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This study explored how children's perceptions of social group differences relate to attitudes and behaviour towards real‐world outgroups. We examined Arab‐Christian children living in Israel (N = 231, 52% female, average age 9.8 years) and randomly presented them with either Arab‐Muslim or Jewish outgroup targets. The children performed tasks measuring attitudes and prosocial behaviour towards the outgroup. Additionally, they were asked to describe the differences between their ingroup and the outgroup target. We found that children favoured the Arab‐Muslim outgroup over the Jewish outgroup, and perceived it as having fewer dimensions of difference from their ingroup. Fewer perceived dimensions of difference correlated with more positive attitudes. By the age of 12, however, perceiving more dimensions of difference was linked to increased compensatory prosocial behaviour towards the Jewish outgroup. The findings emphasize the dynamic interplay between cognitive development and intergroup experiences in understanding children's prosocial behaviour towards different outgroups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study employs a mixed‐methods approach to investigate the nature of Facebook posts related to Muslims and LGBTQ+ individuals in Finland, spanning a period of 4 years. Through the use of the CrowdTangle platform, the researchers extracted and analyzed Facebook posts that encompassed predetermined keywords indicative of potential hate speech. The findings underscored divergent patterns of engagement and sentiment toward these two groups, with implications for the different levels of societal acceptance and tolerance exhibited. Posts related to Muslims typically elicited controversy and were often depicted as threats, whereas posts about the LGBTQ+ community generally advocated for inclusivity. However, persistent negative stereotypes about the LGBTQ+ community were also evident. The analysis also brought to light how political parties strategically used these discourses to steer conversations, consolidate their ideological positions, and mobilize their respective supporters. Grounded in the social identity theory, this study sheds light on the complex dynamics of online political discourse, revealing its far‐reaching impacts on societal attitudes, intergroup relations, and formation of group identities. The nuanced understanding derived from these observations suggests that interventions fostering healthier public discussions on social media platforms could contribute significantly to combating societal division, prejudice, and bias. This research underscores the importance of scrutinizing online discourses to address issues of societal cohesion and social acceptance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sri Lanka's postindependence history suggests that continuous efforts by the Sinhala‐Buddhist politicians to reject decentralization created anxiety and distrust among minorities. The state used both Sinhala language and Buddhism to accommodate Sinhala‐Buddhist interests and provide cultural security to Sinhala‐Buddhists who feared that the Sinhala race, Buddhism, and heritage would be threatened with destruction by the Tamil and Muslim separatists and extremists. The state forced the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), which demanded a separate state for North and Eastern Tamils, to silence its guns in May 2009. The military defeat of the LTTE did not produce any democratization of the island. Sinhala‐Buddhist extremist forces turned their eyes on Sri Lankan Muslims, whose elites attached to major political parties supported the war against the LTTE. This study examines the politicization of the Sinhala language and Buddhism in Sri Lanka before and after the civil war between the LTTE and the state dominated by the Sinhala‐Buddhists. It argues that Sinhala political elites willingly took measures to centralize power. The major result of centralization is the birth of the state‐seeking, but authoritarian LTTE. It will also provide some useful analysis to examine post‐war tensions between the Muslims and the Sinhala‐Buddhist extremists. Finally, I discuss some solutions to fight the rising authoritarianism to help Sri Lanka enjoy the fruits of modernization and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This first article in the 2024 World Affairs special issue examines the Narendra Modi regime in India. Often acerbic political rhetoric is attached to official policies of the regime, creating fear and hopelessness within sections of the population. In this study, five sets of political activities of the government are evaluated. First, cultural authoritarianism became apparent with complicity toward "cow vigilantism," slapping sedition charges against those showing political dissent, banning the history books of selected progressives, and stereotyping sections of the left and liberals as antinationals. Second, the demonetization policy was implemented without adequately following the economic protocols of the state. Third, the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganization Bill indicates the thwarting of democratic and federalist ideas. Fourth, the Citizenship Amendment Act and the National Register of Citizens exercise in Assam demonstrate the communal‐fascist worldview of the regime in profiling population groups. Finally, the sloppy handling of the COVID‐19 pandemic and the new Information Technology rules show the government's callous approach toward science and privacy. By analyzing such political activities, the article points out that majoritarian religious nationalism, coupled with authoritarianism, has been the ideological expression of the Modi regime, coexisting with both state surveillance and electoral democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the interplay between acculturation and religion in the religious transmission of first‐generation Islamic parents in Italy. Based on the model of the Big Four Religious Dimension (BFRD) the study took a multidimensional approach to religiosity to gain a detailed understanding of the different facets of religiosity and their contribution to the overall process of cultural adaptation and intergenerational transmission of religious values. Eleven first‐generation Muslim parents (nine women; mean age: 48 years) participated in a semi‐structured interview. Results showed that the tension between the desire to 'raise good Muslims' and for their successful integration in a non‐Muslim context challenges different facets of religiosity opening spaces for cultural negotiation which leads parents to reconsider how religious rules and identity are passed on to second generation and to develop a more conscious approach to religiosity in migration. The ability to connect religious values and identity with the context of life was greater when parents have developed a balance between the dynamics of integration in the Italian or cross‐cultural spaces of everyday life and the spaces reserved for Muslims and had a high level of cultural capital. Practical implications for implementing policies of cultural and religious pluralism are discussed. Please refer to the Supplementary Material section to find this article's Community and Social Impact Statement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Involving people with lived experience is fundamental to healthcare development and delivery. This is especially true for inflammatory bowel disease (IBD) services, where holistic and personalised models of care are becoming increasingly important. There is, however, a significant lack of representation of underserved and diverse groups in IBD research, and there are significant