of technical barriers to trade (TBT) applied and sanitary and phytosanitary measures (SPS) against which trading partners issued complaints at the WTO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID‐19 pandemic is crippling the global economy and heightening distrust and political disagreements among major countries. Furthermore, ongoing deglobalization efforts taken by firms and countries are fueling the rise of economic nationalism. A prime example is the possible decoupling of US–China economic and trade relations, which the ongoing trade war has already significantly disrupted. This paper analyzes the impacts of COVID‐19 on US agricultural exports to China, especially the added delays and uncertainty regarding China's food imports meeting the US–China phase one trade deal target. I present the views of US farmers and the general public toward China and argue that healthy US–China agricultural trade relations are not only critical for both countries but welcomed by US farmers. I also discuss the possible rise in nontariff barriers following the pandemic as well as trade policies that are increasingly intertwined with political tensions. Finally, I discuss how the US–China phase one trade deal could possibly lead to a more balanced bilateral agricultural trade portfolio with greater share of protein and retail food products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a new trade accounting method—the trade in value-added accounting method—this paper constructs the international manufacturing trade in value-added networks and preferential trade agreement (PTA) networks and uses the complex network analysis method to explore the relations between PTA and international manufacturing trade in value-added from the perspective of the global value chain. The results are as follows: (1) Over the years, the international manufacturing trade in value-added networks and PTA networks has shown a significant clustering effect, and the size of networks has grown rapidly. (2) The TEX, DVA and FVA networks of the international manufacturing value added trade over the years can be divided into two societies in the Asia-Pacific region and the European region. This division just reflects the different modes of division of labor in the manufacturing value chain of the two major economic regions in the world. (3) QAP analysis shows that the influencing factors of the traditional gravity model can still explain the manufacturing trade network and its value-added trade network, while the influence of economic globalization, the enlargement of the EU and the internationalization strategy of enterprises, the PTA network and manufacturing value-added the relationship between trade networks changed from positive to negative in 2004. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing literature has examined factors underlying the formation of goods trade agreements (GTA) and bilateral investment treaties but not the determinants of services trade agreement (STA) membership. This paper bridges the gap by studying the economic and political determinants of STA membership. Its main contribution lies in providing an economic explanation of unilateral services regulatory provisions, embodied in the World Bank's Services Trade Restrictiveness Index (Borchert et al. in World Bank Econ Rev 28:162–188, 2014), and their interaction with services preferentialism. The authors find that unilateral services provisions are closely associated with economic determinants. They also find that countries' participation in STAs is correlated with the similarity of their unilateral services trade restrictiveness, a finding not observed for "goods-only" trade agreements. While geographical and cultural determinants are found to be broadly similar for GTAs and STAs, association with economic size of partners, factor endowments and services cost shares in GDP comes through more strongly for goods-only agreements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since becoming a WTO member in 2001, China has negotiated numerous regional trade agreements with astonishing speed. This paper provides an overview of China's current free trade agreements and examines the economic importance of two major Asian regional trade agreements for China. The academic literature often treats China's free trade agreements as driven more by political, rather than economic, interests. The agreements are seen as shallow and concluded with minor economic partners. In fact, China's approach to trade agreements has evolved over time and cumulative impact of these agreements has been positive for trade between China and its agreement partners. The recently concluded Asian regional free trade agreement, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), should positively influence trade for both China and other participating Asian countries. China could also benefit economically from joining the other major regional trade agreement, the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction and Aims: Alcohol use is a leading risk factor for death and disability, responsible for 3 million deaths in 2016. The alcohol industry is a powerful player in shaping trade and investment rules in ways that can constrain the ability of governments to regulate alcoholic beverages to reduce harm. This paper analyses publicly available submissions about alcohol in the context of Australia's free trade agreements to determine the key themes put forward by industry. Design and Methods: We searched for submissions made to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade by alcohol industry trade associations, alcohol manufacturers, distributors and retailers, general industry association, and government agencies with responsibilities for alcohol trade, about specific free trade agreements involving Australia. Thirty‐one submissions in relation to eight trade