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David Graeber, a prominent economic and political anthropologist known for his daring theories and ethnography, passed away in 2020. He was a committed activist involved in anti-globalization and Occupy movements. Graeber's upbringing in a left-wing, union-sponsored housing complex in New York influenced his socialist and anarchist philosophy. Throughout his career, he made significant contributions to anthropology through his research, writings, and activism, leaving a lasting impact on the field. [Extracted from the article]

In the years immediately following the Spanish Civil War, the political culture of Falangism developed a deeply gendered regenerationist discourse, which proposed that regeneration would only be possible if the nation recovered its virile attributes. This article focuses on a case study that allows us to better understand this gendered conception of the nation in terms of virility: the discourse developed around the Spanish Romantic writers of the 1830s, a literary movement difficult to incorporate within conceptions of the virile nation. This gained prominence particularly because several centenaries associated with these writers occurred during the war and post‐war period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to illustrate how several emotional mechanisms very probably played some causal and presumably significant role during the revolution that took place in Catalonia between July 1936 and May 1937 within the framework of the Spanish Civil War. Beyond this specific case study, the article contributes to the discussion on the role of emotions in large‐scale collective action and the concept of enthusiasm. In this regard, it is argued that the analyzed case suggests hatred could be an emotional antecedent of enthusiasm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Everything is Possible: Antifascism and the Left in the Age of Fascism" by Joseph Fronczak explores the global antifascist movement of the 1920s and 1930s. Fronczak argues that people around the world came to see antifascism as a universal form of politics, with street battles between fascists and antifascists occurring in various cities. The book emphasizes the importance of street-level politics and the role of everyday people in shaping the antifascist movement. Fronczak also highlights the connection between antifascism and anticolonialism, as well as the transformation of antifascism into armed resistance during the Spanish Civil War. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses three recent books about George Orwell and his enduring relevance. The author emphasizes that Orwell was a product of a different time and place, with a unique class position and experiences in the British Empire. However, his works, such as Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four, continue to resonate with readers around the world, from Russia to India, as they grapple with the erosion of democratic values. The article also explores Orwell's personal life, including his experiences in Burma and the Spanish Civil War, as well as his relationships and health struggles. Overall, the books provide new insights into Orwell's life and work, shedding light on his significance as a writer and political thinker. [Extracted from the article]

The article presents the discussion on taking possession of, but an orgy of fantasies, projections, substitutions, displacements, even hallucinations. Topics include scorched flesh still smouldering, flaming heads, poorly done prison-like tattoos, words carved into necks, backs, torsos, faces, grotesque bodies; and cacophony of giblets, pigs' trotters, external colons and rectums, gummy eyes for nipples and imploded crepe-paper-like epidermises.

This article examines the evolution and transformation of female religious life in Spain under Franco's regime, which began after the Spanish Civil War in 1939 and ended with the dictator's death in 1975. During the dictatorship, the public stance towards Catholicism made consecrated religious life one of the potential social undertakings for women at that time. The Concordat of 1953 corroborated National Catholicism, and women religious abided by a heritage sanctioned by this ideology. The Second Vatican Council parted ways with this tradition, and some women religious reassessed their role as females and consecrated women in their society. This article analyses how the renewal doctrine of the Council was received in Spain, particularly regarding female religious life, revealing the commonalities and differences of opinions and practices resulting from the break with National Catholic schematism, as well as the first manifestations of renewal among women religious. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Populations are affected by shocks of different kinds, and wars, a priori, may be among the most prominent. This article studies the effect of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) shock on the distribution of population, especially on cities. One of the main contributions of this study is that it underlines the importance of distinguishing between winning and losing sides, an aspect which until now has been largely overlooked. While previous research on war shocks has also tended to be concerned with inter‐state wars, this paper concentrates on a civil war. We take advantage of a new, long‐term, annual data set. Our results show that, overall, the Spanish Civil War did not have a significant effect on city growth. However, we also find a significant and negative effect in the growth of cities that aligned themselves with the losing side. These results are robust to heterogeneity in the effect of the war shock, measured as war severity and duration. Although short lived, the temporary effect on growth results in a permanent effect on the size of cities on the losing side. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focusses on ongoing discussions about the place of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) and the Franco dictatorship (1939–75) in Spain's democracy. Following the suspension of Judge Baltasar Garzón by the Spanish Supreme Court in 2010, who had indicted General Francisco Franco (1892–1975) and thirty‐four accomplices under international law for committing crimes against humanity, a debate arose between leading intellectuals in Spain about the growing international influence on Spain's war past. This debate revealed that a group of influential left‐wing intellectuals attempted to curb the social and political influence of the citizens' memory movements. The author observes how this happened by applying three strategies: the foreign strategy, the nationalistic‐ethical strategy, and the saturation strategy. He concludes that the growing international pressure on Spain's handling of the Civil War and dictatorship led to a "Spanification" of the "culture of the transición" as a national memory, causing the memory movements to lose momentum and curbing the international influence on Spain's handling of its dictatorial past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Spanish civil war saw two different Liberal presidencies in Colombia. Contrary to common belief, they did not follow a unified policy towards Spain but instead faced different parameters for action which shaped their response. These policies, in turn, illuminate both the internal dynamics of the two administrations and how they conceived of Colombia's position on the world stage. By providing the national, international and wider structural contexts, this article will therefore use the Spanish conflict to shine a spotlight on the Santos and López governments and the development of Colombian foreign policy during the late 1930s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the edited volume "Anthropology of Violent Death: Theoretical Foundations for Forensic Humanitarian Action" by Parra and Ubelaker. The book explores how anthropologists and practitioners in related fields approach violent deaths in humanitarian crises. It argues against the idea that civilization leads to less brutality and suggests that anthropologists can help society understand and address violence. The book covers topics such as human identification, memorialization, legal frameworks, and the relationship between concealment and uncovering of the dead. It also emphasizes the importance of consulting with the bereaved and adopting a biocultural approach to forensic anthropology. While some chapters may be convoluted and the book could benefit from better editing, it provides valuable theoretical perspectives for forensic practitioners and can be used in graduate seminars. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores how during Spain's transition to democracy in the 1970s and 1980s, Francoist disabled veterans of the Spanish Civil War navigated the disappearance of formerly hegemonic historical narratives which had hitherto defined their relationship with the state. While for Republican disabled veterans of the Civil War, the transition brought a degree of legitimisation, political emancipation and financial recognition, for Franco's Caballeros Mutilados or 'Mutilated Gentlemen' the advent of democracy prompted a re‐evaluation of their wounds, their legitimacy and the privileges they had hitherto enjoyed. In the post‐dictatorship era, Francoist disabled veterans – who unlike Republican veterans, had enjoyed uncontested legitimacy under the regime – were viewed as inconvenient symbols of Francoism, and faced the challenge of preserving the legitimacy of their veteranhood in the age of democracy. In this sense, the case of the Francoist war disabled of the Spanish Civil War underscores the close link between historical memory and the well‐being of the veterans of civil wars. While post‐civil war governments often privilege certain disabled bodies over others, this is a precarious privilege that remains vulnerable to political fluctuations over time, as well as the shifting relationship between army, nation and state. In such cases, the ability of disabled veterans' groups to adapt to changing perceptions of their right to support is crucial to the preservation of their veteranhood, as well as their ability to advocate for improved circumstances more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the close of Spanish Civil War (1936–39) a dictatorship was installed by Francisco Franco which saw his narrative of the conflict embedded in the landscape of an ideologically divided nation through monuments and mass graves. The dictatorship was followed by the period of Transition (1975–81) whereby amnesty was negotiated leaving the crimes of the past ensconced in private memory. The recent wave of exhumations of mass graves aim to shed light on the hidden buried world containing legacies of Spain's recent past. This paper examines the experiences of participants in exhumations with expertise in the disciplines of history, archaeology, forensics, and psychology. It contrasts their narratives of silence and lack of awareness about Spain's mass graves with the work of exhuming the Disappeared, understood by members of the exhumation movement as a pedagogical mechanism of social memory that operates through the resignification of the dead as a counternarrative of the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The everyday difficulties faced by working‐class women, including access to food, are aggravated in critical periods, such as wars and economic crises. However, the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) was accompanied by a revolution, in the Republican zones, where women opened spaces for their emancipation. By examining social reproduction practices surrounding food in Barcelona during the years 1936–1939, we contribute to critical research on food sovereignty in the urban contexts. Our core findings inform the role of women in food provision and production, through individual subsistence agriculture, involvement in Barcelona's anarcho‐syndicalist agricultural collective, as well as in agriculture education and training programmes. Our research is based on original archival data, historical press and interviews with witnesses of the war. We conclude that revolutionary and transformative actions, including current food sovereignty practices, need to make gender justice a central goal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The founder of Basque nationalism, Sabino Arana, wrote Libe. Melodrama dramático (a dramatic melodrama) in 1902. Arana placed the heroine 'Libe' in a medieval battle. She was created to convey what the role of Basque women should be in defending their Homeland. Arana died shortly after the script was published in 1903. His successors attempted to disseminate the play and publicise the character and meaning of Libe in the press and the theatre. This article analyses how Libe was presented in the nationalist press and the impact of the successive adaptations and performances of the play. It covers the treatment of female heroism in the nationalist press based on the theoretical framework provided in the research by Teresa del Valle, Mercedes Ugalde, Miren Llona and Nerea Aresti, all of whom have conducted in‐depth studies on the gender discourse of Basque nationalism. The article goes on to consider the scripts of the two plays featuring the Basque heroine Libe, together with the archives of the Basque nationalist press from the onset of the movement in 1895 until the outbreak of the Spanish civil war in 1936. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the history of Australian humanitarian efforts on behalf of child refugees within a transnational context. The author examines various conflicts and events, such as World Wars, the Armenian genocide, the Spanish Civil War, the Korean War, and the Vietnam War, and explores the role of individual humanitarians, many of whom were women. The article argues that despite international declarations on the rights of children, humanitarians continued to view children as vulnerable and disempowered. The article also highlights the intersection of migration, gender, race, and ethnicity in these humanitarian efforts, particularly in relation to the national imperatives of a White Australia. [Extracted from the article]

This article studies the long duration of the death penalty in Spain until its abolition in the Constitution of 1978. After analysing the plurality of theoretical approaches and possibilities offered by archival sources and specialised historiography (particularly those produced by specialists in the history of law and social history), I synthesise the Spanish answers to the major questions posed in the international historiographical debate on this issue. I then review the formality and the religious and juridical content of these "ceremonies of torment" in order to understand the scope of the practice of the death penalty in processes of social change: what did political power transmit from the scaffolds and what type of social impact was generated by public executions? How did the institutions that exercised the death penalty evolve? Why, during the transition from the Old Regime to the liberal state, was the death penalty used more regularly than before? How many prisoners were in fact executed, for what crimes, and using what procedures and techniques? Finally, after confirming that in the decades straddling the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the death penalty was on the decline, being counteracted by abolitionist discourse in the field of penal sentencing, I examine the functions played by political executions in the repressive dynamics of the Civil War and Francoism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the importance of military factionalism in a nonconsolidated democracy: the Spanish Republic (1931–9). It builds a new micro‐dataset for over 11,000 officers during the Spanish Civil War (1936–9) to study how professional and economic interests created divisions within the military and influenced officers' allegiances during the war. Results confirm that distributional conflicts influenced officers' decisions in Republican‐controlled territories: officers who gained from military reforms in the years before the civil war and those with more rapid promotions in the months predating the war were more likely to remain loyal to the government. This article also explores the behavioural determinants of officers' propensity to rebel and finds that hierarchy mattered, as senior officers influenced subordinates' choices of side. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the human technology of affect in excavation work in contemporary Spain. While the government continues to avoid addressing crimes committed during the Civil War and the subsequent dictatorship, many Spaniards have taken it upon themselves to address the past. The setting is in Abánades, a right-wing pueblo destroyed in battle that rebuilt itself through the collecting and selling of battlefield scrap metal. Whereas some archaeologists and heritage managers view the pueblo's obsession with bombs and bullets as strange, I show how the pueblo's deep affection ( cariño) for war materials challenges singular narratives of understanding the past. By examining the discovery and care of these materials through sensorial tools - what I call salvage technologies - we can probe the affective mechanics involved in how knowledge of the past is intimately produced and actively challenged in Spain today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although heavily studied, researchers have barely examined the social and cultural aspects of the Spanish Civil War. The aim of this article is to contribute to the sociocultural history of the war by reintroducing the cultural elements into the analysis. By taking them together with social and political factors, it provides a more complex outlook on the conflict. To reach these goals, this study examines the experience of those who were on the front line and those who remained in the rearguard. The first part explores soldiers' conditions on the front line and their connection with the rearguard. The second section analyses the role played by cultural elements among combatants and civilians. Finally, special attention is paid to the influence of violence on the soldiers' and civilians' experience of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reginald Saxton gave many hundreds of transfusions to the shocked casualties and developed and deployed one of the first mobile transfusion units. The REMAP-CAP trial for hospitalised patients will re-open to test the use of convalescent plasma in immunocompromised patients and also to trial different does of monoclonal antibodies in seronegative patients. We bring together many articles from several important themes, including Patient Blood Management and COVID-19, and take the opportunity to look both backwards and forwards at transfusion medicine. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the role played by female British activists campaigning on behalf of the Republican government in the Spanish Civil War. Histories of the response of Britons to events in Spain have focused overwhelmingly on men, and when women’s activities have been explored, little consideration has been given to how gender affected their engagement. This article considers the varying ways British women mobilised their gender identities to participate in the war effort, and how becoming involved influenced the perceptions they held of their own female subjectivities. Through analysing contemporary coverage of the war along with personal testimonies, memoirs and oral interviews, it considers how they justified their participation and how they depicted themselves and their Spanish female counterparts. Drawing upon a range of historical and psychoanalytic methodologies to assess the material, this article demonstrates that the women who took part in the conflict held a complex and sometimes paradoxical view of their gendered subjectivities, yet overall their participation contributed to the sense of a gendered and transnational solidarity that was emerging during this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates whether political violence has long-term effects on attitudes toward political participation. This is an interesting topic because public engagement and social capital play a crucial role in shaping the economy and democracy. We exploit a recent survey on the 1936-1939 Spanish Civil War to shed light on this question. Our findings indicate that being a member of a family that suffered violence during the Civil War is related to a higher interest, knowledge and engagement in politics. These results stand in stark contrast to the common expectation that political violence leads to lower public engagement, while they are consistent with other studies focusing on the short-term consequences of civil conflicts. Therefore, the legacy of political violence, far from creating political apathy, may be the higher involvement of citizens in politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the critical role of workers to enhance the resilience of water supply services in cities at war through analyzing the case of Madrid and the Madrid water company Canales del Lozoya during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). We argue that securing the protection of vital urban flows mediated through infrastructures is a key objective of cities under attack. In doing so we contend that examining how those affected by the interruption of these flows cope with the situation represents a valuable but largely neglected form of water management. We illustrate how quotidian knowledge about the urban geography of water flows may have important repercussions for the war effort itself. In a nutshell, the case of Madrid offers an early account of the critical role of water workers in sustaining 'urban ecologies under fire' securing the complex urban metabolism while also contributing to the struggle against invading forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to classic interpretations of the communist revolutions, political mobilization of peasantry was critical for the success of the revolutionary forces. This article, which reexamines the experience of civil wars in Russia, Finland, Spain, and China, argues that peasants' contribution to the revolutions in Russia and later in China became possible under two historical conditions: breakdown of state authorities during the mass mobilization wars and existence of an unresolved agrarian problem in the countryside. Neither of these conditions alone, as the experience of other countries has shown, was sufficient for a success of the revolutionaries. The Spanish civil war of 1936-1939, for instance, was not preceded by a major international war. Because institutions of the traditional social order had not been undermined by war, Franco was able to defeat the Popular Front government, despite the peasants' support of the revolution. In the Finnish civil war of 1918, which broke out in the wake of World War I and the Russian Revolution, state institutions did not collapse completely and the peasantry was divided in their responses to the revolution; the rural smallholders, for example, aligned with the Mannerheim's White army, not with the urban revolutionaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 2005 and 2007 archaeologists and anthropologists excavated the burial site of more than four hundred bodies, people who died or were killed during and soon after the Spanish Civil War and Post-War Repression. This article presents an analysis of eight mass graves. Evidence from these graves strongly suggests that the bodies are those of victims of extrajudicial killings during a purge from a transition period between the end of the war and the beginning of a more controlled, though brutal, postwar repression (1940-42). Although our work was not part of a formal medicolegal investigation, we argue that the context warranted such and the approach used in this and similar situations should be forensic. We also suggest that forensic practitioners go further in their interpretation than we have seen in past exhumations to include the incorporation of multiple lines of evidence, reflecting holistic archaeological and anthropological practice and expertise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More than 150,000 executions took place during and soon following the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939)-many without any judicial proceedings and mostly of noncombatants. As a result of disinterested postwar governments, nongovernmental organizations-representing families of victims-have insisted on finding the graves and exhuming the dead for identification and repatriation. This study examines skeletal gunshot trauma patterns from three extrajudicial mass execution sites and compares them with trauma of those from a postwar prison site, where victims were given more formal legal proceedings. Chi-square tests of cranial and postcranial trauma show that the latter is significantly more common at the postwar site. Further study of