barriers to healthcare access and utilisation among minority groups in IBD. IBD centres need to be aware of these experiences to address barriers via service changes, improve interactions with local communities and promote meaningful engagement for improved health outcomes. Methods: A pragmatic community‐based approach was taken to engage with leaders and members of underserved groups across 11 workshops representing Roma, Afro‐Caribbean, people of African descent and the wider black, Asian and minority ethnic (BAME) communities, Muslim women, refugee community members, deprived areas of South Yorkshire, LGBTQ+ and deaf populations. Thematic analysis of field notes identified patterns of attention across the community groups and where improvements to services were most frequently suggested. Results: Findings demonstrated several barriers experienced to healthcare access and utilisation, including language accessibility, staff attitudes and awareness, mental health and stigma, continuity of support, and practical factors such as ease of service use and safe spaces. These barriers acted as a lever to co‐producing service changes that are responsive to the health and social care needs of these groups. Conclusions: Engaging with people from a range of communities is imperative for ensuring that service improvements in IBD are accessible and representative of individual needs and values. Patient or Public Contribution: Local community leaders and members of community groups actively participated in the co‐design and development of improvements to the IBD service for a local hospital. Their contributions further informed a pilot process for quality improvement programmes in IBD centres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analysed tweets from five English‐speaking Canadian political parties in the year leading up to the 2019 federal election to explore both prejudicial and inclusive rhetoric in relation to Muslim identities on social media. We used structural topic modelling to understand what topics were discussed before moving to a rhetorical approach to analyse how topics were discussed. We identified 10 topics. Seven talked about Muslim groups in primarily inclusive ways, including depicting the positive contributions to Canadian society, creating ideological space for Muslim religious practices and invoking superordinate identities with victims of hate crimes to cultivate solidarity. However, the effectiveness of inclusive rhetoric was sometimes questioned due to omitting the subgroup‐specific prejudice faced by Muslims. Prejudicial rhetoric occurred in three of the topics due to the nativist populist PPC party depicting Muslims as a threat to Canadian values, as hostile to people from other religious faiths, and depicting 'elites' in society as concealing the 'true' information concerning Muslims. The study contributes to understanding how politicians attempt to cultivate minority inclusion/exclusion in multicultural contexts through social media, as well as understanding the rhetoric of nativist populism in Canada and its similarities to other Global North contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the underpinnings and ramifications of anti‐Muslim attitudes in the United States? While scholars have emphasized the centrality of race and racial attitudes to American politics, examinations of hostility towards Muslim Americans with context‐specific measures are still lacking despite the increasing relevance of this population in the public imagination. Particularly after the tragic 9/11 attacks, Islamophobia emerged as a pervasive force in American social and political life, entangling race, religion, and nationality to further stigmatize and marginalize Muslims. By more systematically examining the relationship between anti‐Muslim attitudes and public support for a range of initiatives that aim to, or already have, further marginalize(d) American Muslims, the research presented herein aims to underscore the limitations of attitudinal measures that lack context specificity. Through two studies that utilize a nationally representative survey and a longitudinal study of public opinion towards Muslims, we make the case for the development and use of more nuanced measures that capture the distinct nature of hostility towards Muslims as encompassing both perceived realistic and symbolic threats. Additionally, we consider the range of social, psychological, and physical consequences that Islamophobia may exert on Muslim individuals themselves, as well as their interactions with the majority population. These have important implications for scholars studying the sociopolitical behavior of Muslims and policymakers seeking to counteract the adverse effects of Islamophobia in the United States or elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aid relations in protracted displacement comprise a diversity of actors with different influence and involvement over time. Building on the case of Sri Lanka's northern Muslim's expulsion from the north of the country in 1990, this paper investigates the dynamic space of aid relations in their drawn‐out internal displacement. The study draws on 38 key informant interviews and 10 focus‐group discussions, conducted in Sri Lanka (Jaffna, Mannar, Puttalam, and Colombo) in 2022. The paper contributes new knowledge of the local dynamics of assistance in protracted displacement, by analysing the roles of a wide set of actors within this dynamic space of aid relations over time. The analysis incorporates angles and voices often overlooked in mainstream humanitarian studies, including internally displaced persons, hosts, and Middle Eastern aid funders. The study argues that a long‐term perspective and a variety of voices provide foundations for more productive engagement with localisation in humanitarian action in protracted displacement crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research investigated the effect of ethnic–national identity on intergroup attitudes among Israeli children. Between 2019 and 2020, 136 Arab Muslim and 136 Jewish 5‐ and 10‐year‐olds (boys and girls) participated in one of four ethnic–national identity conditions: ingroup, outgroup, common identity, and control. In each condition, participants were described a city whose residents were defined according to the condition. Then, children were asked to "release" positive and negative animals to an ingroup city, an outgroup city, or a zoo. The results showed that highlighting a common identity improved attitudes across all children, but effect of ingroup and outgroup emphases varied between Jewish and Arab children. These results highlight the different dynamics of social identities among majority and minority children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Direklerarası, the core of Ramadan entertainment in late Ottoman Istanbul, rose to prominence toward the end of the nineteenth century at about the same time as entertainment hubs in Paris, Berlin, Tokyo, and New York. Thanks to the legitimacy provided by the Holy Ramadan, which played a positive role in reducing public suspicion and uneasiness among Muslim families towards the products of early mass culture, Direklerarası seems to draw a larger children's audience compared to Pera and Galata, the epicenter of European‐style entertainment and a location where non‐Muslims were heavily populated. As a result, many children were introduced to emerging modern mass culture at Direklerarası, which offers a large variety of shows and spectacles grouped under the name of lubiyat in the Ottoman world, including theater, musical plays, juggling, circus, concerts, shadow theater and cinema. This article focuses on childhood experiences at Direklerarası using a wide