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The article provides information on result of British referendum's membership decision with European Union and its impact on single European financial market. Topics discussed include implications of Brexit for Great Britain and its financial industry, safeguards security given by the British government for European Union (EU), and responsiveness on international financial crisis. It further discusses British influence on EU financial regulation, support from Brexit campaign, and integration of the single market.

The article provides information on Eurozone Governance in 2016 and its association with Italian Banking Crisis, Fiscal Flexibility and Brexit. Topics discussed include considerable uncertainties aroused due to Great Britain's referendum vote to leave the European Union (EU), political developments in Greece and Italy, and conciliatory approach of international creditors. It further presents information on establishment of privatization fund for selling state assets, debt relief, and political agreement.

This essay discusses the drift toward European disunion in the wake of the Athens Spring and its repression, through the Brexit vote, the French elections, and the new political context of the administration of Donald Trump. I argue that certain dynamics of division, rooted in the creditor-debtor relationship, apply both to Europe and to the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a result of Brexit, China faces both enormous economic challenges and political uncertainties in future relations with its largest trading partner, the EU. But while the UK's vote to leave creates an unexpected dilemma for the Chinese leadership, whose EU policy focuses largely on gaining vast market access, it also presents a rare opportunity for China to harness its policy instruments and diversify its initiatives to pursue its economic goals with European partners. As a pre-condition to achieving the desired outcome, however, Beijing will need to untangle its foreign policy decision-making processes. Against this backdrop, the author will illuminate post-Brexit Sino-British relations and reflect on the possible impacts of Brexit upon future relations between Beijing and Brussels. A second section will analyse the very complex foreign policy making mechanism in Beijing in terms of its economic policy goals with the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a historic referendum, Britain has voted to leave the European Union. Some of the polling suggests that a backlash against globalisation played a role, alongside themes such as sovereignty and immigration. The government has insisted that Britain will maintain its global outlook, but how challenging will that be in the face of disengaging from the world's biggest economic entity and forging a novel path? The UK is doing so with some notable weaknesses in its large trade deficit. This article explores the economic uncertainties of Brexit and potential ways forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article cautions against the naïve use of predictive techniques by homelessness service providers. Prediction is hard and may be impossible. Prediction does not automatically lead to socially optimal assignments. On the other hand, mechanism design, which does not rely on top-down predictions, can be used to good effect. Moreover, fairness counts as well as optimality-and may be easier to achieve. I use examples from fire service, central banking, police patrol, tax auditing, art, finance, soup kitchens and cadaveric organ allocation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT In June 2016, UK voters decided in a referendum to leave the European Union. This outcome, known as Brexit, is in part the result of the Labour Party's having abandoned its traditional supporters in the postindustrial urban heartlands of Britain. Meanwhile, the Far Right has revealed its potential to radically disrupt liberal-democratic norms. Cleverly disguised, the racism of the populist right-wing UK Independence Party challenges the taken-for-granted ideals of what counts, at the beginning of the 21st century, as a progressive society. The British political spectrum has shifted to the right, as class politics have been reconfigured into a new form of cultural nationalism. Disorientation is now the postindustrial condition common to UK society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Two themes, temporality and cosmopolitanism, repeatedly arose during conversations in Scotland with people who favored remaining in the European Union. The 2016 referendum's result in favor of leaving the European Union has affected how they think about their temporal trajectories and what they might do to maintain their cosmopolitan ideals, which are now deeply shaken. Both Scots and non-UK EU nationals living in Scotland must confront the uncertainty of what impact Brexit will have on the freedom of trade and movement. This uncertainty provokes a new set of anxieties, expectations, and speculations as they contemplate how these changes might affect them personally. They feel especially uncomfortable that cosmopolitanism has become entwined with the nationalist projects of both Edinburgh and London. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What should be the position of democrats in response to the Brexit referendum? Many urge a duty to accept the result. This article argues the contrary. If someone is a UK citizen, has a belief that leaving the European Union will be damaging to the common good of the UK and is a convinced democrat, then that person has a duty to oppose Brexit. Neither of the two principal reasons for accepting the result-a claim of popular sovereignty or of parliamentary sovereignty-imply a duty not to continue to oppose. Arguments from political equality for simple majority rule do not apply when the alternatives are ill defined. More generally, popular sovereignty presupposes and does not replace constitutional democracy, and in a parliamentary democracy there is always a continuing right to oppose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU referendum has raised questions about the nature of democracy, which is not just majority rule. It is wrong to claim that direct democracy has now replaced representative democracy, as Parliament is required to answer all the questions that the referendum did not. The conduct of the referendum reflected the worst aspects of Britain's political culture of sterile adversarialism. Both left and right have shared assumptions about governing that have made it difficult to develop a culture of democratic citizenship. The political system still reflects its pre-democratic origins (as in the survival of a House of Lords and the obsession with titles) and the role of money in politics represents a form of corruption. Institutional reforms depend for their success on the nurturing of a democratic culture, which is a task for many hands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how use of government resources to communicate with the public is a common source of controversy. Topics discussed how the Great Britain government was criticized by exit campaigners for the use of public resources to send a leaflet promoting the benefits of remaining within the European Union (EU) during the 2016 Brexit Referendum; and a framework to provide an objection to certain government communications that is rooted in an understanding of the democratic procedures.