evidence from these sites will help ascertain circumstances of death and will help bring a measure of justice to victim families, even if future governments continue to deny official investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crimes perpetrated against Spanish civilians during the Spanish Civil War (1936-39), and under Franco's regime (1939-75), are considered within some quarters as constituting a Spanish holocaust (Preston 2012), leaving in its wake innumerable clandestine burials within the mainland and island territories. However, there existed afterward a situation in which no retribution was made available for those who survived the turmoil, and likewise for the families of the victims, leaving a section of the Spanish population without access to means of a process of transitional justice. Investigations into the extrajudicial killings, and the recovery and identification of remains via the application of forensic anthropology did not come about until 2000, when a scientific approach to finding the disappeared was applied. Within the last decade and up to 2012, forensic anthropology has aided in the recovery of thousands of skeletal remains, albeit under difficult and far from ideal circumstances; the exhumation of a common grave located in Izagre, León province, and the subsequent attempt to identify the recovered victims will be presented as an example of the difficulties encountered. The exhumation and biological profiling of the victims has created a positive outcome within many families and some areas of society; nevertheless, at present, the dire economic situation of the country has caused the cessation of field or laboratory work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates on the total or partial privatization of water usually follow the rationale that efficient and rational management is best left to the private sphere. In this paper and using a historical example, we attempt to assess critically this assumption arguing that efficiency and rationality in resource management are and have been an asset of collective management as well. We present the case of the Barcelona Water Company, run by its workers during the Spanish Civil War, to illustrate how in certain cases, gains in economic efficiency and rational management that had been impossible to accomplish under standard private management, were achieved by collective action. Workers management during this period not only improved efficiency and rationality but to a large extent did so also procuring equity and fairness in the provision of water to the citizens of Barcelona despite the harsh conditions brought about by the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many researchers have been working in Spain to document the communal graves of those assassinated during the Spanish Civil War. This article shows the results obtained with two low-cost photogrammetric techniques for the basic documentation of forensic studies. These low-cost techniques are based on single-image rectification and the correction of the original photo displacement due to the projection and perspective distortions introduced by the lens of the camera. The capability of image rectification is tested in an excavation in the village of Loma de Montija ( Burgos, Spain). The results of both techniques are compared with the more accurate data obtained from a laser scanner system RIEGL LMS-Z390i to evaluate the error in the lengths. The first technique uses a camera situated on a triangle-shaped pole at a height of 5 m and the second positions the camera over the grave using a linearly actuated device. The first technique shows measurement errors less than 6%, whereas the second shows greater errors (between 8% and 14%) owing to the positioning of the carbon-fiber cross on an uneven surface. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the issue theme of anarchist geography, noting the history of the discipline in relation to anarchist activism. Topics include the role of anarchists in Spain's Civil War, a September 1984 anarchist gathering in Venice, Italy, and radical pedagogy. Also addressed are the creation of alternative structures as part of resistance movements, and the relation between anarchist theory and practices. Activities of anarchist leaders including Sam Dolgoff, Colin Ward, and Ken Reardon are noted.

This article explores relationships between sport and the construction and expression of collective identities in the Basque Country of northern Spain. It focuses on the period between the restoration to the Bourbon monarchy in 1876 and the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War sixty years later, which was transitional in economic, social and political terms, with pockets of rapid industrialization and the rise of Basque nationalism. It identifies three kinds of relevant sporting cultures: the traditional, local and popular; the adaptive traditional which embraced the new worlds of commercialised leisure; and the imported codified sports, whether elite or commercial, from lawn tennis to football. A key conclusion is that, here as perhaps elsewhere, the new sporting cultures did more to divide the Basques than to unite them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an analysis of the libertarian collectivizations created during the Spanish civil war (1936-1939). The examination of this historical experience is relevant to social psychology, industrial psychology, and political psychology. The structure, organization, and internal functioning of the collectivizations are described and an explanation is given to account why this collectivistic movement is widely ignored in the literature. Some possible implications of this anarchist experience both for the current organization of industry and society as well as for research on the individualism-collectivism dimension are suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chronicles how military surgeon Norman Bethune brought refrigerated blood in quantity to the front lines in the Spanish Civil War in 1936. Involvement at the Republican Army Transfusion Service in Madrid, Spain; Story of how Bethune organized the collection and transport of refrigerated blood; Appointment of Bethune as head of the transfusion service; Major Contributions of Bethune to transfusion medicine.