range of primary sources from archival documents and official regulations to Ottoman periodicals and memoirs. It aims to discuss the moral and aesthetic concerns arising from the fact that the spheres of adults and children were not yet clearly separated from each other, as well as how this experience at Direklerarası was remembered later as a childhood memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the life stories of Indonesian Muslims who struggle with same‐sex attraction (henceforth SSA) and believe that their SSA is divinely foreordained as a test from Allah. I draw on seventeen months of ethnographic research in an online community called Yayasan Peduli Sahabat (henceforth YPS) which prescribes ways to live heterosexually to its members and clients with SSA. In this article, I argue that the members of YPS are exercising their agency when they try to discipline their sexuality and live as heterosexuals. In this way, this study contributes to the existing literature on the agency of illiberal religious subjects by discussing the extent to which agency is practised in the face of one's relations with the divine and human‐mediated religious authority. Drawing on these interrelated themes, this article conjoins anthropological scholarship on self‐cultivation, divine intervention, and religious authority. Instead of understanding Muslims' lives through the shift from a self‐cultivation paradigm to the paradigm of divine intervention, I suggest that both paradigms are instructive and attending to them could elucidate how Muslims with SSA exercise their agency while continuing to be affected by the divine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dehumanization continues to be prevalent today and predicts detrimental intergroup consequences. Thus, it is important to identify novel interventions that reduce dehumanization and explore the mechanism(s)—both established (e.g., empathy induction, intergroup contact) and relatively understudied (e.g., humor)—driving the effects. To address this issue, in Study 1 (N = 2,349), we conducted an "intervention tournament" and found that a video (i.e., "Mean Tweets") of a relatable and diverse group of young Muslims ridiculing Islamophobic comments posted on an online video of a Muslim preschool burning down effectively reduces hostility towards Muslims. Specifically, the Mean Tweets intervention significantly reduced dehumanization of Muslims and, although the effects were weaker, anti‐Muslim policy support. However, a follow‐up study conducted 1 month later revealed that these effects subsided. Next, in a preregistered study (i.e., Study 2) (N = 677), we find that our intervention reliably reduced dehumanization of Muslims, but the reduction of anti‐Muslim policy support was not replicated. While investigating our intervention's effect on anti‐Muslim policy support, we find that our intervention led participants to discount the intervention's intended message, which could have short‐circuited the intervention's effectiveness on policy support. Considering these results, we discuss the potential psychological processes (e.g., humor, message discounting, tone) underlying our dehumanization‐reducing intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In crowds, to the degree one identifies with other crowd members one likely experiences a sense of common purpose, social connection and mutual support. Such is the psychological significance of these correlates of a shared identity that even others' close physical proximity can be pleasurable. However, such pleasure in others' proximity cannot be assumed: physical crowding can bring practical challenges and so potentially disturb the positive experience of crowd membership. In the research reported here, we explore crowd members' reports of such challenges and the ways in which these were interpreted and managed through reference to the beliefs and values associated with crowd members' shared identity. Our data arise from semi‐structured interviews (N = 33) with British Muslims after participating in the Hajj pilgrimage in Saudi Arabia. Exploring these data sheds light on the ways in which identity‐related beliefs and values can contribute to the maintenance of order and harmony even in situations where crowding could undermine the positive experience of others' proximity. Accordingly, our analysis advances our understanding of the self‐organization and self‐policing of crowds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the underdevelopment of Islamic theology and the need for a more comprehensive approach that encompasses the entire way of a Muslim's life, rather than focusing solely on legal dimensions. The author argues that theology has been overshadowed by legal discourse and offers reasons for this, including the defensive nature of Islamic theology and the influence of Greek philosophy. The article proposes a systematic Islamic theology based on the Islamic tradition itself, divided into five chapters that explore the historical roots, sources, and methods of maqāṣid al‐'aqīda (the higher objectives of Islamic theology). The author also discusses the significance of maqāṣid al‐'aqīda in promoting interfaith and intrafaith relations. Overall, the article highlights the importance of pursuing, preserving, and promoting truth in Islamic theology and suggests avenues for further development in the field. [Extracted from the article]

The first document is a book review from the Journal of Religious History. The review discusses a book titled "Baptizing Burma: Colonialism, Christianity, and the Transformation of Karen Identity, 1813-1843" by Laura Kaloyanides. The reviewer highlights the book's analysis of the political-religious partnerships in 19th-century Burma and the changes in Baptist Christianity in response to the Burmese cultural context. The reviewer also mentions the author's exploration of the use of objects like statues and trees by Baptist missionaries to explain biblical truths, and the complexities of missionary work in Burma. Overall, the review acknowledges the book's insights into the history of Christianity in Burma and its impact on indigenous cultures. The second document is a book review from the same journal. The review discusses a book titled "Shapers of Islam in Southeast Asia: Muslim Intellectuals and the Making of Islamic Reformism" by Khairudin Aljunied. The book examines the contributions of Southeast Asian Muslim intellectuals to the development of Islamic reformism in the region. The reviewer praises the book for highlighting the importance of including Southeast Asian voices in discussions of Islamic reformism and challenging the dominant focus on the Middle East. The book explores the progressive and pluralistic nature of Islamic reform in Southeast Asia and the construction of a unified and coherent frame of thought by influential Muslim intellectuals. The reviewer recommends the book as an indispensable resource for understanding the challenges facing Islam in the modern world.The third document is a book [Extracted from the article]

The text is a book review of "Across the Worlds of Islam: Muslim Identities, Beliefs, and Practices from Asia to America." The book explores the diversity of Muslim experiences and challenges the traditional focus on Arabic-language texts and orthodox beliefs. It examines how Muslims express their religious identities through various aspects of everyday life, such as body care, artistic expression, and communal gatherings. The book also discusses the US's global war on terror and its impact on Islamic education in Uganda, arguing that the proposed reforms aim to control the production of Islamic truth. Overall, the book offers a nuanced and diverse perspective on Islam and its practices. [Extracted from the article]