The article focuses on what issues led the Great Britain to opt out from the European Union (EU). Topics discussed include the issues ranging from a hostility to migration, worry about the effects of trade agreements concluded by the EU like Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA); to critique of over-regulation and over-intervention; to concern about the defense of sovereignty.

This article analyses the political crisis faced by the centre-left, not just in the UK but throughout the Western world, with few exceptions (Canada). The Liberal Democrat party has been a victim of that crisis, though there are encouraging signs of recovery and there is scope for a wider realignment on the centre-left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attempts at a Labour-Liberal Democrat Progressive Alliance came to nothing prior to the 1997 general election. The original idea of progressivism, first mooted in Britain in 1896, was an American one. Suggestions for a progressive alliance in the UK came from Lloyd George in 1914, and then again in 1931, each time with little effect. Nothing emerged after 1945 until the Lib-Lab pact negotiated by Callaghan and Steel in 1977, which led to electoral misfortune for both and the rise and fall of the SDP. In 2010 a coalition between the Lib Dems (under Clegg) and the Conservatives was always much the more likely option. Most Labour people no longer saw the Lib Dems as a party of the left. The Coalition Agreement in 2010 showed the idea of an alliance to be a centrist, elitist one with little grass-roots support. Such an alliance would flourish through abstract pressure groups rather than popular democracy, especially with a Labour party led by Corbyn. In the US and the UK, progressivism went badly wrong in its politics: Theodore Roosevelt's New Nationalist campaign of 1912 divided American reformers fatally, as did Lloyd George's postwar Coalition in Britain after 1918. Now, even after Brexit, a progressive alliance seems further away than ever. The story of the 'Progressive Dilemma' remains one of unrealistic projects, invariably disappointed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Great Britain's exit from the European Union in 2016 and mentions the Brexit referendum in the county. Topics discussed include economic consequences of Brexit, immigration to Great Britain and sovereignty. Other topics which includes the country's population are also discussed.

This article discusses the early stages of the Art 50 TEU process, and those aspects that relate most clearly to British constitutional law. Its overarching theme is that the Brexit process is rendered highly problematic by the lack of any coherent conception of the British Constitution. Different parties settle on interpretations of constitutional law that support their case, but often there is no determinative answer. Three broad issues are examined in order to substantiate this claim: the EU Referendum, the triggering of Article 50, and the Devolution aspect of Brexit. I argue that each of these issues reveals tensions and competing constitutional interpretations that suggest that the British Constitution is ill-equipped to deal with Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the EU referendum we've been obsessed with the 'new fault lines' in British politics - at the expense, Sarah Birch suggests, of the mobilisational aspect of the vote. Turnout was high, young people were engaged and energised - and if these new voters return to the ballot box, they may change the complexion of UK politics for a generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the 1975 British European Communities (EC) membership referendum at which time a majority had voted to retain membership and compares its success to the failure of the 2016 Brexit referendum to continue membership of the European Union (EU). Additional topics discussed include former British Prime Minister Harold Wilson and David Cameron who were responsible for each of the referendums.