The denominational differences between American and British relief workers in the Spanish Civil War are not immediately obvious, and cannot be identified by simple reference to the ideologies of the societies with which they claimed allegiance. This is both because orthodox American Quakerism and the theology of the London Yearly Meeting were very similar in the first half of the twentieth century, and because, when we attempt to compare the two groups, we are not comparing like with like. Those who worked for the (British) Friends Service Council (FSC) – and they came from a number of countries – were representing the witness of the London Society of Friends. Those who worked for the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) were representing only the theology of that committee. In the 1920s the denominational identities of the American Quakers were beginning to settle into patterns which we recognize in the twentieth century. As part of this settlement American Quakers tentatively agreed to cooperate in matters of relief, a cooperation which produced the AFSC. However, in order to walk the precarious tightrope of interdenominational tension, the AFSC was forced to develop its own independent identity and its own distinctive character. While the AFSC is not a denomination in the usual sense of the word, it is possible to see it as possessing its own culture and theologies. It has a cohesiveness that allows us to compare practice and belief with that of the FSC where it is not possible to make a comparison between American and British workers in this context – in part, because very few of the “British” in Spain were actually British – nor to compare the British and American Societies. This paper will attempt, through focusing on the place of the Peace Testimony in the relief work in which the two sets of Friends were engaged, to indicate the differences of theology and practice displayed by the two “denomin... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For much of the twentieth century, the War Resisters League (WRL) has offered a "socialist" pacifist critique of the existing world order and capitalistic system. Virtually alone among the secular Left in America, the WRL repudiated the use of armed violence to promote class war, advance social revolution, and defeat fascism during the Spanish Civil War. Unlike international wars, which it considered the product of capitalist rivalries and power politics, the League viewed the Spanish conflict as a class war/social revolution and championed a nonviolent social revolution and Republican victory. Also, WRL members both played a prominent role the Socialist Party (SP) debate over the Spanish conflict and formulated a pacifist critique of the SP and those radicals who embraced armed defense and armed social revolution in Spain. Largely unknown, this socialist pacifist current comprises an important alternative vision in the American socialist tradition, and one with continued relevance to nonviolent social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the May 29, 1999 Raymond Williams Memorial Lecture, delivered by critic Christopher Hitchens at Hay-on-Wye, England. The views of writers George Orwell and Raymond Williams in relation to the Spanish Civil War, the trials of non-Stalinist communists in Spain, and Williams's views on English culture.

This article is concerned with the slow erosion of traditional legal and social practices under the impact of industrialisation and of modernisation of farming in a rural district of Northern Catalonia (Spain) in the period following the Spanish Civil War (1936-39). In the early 1940's the economy of the area was agrarian in character and the stem family, tied to a system of impartible inheritance, was the typical domestic and residential arrangement. When in the early 1960's industrialisation set in and many peasants left their farmsteads to migrate to town in search of new economic opportunities, family form was bound to change. Through a survey of over 500 cases of marriage, the paper examines the process of family transformation stressing the resilience of the stem family which, although a decaying institution in the modern conditions, has adapted well to the new situation both in the farming and the urban area of the rural district, in the absence of legal regulations specifically designed to update it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author reflects on social inequality in Great Britain and other countries. He states that inequality poses setbacks against effective communication and cites the case of Britain in which social gaps were allowed to grow on a higher level. He also tells that British ministers became relaxed on the matter of wealth distribution. Moreover, he quotes the statements of author George Orwell on his experiences in Barcelona, Spain during the Spanish civil war in 1936.

The article focuses on the Barcelona Blood Transfusion Service, created by Doctor Frederic Duran i Jorda, supported by the Ministry of Health of the Spanish Republica, during the Spanish Civil War from 1936-1939. Topics addressed include amount of blood collected as a result of blood donations, and features of the donor card created by the Service.

A correction to the article entitled "'A Spanish Housewife is Your Next Door Neighbour': British Women and the Spanish Civil War," by Roseanna Webster, which appeared in the Volume 27, Number 2, 2015 issue, is presented.

The article focuses on contributions of doctor and physician Norman Bethune to blood transfusion in war including the development of mobile transfusion services during the Spanish Civil War and his serving as a surgeon for the communist forces in the second Sino-Japanese war.