The second installment in a three‐part series on the Qurʾān and science, this article provides a systematic discussion of the scientific interpretation of the Qurʾān both inside and outside the Muslim world. This discussion reveals how Muslims' interactions with Euro‐Americans have kept discourse on the Qurʾān and science alive. It also demonstrates how Muslims promoted this exegetical genre transregionally from the Middle East to Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the first installment in a three‐part series on the Qurʾān and science, this article begins with the author's personal and scholarly experiences to demonstrate the importance of the twin trends of Qurʾānic scientific interpretation and Qurʾānic scientific miraculousness, including how both serve as Muslims theological tools. It then touches upon the close relationship between theology and scientific knowledge in the history of Islam. The main focus concerns how science is situated and defined in Islamic literature, with particular references to traditional Muslim commentaries and treatises. It also concerns the way Muslim exegetical figures and traditionalists are encouraged or discouraged from taking science into account based on the Qurʾān and prophetic traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last article of this three‐part series on the Qurʾān and science discusses the creation and development of the scientific miraculousness of the Qurʾān, which claims that the Qurʾān contains scientific findings and has particular scientific features, such as harmonious numerical analogies and formulae, that confirm the divine origin of the text. It became a political‐theological tool used by Muslim preachers and activists across the globe. Unlike scientific interpreters of the Qurʾān, advocates of scientific miraculousness were concerned with not only uniting Muslims and proving God's authority over the universe but also promoting the Qurʾān as a mine of modern science, archaeology, and history, the authenticity of which is unchallengeable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 20th century, public discourse in Muslim‐minority countries has centered around the question of how to classify Muslims. In this paper, we compare the state, academic, and self‐classification of Muslims in two countries: the United Kingdom and Germany. We propose that the historical experience of anti‐Semitism makes religion a more salient master category to understand Muslims in Germany, while the history of both anti‐Semitism and anti‐Black racism largely resulting from colonial domination means that religion together with race are master categories used to understand Muslims in the United Kingdom. Through this multilayered ethnographic and historical analysis, we challenge taken‐for‐granted assumptions in both the political and academic milieu about what it means to be Muslim, emphasizing the importance of the interplay between sociopolitical categories and self‐identifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Many state legislatures have moved to restrict LGBT students' rights, and the Supreme Court has veered toward greater protection of religious free exercise protection over LGBT nondiscrimination policies. Some studies have found that rights framings are associated with heightened affective and attitudinal polarization, while others have argued that rights framings lead to greater tolerance. Do religious liberties frames affect policy attitudes or group affect? And are some groups' use of religious liberties frames more persuasive? Methods: We utilize data from a survey that experimentally varies candidate statements on inclusion of LGBT issues in schools using a religious liberties frame and by the group asserting religious liberties. We use the experiment to document the extent to which religious liberties framings shift support for restriction of LGBT rights in schools and affect toward religious and LGBT Americans. Results: Our analysis suggests there are few direct effects, but that responses to religious liberties frames reflect debates within the parties about morality, social group conflict, and civic nationalism. Conclusion: Our results add to the growing literature on religious liberty, and we argue that there is a need to understand why religious liberties frames produce effects in some circumstances but not in others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The security of the Uyghur ethnic community in Xinjiang became an international concern after media reports about the existence of re‐education camps. History has recorded that the Uyghur often experienced violation of their human security rights. This violation worsened when the Chinese Community Party (CCP) succeeded in controlling the entire mainland. The three pillars of human security that should be ensured by the state, freedom from fear, freedom from want and freedom to live in dignity were violated by the CCP. Using the theory of social construction process, the finding of the research was that the violations aimed to insert socialist and communist values into Uyghur's identity and to control their province, which rich in natural resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contends that cultural destruction during genocidal campaigns is a dimension of genocide itself and is evidence of the intent to completely erase the targeted group from existence. It focuses on a powerful, yet under‐examined, form of cultural violence, namely the destruction of cemeteries and graveyards. My argument will be demonstrated through the localised case study of the town of Zvornik, Bosnia–Herzegovina, and the destruction of two Muslim cemeteries that took place there during genocidal campaigns against the Muslim communities of Bosnia–Herzegovina in the 1992–1995 war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current research examines the proposition that minority groups can be either accepted or rejected, both in the name of national tolerance. In three studies using national samples in the Netherlands (N = 1572), we focused on three different understandings of what is required to maintain an alleged national identity of tolerance. Data indicated that stronger agreement with the need to live up to the self‐defining tradition of tolerance was associated with higher support for Muslim minority practices. However, stronger agreement with two boundary conditions of what is tolerable in the name of protecting tolerance, upholding a threshold for tolerance, and the need for reciprocity, was found to be associated with lower support for Muslim minority practices. Additionally, perceived identity continuity threat accounted for these associations. The findings demonstrate that a national identity of tolerance can be understood in different ways with differing implications for minority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: In this work, I document variation in husbands' participation in household duties, an indicator of gender equality, by comparing ethnoreligious affiliation group, human capital, and autonomy. Background: Scholars posit a relationship between religiosity and traditional gender relations, impacted by cultural norms and women's human capital. Israel's diverse ethnoreligious landscape provides an excellent context for empirically evaluating posited relationships. Method: The study analyzed quantitative data from the Israel Social Survey on 1,900 married women (1,529 Jews and 371 Arabs). Results: Husbands of Arab women were 83% less likely than husbands of Jewish women to share household duties. Among Jewish couples, husbands of traditional‐religious women were 29% less likely than husbands of secular women to share household