The article talks about Norway's relationship with the European Union and how it is relevant to Great Britain. Topics discussed include the 2016 Brexit referendum, Norway's close association with the EU without being a member of the union, and the issue of sovereignty that led to the decision for Britain to leave the EU.

The article discusses the impact on Northern Ireland due to Great Britain's withdrawal from the European Union. Topics discussed include lack of consent from Ireland for the withdrawal, the Good Friday agreement of 1998 that pledges cooperation between Ireland and Britain as partners in the European Union, and the probability of cross-border trade.

The article discusses some broad connections between the exit of Great Britain from the European Union (Brexit) and pluralism. Topics discussed include changes that will happen in Britain after the referendum being unclear, a possible fundamental remaking or dissolution of Britain, and the need for Britain to accept diverse forms of identity and citizenship.

The article discusses media coverage of Brexit. Topics discussed include British referendum in 2016, local reporting and democracy. Other topics which includes public opinion, social media and print media are also discussed. In addition, topics such as tabloid campaigning and impartiality in mass media including BBC is also mentioned.

John Curtice sketches out the polling data on the EU referendum question, and finds a nation divided. With the prime minister's negotiation demands now in the open, he asks, has Cameron set the bar too low to secure the support of his own party and his voters? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To the authors of the commentary [1], the negative outcome of the referendum seems rather disappointing. The Brexit referendum in the UK did not look much different, although the UK Independence Party and Brexit parties failed to build a political base after their singular goal was achieved. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the inter-related debates over Britain's relationship with the EU and that over the future of the UK. It argues that euroscepticism and Scottish independence are based on exceptionalist identities that now revolve around economic policy. Elite euroscepticism cleaves to a neoliberal vision of minimalist regulation, while advocates of Scottish independence claim Westminster's austerity policies make the British Union incompatible with social democracy. However, this presentation of the choice facing British voters ignores the serious contradictions that overhauling the current order entails. Both forms of exceptionalism fail to recognize the significant limitations of self-government outside and within the EU. If Conservatives can contain their neoliberal flirtation with EU withdrawal they are very well placed to prosper electorally. The dilemma of which union(s) to choose might thus constitute the prelude to the entrenchment of the economic and political order that gave rise to such contestation in the first place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Supreme Court of Great Britain decision regarding Brexit referendum and the replacement of law by diplomacy in economic relationships with the European Union (EU). Topics include EU membership, Great Britain's parliamentary sovereignty, and progressive liberalism.

REFERENCES 1 Governing Britain: Parliament, Ministers and our Ambiguous Constitution, by Philip Norton. On top of that, there has been what Norton has called elsewhere a "proactive and extensive" reform of the constitution, starting with Tony Blair's abolition of the hereditary peers in the House of Lords in 1999. Governing Britain: Parliament, Ministers and our Ambiguous Constitution, by Philip Norton. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses why the Brexit referendum of 2016 was a triumph of nostalgic democracy and a failure for democratic internationalism. Topics discussed include democratic autonomy requiring strong economic performance, the electoral system by which popular democratic control is qualified, and Great Britain's commitment to Ireland's peace process.

In this article, we look at the role of time and temporalities in migrant responses to the result of the 2016 European Union referendum in the United Kingdom, that is, Brexit. Although some attention has been paid to affective "first reactions" to Brexit, less is known about how it is negotiated in a longer perspective. Here, we recognise that responses to Brexit are dynamic and prone to change. Therefore, it is crucial to explore practical rationalising alongside emotional reactions as two different, but equally relevant, responses. Using the example of Finnish and Polish migrants to Scotland, we show that time is central to making sense of Brexit and is used to negotiate uncertainty about legal status and the right to remain. In doing so, we revisit a wider gap in geography scholarship, which continues to underappreciate the temporal dimension in migration research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]