agreements were included for analysis. The analysis involved both descriptive content analysis and thematic analysis. Results: Findings suggest that industry is actively seeking to shape trade negotiations around alcohol. Priority issues for the industry include improving market access, harmonising regulation, improving clarity and transparency, reducing the burden of regulation and preventing monopolies on product names. Discussion and Conclusion: The alcohol industry and associated business and government organisations are actively working to influence trade agreement negotiations for industry economic gain, arguing for rules which may undermine public health goals. The analysis suggests that public health experts should pay attention to trade and investment agreements and develop counter frames to ensure agreements do not create barriers for coherent health policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction and Aims: The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) included novel rules for wine and spirits requiring parties to allow wine and spirits importers to display information required by the importing country on a supplementary label rather than on the standard label. Since the TPP negotiations concluded, alcohol-specific supplementary labelling rules have begun to appear in other trade agreements. The aim of this paper was to map the new instruments containing these rules and examine developments in the rules with implications for health information on alcohol containers.Design and Methods: Trade agreements signed after the TPP negotiations concluded were retrieved and searched for alcohol-specific labelling provisions. A legal analysis of these provisions and related exceptions was undertaken.Results: Supplementary labelling rules similar or identical to those in the TPP have been included in five subsequent trade agreements. The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement also includes several additional provisions about alcohol labelling. Exceptions in the agreements provide some space for governments to defend labelling measure that might otherwise breach the rules, in the event of a dispute.Discussion and Conclusions: By securing these rules, the alcohol industry is better positioned to claim the space on the standard label as industry 'real estate' and to oppose mandatory health information incorporated into the standard labelling. These risks can be mitigated by stemming the adoption of supplementary labelling rules in further trade agreements; clarifying the text of agreements and ensuring that regulators understand that the rules do not prevent the use of 'best-practice' warning labels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the extent to which the UK's three devolved governments have sought and achieved influence on the UK Government's evolving post-Brexit international trade policy, distinguishing their influence at key stages of the trade policy cycle (mandate, negotiations and implementation). Despite carrying the legal responsibility to implement those aspects of trade deals that fall within areas of devolved competence, the devolved governments' attempts to secure meaningful influence on the UK's trade agreements have largely been frustrated. This reflects a lack of trust between the devolved and UK governments, weaknesses in the framework for and operation of intergovernmental relations, and a strong desire of the UK government to retain control centrally wherever possible. The resulting tensions have exacerbated devolved governments' concerns over the authority of the devolved institutions post-Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Ciencia y Tecnología Agropecuaria is the property of Agrosavia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Economic actors, in their interactions with each other, certainly make decisions which are able to improve their original situation. In the case of free trade agreements, tariffs have the effect to manipulate countries' trade and welfare. In this paper, we try to estimate the impacts of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) on the profit level of participating countries in the context of the Cournot duopoly model. More specifically, we elaborate the most traded product (MTP) and determine the profit levels in the equilibrium regarding two scenarios (pre and post situations of the TTIP). The findings suggest that the Cournot model seems suitable since it illustrates the possible options and provides a guideline for the decision-making process. Based on the model, it can be shown at which point the highest benefit can be achieved for the participating economies (EU, US) i.e. how long it is worth for the parties to apply additional automotive tariffs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lua Nova is the property of CEDEC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of International Relations / Medzinarodne Vztahy is the property of University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of International Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 2017, the Book Industry Study Group (BISG), a U.S.-based trade association dedicated to improving the efficiency and effectiveness of the book industry supply chain, published Publishing Rights: An Untapped Opportunity. The white paper outlined six findings from an industry survey. Since then, BISG's rights committee extended that initial research by updating a draft taxonomy for rights transactions. The new taxonomy defines rights data, transactions requests, transactions licenses, and royalty data. The taxonomy is being tested now in a set of pilot agreements between trading partners. Benefits of the proposed taxonomy are expected to include lower transaction costs, fewer errors in rights tracking and sale, and improved turnaround times for rights inquiries. Information about the work may be obtained by writing to info@bisg.org. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on International Human Rights Law and EU law, this article endorses a 'functional' paradigm of EU's fundamental rights obligations, exploring whether such obligations extend beyond the EU's external borders and which positive obligations, if any, they entail. The article argues that the EU's fundamental rights obligations are founded in a non-territorial standard, as they attach to all 'functions' exercised by EU institutions, regardless of their internal or external scope. The paper then addresses the implications of such paradigm for the EU's human rights obligations in the context of its Common Commercial Policy, focusing in particular on trade agreements, investment protection agreements and on the EU's duty to regulate corporate actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• There exists controversy and potential conflict over transboundary water-sharing and management of rivers in South Asia. • The article provides a comparative view on water and energy cooperation and discusses its implications. • Water diplomacy in the region is impacted by each country's domestic politics and diplomatic approach, India's hegemonic role, and (lack of) functioning regional institutional frameworks. • Water discourses are heavily securitized; energy is perceived as a commodity of exchange. • Energy diplomacy focussing on mutual benefits and shared interests offers a path for cooperation in other sectors such as water. The last decade has witnessed rapid progress in energy cooperation between the countries of the BBIN (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal) sub-region. Cooperation has been bilateral, with each of the countries entering into separate energy development and trade agreement with India, broadly similar to the water sector where national governments engage bilaterally on transboundary cooperation and dispute resolution. A more recent wave of electrical grid interconnections and hydro-energy cooperation has emerged with governments increasingly shifting from bilateral to multilateral energy-sharing agreements. This trend holds considerable potential for regional transboundary water governance. Based on documentary and media analysis along with interviews of key BBIN policy-makers, we identify and examine in this paper four factors for future progress: 1) technical cooperation can be extended to information-sharing for policies and institutions to regulate and manage water resources; 2) India must seize the opportunities and benefits of enhanced regional leadership in the region; 3) simultaneous informal discussion and diplomatic negotiation of water, energy and their nexus can provide BBIN countries the opportunity to highlight potential gains of cooperation and interstate interdependencies; and 4) regional cooperation can give a strong impetus to nations for advancing structural reforms, building institutions and capacity, developing a shared knowledge base, bridging infrastructural gaps, attracting private sector participation, and addressing poverty alleviation goals including job creation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Chilena de Derecho is the property of Revista Chilena de Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The advancement of growth through the promotion of exports by granting developing countries preferential terms to rich markets is considered central in global trade policy negotiations. This paper investigates the impact of reciprocal versus non-reciprocal trade agreements on Africa's trade. The study uses a gravity model with a 5-year-interval comprehensive dataset of 148 countries for the period 1970–2010. The results reveal that African reciprocal trade agreements perform better than non-reciprocal agreements in promoting exports and imports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the importance of PTA formation in attracting inflows of foreign direct investment (FDI). In particular, we examine the heterogeneous effects of different types of PTAs (FTAs or CUs) on the extensive and intensive margins of FDI and on how the interdependence among various PTAs may affect a country's ability to attract FDI inflows. We find that the larger the preferential markets to which a country has access, the larger the FDI inflows the country receives. Furthermore, we find that the type of PTA matters in determining FDI inflows. In this case, we find that the formation of CUs tends to promote more FDI inflows than the formation of FTAs. Our findings also indicate that the formation of PTAs significantly affects FDI through the intensive margin, rather than through the extensive margin. Importantly, notice that these effects are driven by the preferential markets to which a country has access and that have not established a PTA with the FDI‐originating (home) country, confirming that PTA interdependence matters in determining FDI inflows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The globalization of production is changing the political economy of trade policymaking: Traditional supporters of free trade (exporters seeking market access in foreign countries) are joined by new actors (companies needing intermediates from abroad for their production processes) in their lobbying efforts for trade liberalization. Multinational corporations (MNCs) play a crucial role in this new alliance due to their strong involvement in international trade and endowment with resources that can be used to lobby policymakers. We derive an argument from these premises that leads to the expectation of variation in trade policy outcomes across industries depending on their degree of integration in a global network of multinational corporations. Disaggregated data on the level of tariffs and speed of tariff cuts in preferential trade agreements, international