duties. Further, among Jewish couples, there was no difference in husbands' sharing of household duties between ultra‐Orthodox women and secular women. Among Arabs, Druze husbands were almost 3 times more likely to participate than Muslim husbands. Among Arab Muslims, religious husbands were 2.40 times more likely to share household duties than nonreligious Muslims. Conclusion: Findings support C. Goldscheider's culture hypothesis, suggesting that the uniqueness of the affiliation group is most important. However, although human capital did not strongly moderate husbands' participation, women's autonomy did. Implication: Public policy should be sensitive to differences between ethnoreligious groups in supporting gender equality. For instance, policy makers should encourage religious leaders to preach values that promote such equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the book "Jewish Muslims: How Christians Imagined Islam as the Enemy" by David Freidenreich. The book explores the use of vituperative rhetoric by Western and Eastern Christians towards Muslims from the 7th to the 17th centuries. Freidenreich argues that Christian polemicists consistently used anti-Jewish tropes and reference points to target Muslims, while actually addressing fellow Christians. He traces the origins of this rhetoric to the Apostle Paul's allegory in Galatians, which equated Jews with Hagar's slavery and ejection. The article acknowledges that while Christians were aware that Muslims were not Jews, the rhetoric of treating Muslims as if they were Jews persisted. The author suggests that the book's generalization in its title may not fully capture the complexities of medieval Christian attitudes towards Muslims and Jews. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the concept of conviviality: the practice and negotiation of sharing space in suburbs with diverse populations (Journal of Intercultural Studies, 2016, 37, 423). Australia has a growing Muslim population and reports of Islamophobia remain widespread. While there is some evidence, however, that forming intercultural connections can foster more positive attitudes toward religious minority groups, we know little about how Muslim and non‐Muslim communities share space in Australia. This paper presents the findings of a qualitative investigation into how conviviality is perceived in Australian suburbs with high concentrations of Muslim residents. Following qualitative, thematic analysis of 15 interviews with multicultural service providers who work with Muslims in Melbourne, Victoria, we conclude that conviviality is fostered by a sense of community between people who share similar backgrounds as well as increased opportunities to form intercultural social connections. We discuss the scholarly and policy implications of these findings, with consideration of existing arguments about the practices of sharing space in Australian cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on social capital theory, in the current study, we examined the contribution of background variables (education and living with/without parents), a personal resource (religiosity), and two communal resources (a sense of community, and both positive and negative societal conditional regard) to the well‐being and hope of divorced women from the Muslim community in Israel. The study included 125 women between the ages of 20 and 60 (M = 36, SD = 9.10). A path analysis model indicated a sense of community as a protective factor that directly contributed to well‐being and hope and also mediated positively between education and religiosity and between well‐being and hope. However, societal conditional negative regard (SCNR) made a negative contribution to well‐being and hope, both directly and indirectly via the sense of community. In the discussion, we highlight the conflict experienced by Muslim divorced women: between remaining part of the Muslim community and undergoing SCNR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in Saint Petersburg between 2015 and 2016, this article puts work on postsocialist precarity in conversation with scholarship on piety and interspecies care in Muslim contexts to explore how Aliya, a low‐income Slavic convert to Islam, responded to social and economic hardships by tending to stray dogs. In doing so, she did not turn away, turn inwards, or turn political in the conventional sense of the word. Instead, she engaged in what I term 'embracing precarity', which I define as a response to uncertainty, grounded in Islamic spirituality, ethics, and care. By embracing canine tactility – often in departure from cultural norms concerning stray dogs in Islam and at the risk of deepening her own vulnerability – Aliya embarked on a path towards God with nonhuman others. The emergent relatedness between her and the dogs illustrates how striving for an ethical Muslim life amid uncertainty may open one up to experimentation, improvisation, and becoming with precarious others in a pursuit of a relationship with God and a favourable afterlife. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid the proportion of work on 'Muslim geographies', the majority has focused on Muslims as a minority discussed within societies of the West. Additionally, this work rarely discusses the positionality of the researcher despite significant overlap with work in feminist, social, and cultural geographies. This paper takes 'Muslim geographies' as a starting point to further problematise accounts of knowledge, subjectivity, and power with regard to the treatment of Islam in geography. I argue that geographical analysis from different standpoints is needed to yield other ways of knowing about Muslims and how they orient themselves across space and time. This theoretical intervention is informed by my fieldwork experience as a Muslim male conducting ethnographic research on migration and labour precarity with other Muslim migrants across Taiwan. As I transited through various Muslim spaces, being Muslim provided privileged access and shaped the direction in which the research progressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political theory is interested in the misrecognition of identity because it impacts individuals' autonomy in their self‐definition and thus their ability to articulate and pursue identity‐related interests. Here, we explore minority group members' experiences of being seen in terms that do not accord with their self‐definition. Our data are qualitative, gathered through walking interviews with 24 Muslims in Scotland. Focusing on interactions in which they reported discrepancies between how they and others saw them, we differentiate four forms of misrecognition: (1) having the meaning of a valued identity (i.e., one's Muslim identity) defined by others in ways that one judges inaccurate and inappropriate; (2) having one's membership of a valued community (e.g., as a member of Scottish society) denied or rejected; (3) having one's identity (i.e., one's Muslim identity) overlooked such that one's distinctive identity‐related needs are not taken into account; (4) being seen in terms of just one of one's many social identities (i.e., one's Muslim identity) such that other identities (judged more situationally relevant) are ignored. This empirically grounded typology contributes to wider debates about the forms of identity (mis)recognition and their political implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Grenfell fire catapulted North Kensington into the spotlight, an area both synonymous with immigration and social policy innovation for over a century. However, it remains under examined how this extraordinary event re‐defined the discursive landscape around British Muslims and how they have been situated in the national landscape. To do this it analyses the twitter activity in the 96 hours after the fire and also the victim profiles published in the Guardian Newspaper. It finds that the narratives that emerge blur British Muslim social boundaries through narratives both around the exceptional and banal narratives which emerged during and after the fire. This constructs British Muslims as both saviours during Grenfell, and also as a super‐diverse population that resists topologizing as pre‐dominantly South Asain. This article also raises broader questions about the not only the role that social media has in the creation of vernacular memory, and also that in this case twitter was importantly not a conduit for the fake news and hate speech created against British Muslims during Grenfell. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Few empirical studies have explored the links between sleep and religion and no research has examined how religious individuals view these links. This article contributes to the literature by drawing on in‐depth interviews with 31 midlife Israeli Muslims and Jews who describe themselves as religious or very religious. Findings indicate that respondents shared the view that sleep is important for health and wellbeing, as well as for religious practice and the proper worship of God. Their accounts clarified that religious observance entails a set of social rules and prescriptions as well as beliefs that may affect sleep behaviour and sleep outcomes. Traditional prayer times affected sleep duration for observant Muslims and Jews because respondents woke up early for prayer but could not always retire early enough so as to obtain a sufficient amount of sleep. Religion also dictated a preferred sleep position, to which participants became accustomed and found to be helpful. Respondents maintained that their deep faith in God and the practice of praying helped reduce stress, which contributed to sleep quality. However, among Muslims, missing prayers could arouse feelings of guilt and unease, thus affecting sleep quality. The article concludes that religion affects the sleep of both Muslims and Jews, but these effects vary by how individuals practice their religion and by how religiosity intersects with other social categories, such as gender. Future studies could enrich understanding of the social determinants of sleep by designing research inspired by lay persons' insights into the association between religion and sleep. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political theory is interested in the misrecognition of identity because it impacts individuals' autonomy in their self‐definition and thus their ability to articulate and pursue identity‐related interests. Here, we explore minority group members' experiences of being seen in terms that do not accord with their self‐definition. Our data are qualitative, gathered through walking interviews with 24 Muslims in Scotland. Focusing on interactions in which they reported discrepancies between how they and others saw them, we differentiate four forms of misrecognition: (1) having the meaning of a valued identity (i.e., one's Muslim identity) defined by others in ways that one judges inaccurate and inappropriate; (2) having one's membership of a valued community (e.g., as a member of Scottish society) denied or rejected; (3) having one's identity (i.e., one's Muslim identity) overlooked such that one's distinctive identity‐related needs are not taken into account; (4) being seen in terms of just one of one's many social identities (i.e., one's Muslim identity) such that other identities (judged more situationally relevant) are ignored. This empirically grounded typology contributes to wider debates about the forms of identity (mis)recognition and their political implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Canada, immigrants are more likely to migrate within the country—interprovincial migration, for example—than Canadian‐born individuals. This is particularly true of Muslim immigrants. In this article, we seek to identify the characteristics that determine the second migrations undertaken by these immigrants. To do so, we have focused on (1) the socio‐demographic characteristics specific to this community (language in particular) and (2) the socio‐political context of the various provinces welcoming these immigrants. The results lead us to relativize the hypothesis of a tension between living in a French‐speaking environment with a tense socio‐political context for the Muslim community, and an English‐speaking environment where the socio‐political issues specific to this community are less present. Beyond strictly economic considerations, Muslim immigrants must also negotiate their integration by taking into account the language and the environment where certain socio‐political issues concerning them are more or less debated and/or where their official language of choice is not spoken. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The comprehensive analysis of social identity cannot simply focus on individuals' cognitive self‐definition. Rather it should also theorize the social conditions that affect individuals' opportunities to act in terms of those self‐definitions. We argue that the social distancing interventions associated with Covid‐19 provide an opportunity to explore the significance of otherwise taken‐for‐granted social factors which routinely support and sustain individuals' identity enactments. Using qualitative data gathered with 20 members of the Scottish Muslim community (19 diary entries and 20 post‐diary interviews), we explore their experiences of restricted access to community‐relevant social spaces (e.g., mosques and prayer rooms). Our analysis shows that while these regulations could result in new opportunities for Muslims' religious identity enactments, they also impeded their abilities to act in terms of their religious identification. Addressing such impediments, we develop our understanding of the contextual factors that shape individuals' abilities to enact identity‐defining norms and values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Navid Kermani's and Feridun Zaimoglu's engagements as Muslims with Christian art reveal the possibilities and limitations of aesthetic experiences of the divine beyond all doctrinal divides. Although Kermani's own research into the aesthetic dimension of Islam highlights the potential for art to offer spiritual insight, his rejection of some Christian imagery, especially of the crucifix, in his book Ungläubiges Staunen: Über das Christentum (2015), suggests this potential has limits which are not only matters of subjective taste but also epistemological barriers that are difficult to overcome. However, some of Kermani's interpretations lead to a syncretic understanding of Christian and Islamic ideas and aesthetics, pointing towards new notions of the divine. Similarly, Zaimoglu's series of contemporary icons featuring Jesus and other Biblical figures opens up spiritual possibilities beyond religious divides through their ambiguous links to Christianity and Islam. This distinction between an experience of the divine across religious boundaries and its failure can be theorised through Jean‐Luc Marion's understanding of the 'icon' and the 'idol' respectively, whereby the former returns the viewer's gaze and unleashes a destabilising openness to the sacred, whereas the latter involves the dominant gaze of the viewer and reinforces what they already know. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In G. E Lessing's Nathan der Weise (1779) Muslims are represented alongside Jews and Christians. These relationships are framed in terms of shared human morality and the shared biology of family, expressed through physical resemblance, rather than through similarities or differences of faith. Ultimately, it is the biological fact of consanguine family, not religion, which forms the basis of future human relationships. The Early Romantic Novalis, by contrast, sketches a figurative, interfaith family in Heinrich von Ofterdingen (1801). This accommodates Christians and Muslims within a universal model of 'aesthetic' human religiosity, which nonetheless allows each faith to maintain distinctive, even mutually conflicting beliefs, and thus envisions a more pluralistic unity. Modelling interfaith relationships around familial similarities offers a tempting alternative to the mutual alienation and 'othering' of critical Orientalism, although this approach can fixate upon normative characteristics and deflect attention from the distinctiveness of differing faiths. Both writers locate their Muslim characters within differing trajectories of historical progress: for Lessing, humanity's future is grounded in a common humanity rooted in shared biology, with Islam rendered incidental or obscure, whereas Novalis envisions a pluralistic, multi‐perspectival future, marked by shifting, re‐imaginable familial relationships, within which Muslims can retain core aspects of their faith. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Islam and Nationalism in Modern Greece 1821–1940" by Stefanos Katsikas explores the complex process of the erasure of Islam in modern Greece. The book highlights the violence inflicted on Muslim communities during the Greek Revolution, but also emphasizes that the conflict was not solely based on ethno-religious differences. The author provides a detailed examination of the legal and social conditions of Muslim communities in Greece, as well as the role played by traditional Muslim offices and institutions. The book also delves into the interwar period and the accommodation of the Muslim population by Greek authorities. Overall, this comprehensive and authoritative study sheds light on minority rights, ethnic cleansing, and political violence in Greece. [Extracted from the article]

Objective: To compare stage and survival of cervical cancer between Jewish and Arab women in a tertiary medical center in Israel. Methods: Retrospective study of consecutive women diagnosed with cervical cancer in a single institution between 2010 and 2021. We compared Jewish and Arab patients using univariate, multivariable, and survival curves analysis. Results: Overall, 207 Jewish women and 45 Arab women were included with a median follow up of 20 months (interquartile range 7–46 months). The groups did not differ in median body mass index, mean age at diagnosis, or menopausal status. Arab women had higher parity. Arab women were at a higher risk to be diagnosed with advanced stage disease (≥2b) (84.4% vs. 57% Arab and Jewish women, respectively, P < 0.001). In a multivariable regression analysis, Arab descent was found to be the only independent factor associated with advanced stage disease (odds ratio 3.95, 95% confidence interval 1.54–10.10). Overall survival and stage‐specific survival were not different between the ethnic groups. Conclusions: Advanced stage at diagnosis was more prevalent in Arab women compared with Jewish women with cervical cancer, whereas stage‐specific survival was similar. Further studies addressing possible contributing factors to inequality should be undertaken to find corrective measures. Synopsis: Arab women are diagnosed with cervical cancers of more advanced stage than Jewish women in Israel; however, survival is similar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To assess Muslim physician experiences with religious discrimination and identify strategies for better accommodating Muslim identity in health care. Data Sources and Study Setting: Interviews were conducted with Muslim physicians from three US‐based Muslim clinician organizations between June and August 2021. Study Design: In‐depth, semi‐structured qualitative interviews used a phenomenological approach to describe experiences of religious discrimination and accommodation. A team‐based framework approach to coding was used to inductively generate themes from interview data. Data Collection/Extraction Methods: Physicians from the Islamic Medical Association of North America, American Muslim Health Professionals, and the US Muslim Physicians group were invited to participate using closed organizational listservs. Inclusion criteria sought English‐speaking, self‐identifying Muslims with current or past affiliation with a university hospital in the United States. Potential participants were segmented into groups based on responses to questions about perceived religious discrimination and accommodation. Purposive sampling was used to iteratively approach participants within these groups in order to capture a diverse respondent pool. Interviews stopped after thematic saturation was reached. Principal Findings: Eighteen physicians (11 women and 7 men; mean age: 41.5 [standard deviation = 12.91] years) were interviewed. Nearly all (n = 16) held Islam to be important in their lives. Three overarching themes, with several subthemes, emerged. Participants (1) struggled to maintain religious practices and observances due to unaccommodating organizational structures; (2) experienced religious discrimination, which, in turn, impacted their professional trajectories and, at times, their personal well‐being; and (3) believed that institutions could implement specific educational and policy interventions to advance the religious accommodation of Muslims in health care. Conclusions: Muslim physicians frequently encounter religious discrimination, yet there are concrete ways in which health care workplaces can better accommodate their religious needs and combat discrimination. To improve workforce diversity, equity, and inclusion, educational forums and policies that support the religious practices of physicians need to be established. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

, 51 106 Winter, I Travelling Home: Essays on Islam in Europe i , 85; Winter, I Travelling Home: Essays on Islam in Europe i , 86-87; Winter, I Travelling Home: Essays on Islam in Europe i , 94. 107 Winter, I Between Heaven and Hell: Islam, Salvation, and the Fate of Others i , 24; Winter, "British and Muslim?" 124 Winter, I Travelling Home: Essays on Islam in Europe i , 19-104 125 S. Murata, I The Tao of Islam i (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1992); H. Yusuf, "Women, Shar'iah, and Islam - Hamza Yusuf", online video recording, YouTube, 25 March. One part of the argument is therefore an effort to disassociate Islam from any hints of Arab particularism; Winter even calls Islam an "un-Arabian religion". because it condemns such practices as 'the worship of I Al-"Uzza i ...prideful boasting, and walking naked around the House". Mark Sedgwick drew attention to the radically anti-modern Traditionalist School, a Western esoteric movement initiated by René Guénon that calls for the retrieval of a spiritual wisdom found in all religions but lost in modernity. [Extracted from the article]

In Argentina some branches of Islam have their own ziyāra circuits, building a local diasporic shrine culture. This paper examines sacred geographies created by 'Alawis descendants of Syrian immigrants, who arrived in the early decades of the twentieth century, and Naqshbandi‐Haqqani sufis, Muslims who have converted from a Christian background. Based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Sufi and 'Alawi communities, in Shaykh Ahmed Merhej's shrine and in the Naqshbandiyya‐Haqqaniyya dergāhs where there are maqāms ‐ cenotaphs erected in honor of Shaykh 'Abdullah Daghestani‐ this article analyzes the configuration of two shrine cultures and their recent contact, showing the local rooting of a global practice among Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Salafi I "ulama" i in Egypt dedicate sermons, lectures, religious rulings and publications to undermining Al-Azhar's religious credibility and commitment to what the Salafis consider to be "authentic" Islam. Al-Azhar's religious authority extends beyond Egypt to many parts of the Sunni world. This article finds that the Salafi-Azhari contestation revolves around three overlapping issues: Salafi disdain for Sufism, the I Ahl al- adith i -Ash'ari creedal divide, and socio-political contestation in modern Egypt. The perceived rise of Salafi popularity through Salafi satellite channels in the early 2000s, and the relentless criticism by Salafi clerics of the Azharis, contributed to an intense anti-Salafi counter-attack from al-Azhar. [Extracted from the article]

Two cross‐sectional studies were conducted with undergraduate and graduate students (mean age = 22 years) in two university campuses in different regions of Turkey to investigate confrontations between conservative religious people and secular‐liberal people and the roles of fundamentalism and authoritarianism for these groups. Study 1 investigated the connections between traditional religiosity and liberties and the impact of religious fundamentalism with a sample of 482 participants. Using hierarchical multiple linear regression and bootstrapping analysis, religiosity was seen as negatively connected to three components of liberties. It was shown that religious fundamentalism had an indirect effect on this connection. In Study 2, with a sample of 260 participants, the negative connection between traditional religiosity with liberties was confirmed. Further, it was found that particularly the conservatism dimension of right‐wing authoritarianism played an explanatory role in this connection. In addition, as an extension of the two studies, it was observed that secular‐liberal participants supported civil liberties in general, but they expressed opposition to freedom of religion in particular, indicating that the antagonism between religious and secular people may also stem from secular‐liberal people. It was found that dimension of aggression of left‐wing authoritarianism played an explanatory role in connection to this aspect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Muslims fast every year during the month of Ramadan from dawn until dusk. This study examined mental well‐being and correlating factors among Nigerian adults who observed Ramadan intermittent fasting (RIF). Methods: A validated generalized anxiety disorder‐2 and Patient Health Questionnaire‐2, the four‐item spiritual well‐being index, and the Islamic intrinsic religiosity questionnaire were used to collect data about mental well‐being (depression, anxiety), spirituality, and intrinsic religiosity through a web‐based survey between the May 9, 2021 (27th of Ramadan, 1442) and the June 4, 2021 (29th of Shawwal, 1442). We studied the mental well‐being of respondents over a period of 4 weeks before Ramadan (BR) and during the 4 weeks of Ramadan between the April 12, 2021 and the May 12, 2021(DR). Multinomial regression analysis was used to determine the factors associated with depression and anxiety. This research did not receive any grant or funding. Results: A total of 770 adult Nigerians who observed RIF study were included in this cross‐sectional study. When compared to mental well‐being BR, observing RIF by Nigerian adult respondents was associated with a significant improvement in their mental well‐being. A higher proportion of respondents felt less depressed DR (61.3% vs. 56.5%. <.001). Interest and pleasure in doing things improved DR than BR (p= 0.007) and respondents felt less nervous and anxious (60.7% vs. 57.1%, respectively; p <.001). Mental well‐being was independently associated with sociodemographic characteristics, physical activity, and perceived relationships. Conclusions: This study found significant improvement in mental well‐being DR compared to BR despite the ongoing COVID‐19 pandemic. The effect of RIF on mental well‐being needs further research with multicentric studies among different sets of ethnic populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Automated systems harvesting and assessing data built by private state contractors, low-level Muslim police assistants, and Han settler commanders produced a project of racializing Muslim bodies while protecting the economy of the settler population. Instead, in this context the state is explicitly mandating anti-Muslim racism in the form of an institutionalized, colonial campaign that moves through the Xinjiang education, media, and banking systems to the hospital, the police, and the courts. While Roberto Castillo ([14]) argues it is likely that "institutional racism" may not yet be an accurate way of characterizing Chinese racialization toward African workers in China, the racialization of Muslims in Northwest China is not simply a problem of ethnic bias that the state is attempting to manage (as may be the case of Black African guest workers in China). It means that Uyghur schools are staffed with Han settler teachers who say things in the classroom like, "I have thought about learning Uyghur (language) because I have so many Uyghur students, but I'm worried that it will make me stupid" (A. and Byler, [1], 409) - implying that Uyghurs are stupid because of the Turkic language they speak. [Extracted from the article]

The paper addresses the issue of the paradoxical impact on religious fundamentalism within intergroup relations. In particular, the present study tested how the presence of beliefs of human nature as good (vs. evil) could serve as a moderating factor on the association between religious fundamentalism and outgroup hate. The results from two correlational studies with Muslim participants (a majority group) targeting two outgroup minorities, (non‐Muslim) Chinese Indonesians (Study 1; N = 400) and Christians (Study 2; N = 183) showed that the positive association between religious fundamentalism and hate was attenuated when people believed that human nature is good instead of evil. Same pattern of results was obtained using an experimental design (Study 3, N = 154) from Muslim participants targeting Chinese Indonesians. The findings indicate a promising sign for a way to suppress the influence of religious fundamentalism on outgroup hate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores 'everyday' or 'vernacular' conceptions of Muslims, Islam and their relationship to 'British values'. Drawing on original data from focus groups in the East of England, it argues that the relationship is typically constructed around a series of binary pairings. Where Islam is held to be traditional, conservative, pious and outmoded, British values are seen as progressive, liberal, secular and modern. This opposition matters for three reasons. First, it is a contingent construction rather than reflection of realities; one that draws upon Orientalist tropes and militates against alternative ways of imagining this relationship. Second, it does important work at the vernacular level in explaining political dynamics, especially successful integration (because of British liberalism) and the failure thereof (because of Islam's traditionalism). Third, its predication on an essentialised claim of difference inflects even competing efforts to story the British values/Islam relationship which tend, we suggest, to reinforce the positioning of Muslims and their values as somehow beyond or external to Britishness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]