mergers and acquisitions at the firm level, and MNC imports of intermediates by sector allow us to test the argument. The findings support our theoretical expectations. The paper sheds light on the processes and outcomes of trade policymaking in a globalized economy by further developing an existing argument about GVCs and trade policy outcomes as well as expanding on it by adding data on international corporate connections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política is the property of Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How does market competition affect pay inequality between and within firms? Using division managers as a pool of similar workers and the Canada–U.S. Free Trade Agreement, we find that greater competition increases overall pay inequality between, but not within, firms. This null effect within firms is not driven by a lack of statistical power. Instead, we find that it arises primarily within subsamples of firms with higher predicted levels of social comparison. Increased competition leads to greater pay-performance sensitivity among the higher-paid managers within firms, while it leads to greater overpayment among the other managers. These patterns are consistent with firm principals offering higher-powered incentives to their best managers and overpaying the rest. Altogether, this study suggests that, while competition leads to greater pay inequality overall, principals aim to maintain equality within firms and do so through the differential provision of incentives among employees. This paper was accepted by Bruno Cassiman, business strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-1990s, China has become the leading exporter worldwide of manufactured textiles and clothing. For Nigeria, one of China's major trading partners in Africa, increased imports of Chinese textiles are related to the decline of the Nigerian textile manufacturing industry. It also reflects the opening up of China to foreign investment and the subsequent boom in manufactured textile exports and to changes in World Trade Organization textile agreements. This paper examines these changes in textile manufacture and trade, focusing first on twentieth-century Chinese and Nigerian textile manufacturing histories and their subsequent divergence, beginning in the 1980s and continuing into the early twenty-first century. The increase in Chinese-Nigerian textile trade became physically evident in Nigeria in the late 1990s, with Chinese textile companies setting up offices in Lagos and Kano, and Nigerian traders and businessmen setting up offices in Guangzhou, China. The question of how increased shipments of Chinese manufactured textiles have been organized by Chinese company representatives, brokers, and traders, as well as by Nigerian traders and businessmen to meet Nigerian consumer demand is then addressed. Finally, this growth in textile trade is considered in the context of Chinese-Nigerian plans for the building of a Free Trade Zone in Lagos, which would include the construction of a new textile mill. The paper concludes by considering whether this collaboration may lead to a revival of the Nigerian textile industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Estimates of the trade diversion (TD) effect of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) tend to be much smaller than that of the trade creation (TC) effect. This paper examines two sources of estimation bias of the TD effect. The first bias arises from the failure to recognise that the concept of TD is inapplicable for a substantial proportion of PTAs, and thus, previous studies wrongly count cases where trade cannot be diverted as cases where trade is not diverted. The second bias arises from the difficulty in controlling for multilateral resistance and other unobserved time‐varying country heterogeneity when estimating both TC and TD effects simultaneously due to perfect multicollinearity. This paper corrects these two biases using a new measure of TD which provides a better mapping between the concept and data characteristics. Removing the two sources of bias leads to a multifold increase in the estimate of the TD effect. It is found that the total TD effect is comparable to the TC effect in dollar terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New generation trade agreements reach far behind borders, affecting many areas of domestic policy not previously associated closely with trade. One of the most uneasy of these areas is intellectual property, particularly patent monopolies. The USA has been a major force behind the extended reach of patent monopolies using preferential trade agreements. The patent and data exclusivity provisions of the AUSFTA were proposed by the USA. This paper provides detailed evidence about how such ‘TRIPS+’ policies compare to a balanced patent policy—one equally favouring creators and users of technology. Australia has never had an active patent agenda, but since AUSFTA has been willing to accept in its bilateral and regional trade deals highly prescriptive rules that tie the hands of future governments. The overall trend has thus been toward increasing imbalance, with Australian patent policy now having a very broad reach and very low eligibility standards. This particularly affects the cost of medicines, where large numbers of relatively uninventive patents surround a blockbuster drug and delay the market entry of generic alternatives. In addition to outlining the costs of Australia’s current patent policy approach, the paper concludes by highlighting a more balanced and less costly way forward. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Australia-US Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA) required extensive changes to Australian copyright law. This paper assesses the impact of these changes one decade on. It considers, first, whether the costs and/or benefits predicted in 2004 have eventuated, finding clear evidence that AUSFTA has undesirably constrained domestic copyright policy, but no clear evidence either of the feared financial costs to society, or, importantly, the touted benefits to copyright owners. The most significant impact of AUSFTA’s copyright provisions, however, appears to have been on Australia’s copyright trade policy. Pre-AUSFTA, Australia promoted multilateral standards and mostly sought to comply with, but not exceed, international IP standards. Post-AUSFTA, Australia has pursued an approach akin to that of the US: endorsing international copyright rules that are significantly stronger, and more detailed. The paper queries whether this shift has been in Australia’s national interest, and raises interesting questions of path-dependence in policymaking and trade negotiations that warrant more, and broader attention in the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Singapore's rude awakening to independence has led to the creation of one of the most important and strategic entrepôts in the Asia-Pacific. The country's limited territorial lands and natural resources, combined with huge per capita income, high population density and sensitive racial mix, make Singapore the quintessential pragmatic trading state of the twenty-first century. This paper examines how Singapore has embedded itself at the centre of regional and global trade systems by exploiting various forms of free trade activities including multilateral, regional and bilateral FTAs that underpin its security and survival. It argues that in order to maintain the city-state's geo-economic and geo-political viability, the Singaporean government has progressively linked its security interests with its multilevel free trade activities. Given the ‘vulnerability fetish’ and siege mentality that confront Singaporean leaders and policymakers, the pursuit of economic development via free trade has become the heart of its national security policy and strategy. The paper concludes by arguing that the enhancement and preservation of Singapore's survival as a sovereign nation-state demands a strategic utilization of FTAs with different trade partners, especially with regional and trans-regional powers such as the United States and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks: why do Canadians oppose trade deals with Asian countries but support them with Europe? While many Canadians view Asia's economically dynamic countries as important to Canada's future prosperity, they are hesitant to formalize ties with the same type of trade agreements they are willing to offer traditional trading partners. Using polls conducted by the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada, this paper identifies the demographic and attitudinal basis for the “trade support gap.” It finds that the gap is driven by factors that go beyond economic interest. Canadians prefer to strengthen economic ties with democratic countries that have strong human rights records. Furthermore, those who are worried that foreign control of the economy threatens national security and those who prefer ties with traditional allies are likely to support trade with the EU but not with Asian and other non-Asian emerging economies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the EU and the US will be the most significant of the free trade agreements (FTAs) that the EU and its Member States is contemplating with third states. FTAs generally envisage arbitration as the preferred method for dispute resolution not only between the contracting parties but also between a contracting party and a private investor. Generally, a choice for arbitration entails application of a lex arbitri, which governs the arbitral procedure and provides safeguards ensuring the proper conduct of arbitration proceedings. While the existence and relevance of a lex arbitri is considered self-evident in relation to international commercial arbitration, there is not a similar understanding when it comes to inter-state arbitration or arbitration between states and private parties, i.e. mixed arbitration. This paper posits that inter-state arbitrations are generally subject to public international law, since the adjudicative and the prescriptive jurisdiction of host states are limited by general rules of customary international law. Further, this paper posits that mixed arbitrations, which are not governed by a stand-alone system (such as ICSID or arguably the Iran-U.S. C.T.), nowadays appear to be governed by national arbitration laws. Therefore, if the envisaged mixed arbitration system in the TTIP and other FTAs is to function as a stand-alone regime, independently from national arbitration laws and without interference from national courts, specific regulations in these treaties will be necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper reviews the achievements to date in legal approximation in the sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) field in Ukraine. Effective regulatory approximation in the SPS field was critical to anchoring the reform process in Ukraine and to fostering further progress in EU's relations with this Eastern Partnership (EaP) country. This paper highlights three major problems in Ukraine that were hindering reform in the SPS field: inconsistency between Ukrainian and EU food safety legislation, lack of uniformity between animal health law regimes, absence of a single SPS regulator. Legal implementation of approximated legislation still remains as key challenge. The paper offers recommendations to improve the Ukraine's approach so that the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) is part of the Association Agreement (AA) between the EU and the Republic of Ukraine could fulfill its potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]